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y.•*- Ti iV”- FnbiWM erory Tlniradar at East Liverpool. Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P.. owning and ^SStSTLaBertTHSerNUspapoTand Job Printing Plant tn the State. fntaNd Fbot Offloe, EsM~Livenool, Ohio. April 20, 1802, jewred-claw matter. Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postage provided for in Section 1109, Act of October 13, 1017, authorised August 20, 1018. CTfWSAI. nFFlOM. N. B. ef O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST.. BELL PHONE 578 HARRT I* GILL— WHitnr and Business Manager One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada----------- ---------------------------2.00 Fririihnt_____________________ M. Duffy, B®* 752*.F^t Fint Yica Fr—ideut—E.L. Wheatley, Boom 2 IS, Broad Street, National Bank Build- ■eeoBd Vice Hull, Sill Pacific Blvd., Huntinytan Park, Calif. Third Vice Provident James Slaven. Cannons Mills, East Liverpool,^ Ohio Foorth Vico President----- Chartas Zimmer. 1045 Ohio Avenue. Trenton 8, New Jersey fifth Vice President——Geerre Newbon. 847 Melrose Avenue, Trenton », New Jersey Sixth Vice President———George Turner, 180 W. Drury Lane, East Liverpool, Ohio Serna Pice President--------------5. J. Desmond,( E. Lincolri Way(.Minerva, Ohio Behth Vice President——. -—Joshua Chadv k, Grant Street, Newell, W. Va. fli ■etary Treasurer ——Chas. F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio I Truth Out About NAM You have read about the NAM—the national organiza tion which fostered and promoted the Taft-Hartley Act. This is what Alfred S. Cleveland, business consultant and lectur er at the University of California, has to say about the NAM, after a careful investigation of its history: “Since the turn of the century, the N. A. M. has not chang ed its basic objectives, which are: (1) to discourage organ ied labor (2) minimze taxes on industry and managerial compensation (3) oppose government regulation of indus try (4) encourage public aid in industry—if that does not conflict with the first three objectives.” In other words, the NAM policy is “everything for Big Business and nothing for labor and the public.” Cleveland, in his investigation, discovered that though the NAM has many members who are enlightened and for ward-looking, they have no voice whatever in the direction or in setting the policies of the organization. It is run by 125 large corporations, who actually represent less than one per cent of its membership. The basses of the NAM control it so carefully that, says Cleveland, at conventions, “conflicting points of view are either suppressed or quickly compromised into meaning less platitudes.” Cleveland does not go into the smelly scandals in which NAM was involved during the Woodrow Wilson administra tion, nor does he discuss the activities of its lobbyists in Washington, D. C. Yet, he hammers home the fact, which we have often suspected, that it is strictly controlled by the big felloes, and that it hates Labor above all else. V Another "Gold Strike" On Broadways A recent Labor editorial commented on two plays on the legitimate stage—“Harvey” and “Oklahoma”—which for years have been piling up profits for their authors, and for the men who “grub-staked” these ventures when they were long-shot gambles. Now comes perhaps the most surprising illustration of the fact that there’s gold on Brodway if you are fortunate enough to locate it. For more than 5,600 consecutive days and nights, ever since July 6, 1933, an old-time “temperance” melodrama, bearing the spectacular title of ‘The Drunkard, or The Fallen Saved”, has been “packing them in” a New York City the ater. About 2,000,000 people have seen this show in the 15 years it has been “running.” In this “revival” of an old play dramatizing the evils of the “Demon Rum”, a mustached villian tries to get the hero’s estate, by leading him to a drunkard’s grave. The audience hisses, and cheers when the villain, in the end, is /.Toiled”—as everyone from the beginning knew he would be. At the first performance in 1933, only six showed up in the audience. Then the play “took hold” and its popular ity steadily increased. Half the original cast of 20 are still performing, and some of them have literally “grown gray while in this one show. Other actors and actresses in “The Drunkard” have come and gone, and here’s a real heart-throb, 34 of them l^ve married each other. Who Gets The Income? U Who gets our vastly increased national income? How well is it being distributed among the people? Recent fig ures made public by the Federal Reserve Board have been interpreted by some of the eastern economists to indicate that the average American family’s status has improved measurably in the last year. Here is what the figures show: individuals whose in comes top $7,5(10 a year and who comprise eight per cent of the income receivers, got 30 per cent of the national in come. At the bottom of the pile, the 13 per cent of the wage-earners who received less than $1,000 in 1917 got only two per cent of the total pie. Yet, here are a few things the figures show: the number of people in the lowest brackets is decreasing. The average wage for the average earner is getting larger. The Federal Reserve Board, however, did not discuss the most important factor of all—prices. If it had done so, its figures would have proved conclusively that the aver age wage earner has lost ground if his income is considered in terms of real wages, or what the dollar will buy. The fig ures prove, surely, that even our increased wages, paid in inflated dollars, have not nearly kept pace with advancing prices, or profits. Corporations Could Do It The large corporations of the nation are in a position to do the deflating job that needs to be done. They have enough power to do it. They are in a financial jiosition to do it. But then! is no indication they’re in a mood to do it. Their quest is for enormous profits—not for economic stability. In the long run, of course, they’ll cut their own financial throats--unless th y do everything in their power to bring about a better balance between wages and profits. Glib talk won’t do the job. Neither will attempts to place the blame for inflation on others. Neither will charges that “laljor is trying io destroy the profit system.” If the job is done, business and industry must break their bad port-war habit of gouging the consumer. There may be a more polite work than “gouging” that we could use. but we know none that is more factual. a*** .. hi JOURNAL OF */. -'A na naaonal bbotbebmood of operattvb pom ........... ... Mid BIST UVBBFOCX TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE ___ ___M. J. LYNCH. W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALE char F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN, ERNEST TORRENCM CmNA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE MaanfactuM_____ B- K- KOOS, H. M. WALKER. W. A BETZ MMroirowww wigRT CLARK, DAVID BEA VAN, CHAS. JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE ROBERT DIETZ. Sr., W. A. BETZ, RAT BROOKES Msgadfaato—, 2~Z'jAME8 SLAVEN, OSCAR SWAN, fepSE STEWART L. Candidates And Platforms’ Party platforms being what they are, we are not unduly excited over the one adopted by the Republican convention in Philadelphia. Experience has taught us that political planks are made of cardboard and that there are as many interpretations of campaign pledges as there are ways to skin a cat. As trade unionists wears, of course, interested in the labor planks of the Republican platform. They are as wishy washy as can be, ranging from a pledge for “continuing study to improve labor-management relations in the light of experience and changing conditions” to the pious statement that “collective bargaining is an obligation as well as a right and government’s chief function in this field is to pro mote good will, encourage cooperation and be impartial, preventing violence and requiring obedience to all law by all parties involved.” Everybody, from rabid NAM agitator to muddle-headed reformer, can safely subcribe to this dribble. But when the platform mentions “a sensible reform of the labor law’r as one of the accomplishments of the 80th Congress, we like to recall that the Republican Presidential nominee, Thomas E. Dewey, has never publicly stated his views on that “great accomplishment,” the Taft-Hartley Act. It is also true that Mr. Dewey has been consistently friendly to organized labor as the powerful Carpenters Coun cil of New York points out, he successfully opposed enact ment of a little Taft-Hartley law in his state last year. The labor record of Dewey’s teammate, Gov. Earl Warren of California, is equally good. American trade unionists will do well to consider these facts while weighing the claims of both Republican and Democratic candidates for administrative power. Dismal Defeat Of Taft One of the outstanding developments at the recent Re publican convention in Philadelphia was the dismal defeat of Ohio’s wealthy Senator Taft. Taft got only the Illinois dele gation, a part of his home state’s delegates and a few south ern votes. After one flash in the pan, he was through—for good. Even the stuffed shirts who occupied many of the delegates’ seats and who bleated their pleasure when has been politicians cracked at Organized Labor, were afraid to make him the choice of the elephant. Perhaps some of the recent congressional primary campaigns, where men who voted for the Taft-Hartley Act were soundly spanked, had something to do with the anti-Taft jitters. In a Way, many Labor^ leaders are disappointed, iney would have liked to fight Taft. They wanted an oppOrtun iw7 wiser leaders of Republican party knew better than to let him be nominated. ,We have no quarrel with Taft as an individual. He is entitled to believe what he pleases. It is only as a senator and a lawmaker that he is dangerous to the working people and to the nation. Undoubtedly he is honest and sincere: he believes Labor Unions should be crippled so that they can not represent properly their memberships. And strangely enough, such honest and sincere bigots have, down through the ages, been the most terrible of all the enemies of the people. ity to show him how they fed about his pet law. But the to -the Reassuring Words From Canada Among so many “war scare” stories, it is reassuring to read some words spoken in the Canadian Parliament by a man who is in a position to know the facts about the situa- Brooke Claxton has a distinguished and & now the Dominion’s Minister of Defense. George R. Pearkes, a retired general, declared in the House of Commons that Canada is spending little on its armed forces, is leaving its defense to Uncle Sam, and, as a result, is open to “sudden attack” by Russia. Claxton ridiculed that statement. Emphasizing that, as defense chief, he has the “best available information” on the subject, he said: Russian troops obviously cannot march into Canada by land. Attack by sea is highly “improbable,” because Russia has almost no navy. That leaves only the air. To carry even one Russian division, less than 20,000 men, to Canada, 1,000 big four-engined airplanes would be required. “I doubt Russia has 1,000 planes of that type,” Claxton said. Anyway, “the sole result would be that the planes would be lost, and the troops who landed would also be lost. The advantages to Russia would be nil.” If Claxton is right, an attack on the United States is still less likely, because this country is much stronger than Canada and much farther from Russia. It's Getting Worse The prices-wages situation reminds us of that little dog in our neighborhood who spends a lot of time chasing his tail. He gets out in the front yard and goes around and around and around. He makes a lot of noise. But he never catches his tail. H’s a tiresome performance—but not a bit more tire some than this business of getting a pay cut nearly every time you turn around) It’s happened in 18 of the 21 months that have passed since OPA was killed. Each increase in prices equals a cut in pay (as if you didn’t know it). The cost of living has gone up in all but six of the 24 months of the post-OPA period, according to Gov ernment figures. And there’s every indication prices will rise again—per hap rather sharply—between now and the end of the year. ’Phis would cut into the wage hikes the unions have been securing in an effort to regain the,lost purchasing power resulting from previous price increases. Where—and when—will it end? Nobody seems to know when, but there’s fairly general agreement as to where. It will end in an economic crash and another terrible depression unless something is done to change the trends. They Won But Lost Some 6000 persons went to the jiolls in an election out in Illinois recently and nearly 5000 of them voted in favor of the proposal placed before them. You would call that a smashing victory, under ordinary circumstances. But the circumstances weren’t ordinary. A union was involved, and usual democratic procedures weren’t followed, thanks to the Taft-Hartley Act. Some' 10,600 workers were given an opportunity to vote on a union shop proposal but only about 6000 showed up at the polls. The votes of these 60Q0 should have settled the issue—but they didn’t. The “on” votes of those who cast ballots were, in ef fect, added to the “votes” of those who didn’t go to the polls. This total was larger than the “yes” vote—and so the union shop issue lost. T-H says a majority of all employes affected—not just those voting—is necessary to approve the union shop. It’s a bit like playing a fellow who has loaded dice. THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL OHIO A® ver. jo*/ -f k WHY WASTE TIME?’ 5 —. constantly reviled and slandered by little people, who are even more' T./t rr" .g c]f.contained and sure enough of his own beliefs that he has time By RUTH TAYLOR W U fl tl ft »IHMI Are you touchy? When you meet a man do you instinctively ask' yourself, “I wonder what he thinks about me?” Do other peoples opinions of you absorb much of your thinking time? There was a teacher I once knew, who used to say: “There are very few people who are mean intentionally. When people are mean, it is merely that they are afraid. Frightened people don’t think clear ly. They lash out at anyone and everything. And, if you are sure of' yourself, you will have only pity for them.” Dewey On Griddle For Opposition To School Funds The biggest man I know is a living example of that truth. He is sUirbe(j when they find he has no hatred for them, only kindness. He- understand the other man’s problems. ........ x’--to And therein lies the secret of his success and of the devotion he inspires in those who know him. He takes the trouble to- understand what it is they are trying to do—and why. He does not assume he knows their motives. He is too big to ever be petty or to hold a grudge, though he will fight to the last ditch for a cause in which he believes, or for a friend—or an enemy—in trouble. Most people are not interested in problems. They are interested only in their own situations. If we could once realize that, we would not continuously be seeing insults where no insults exist, or misinter pret actions and speech to our own detriment. For time spent on1 worrying what people will think is that much time wasted. We should remember that as our own difficulties are more important to us than to others, so are theirs to tehm. i Men hate each other because they do not understand each other. The more men know about their neighbors, either in shop or store, in street or in state—the less will they hate each other, and the better will they work together for the common good. I know I preach on that too often. But it is the secret of al! human relations. It is the only key to better conditions either in union*: problems, in labor-management relations, in national affairs, and in^ World crises. And it all goes back to the individual. Only as you con-’ slder the other man’s side of thq situation^ oi^y as you recognize that*, he looks at his side first, can you grow big enough to overlook- pett-F iness and apparent meanness (remembering that, almost invariably, it is caused by panic), and can*you see clearly enough to arrive at a.l jujst solution. ’Thousands of years ago there was a Greek prayer which said jukt’thiA May I win no victory that harms me or my opponent. May I never fail St friend in danger. May I respect myself. May 1 always keep tame' that wmeh rages within me. May I accustom myself to be gentle and! never be angry because of circumstances. The excitement startl'd when a delegate read to the 3500 NEA leaders a column by Drew Pearson, in which he quoted Dewey at the June governors’ conference in New Hampshire. According to Pearson, Dewey called for a closed session at which the heads of the states were urged to conduct “a publicity campaign” against the teachers. Dewey’s press secretary wired his denial to the convention. Pear son then wired the delegates that on June 20 he talked to Dewey in Philadelphia. “At that time, columnist insisted, “He repeated to me the same general ideas he had expressed at the governors’ confer ence at Portsmouth, even referring to the teachers’ lobby as ‘damnable blackmail and Hitler’s tactics.’ I have talked to Dewey twice about teachers’ salaries and while I have high regard for him on most other issues he has not been able to sec that the education of American youth is more important then bal ancing a state budget.” Delegates, over-riding an increas ingly nervous leadership who fig ure they may have to deal with Dewey in the White House during the coming four years, insisted on wiring President Truman and Dewey, asking their views on fed eral aid to edcuation and specifi cally querying Dewey on the Pear son charge. Truman replied, citing his record urging federal aid to education, and wa ning that “Unless the fed eral go vernment comes to the aid of tbo states in meeting educational needs there is danger of a serious breakdown in our system of edu cation.” Dewey, outside of a denial by a spokes i nan of the renewed Pear sdn charges, didn’t reply to NEA query about his views school funds. 4$* Captive Miners Stay Out While Injunction Pends to Cleveland (LPA)—Delegates the Nat’l Education convention here last week worked up a fine state of indignation over presiden tial candidate Thomas E. Dewey’s views on teachers who lobby for school funds. the on Washington (LPA)—Nearly 55, 000 bituminous coal miners, em ployees of the steel trust’s captive mines, were idle this week while* United Mine Workers lawyers andi( NLRB General Counsel Robert N. Denham prepared to argue the gov ernment’s injunction request before!* Judge T. Alan Goldsborough. Most of the captive pits are in. Pennsylvania and West Virginian During part of last week another 25,000 miners in the area missed-‘ some working time, out of “sym-» pathy” with the steel company em ployees, and as the usual aftermath) of the Fourth of July vacation? They were not on strike, and unions oficials have asked them to re turn to work. Unlike other recent government interventions by injunction in coal the disputes, this one is based upon an “unfair labor practice” charge. Up till now the government has re sorted to the “emergency provin sions” of the Taft-Hartley law. The steel barons, thru Denham *, are saying that because UMW’ President John L. Lewis and other mine workers’ officials have refus-. »d to sign non-Communist affi-i davits and submit to NLRB union shop authorization elections the union has no right to a secur ity contract. Buy Union-Made goods from others as you would have them pay Union wages unto you!x Thursday, July 15, 1948 Candidate Dewey To Face Congress Murderers Row In the days of Babe Ruth, the top of the New York Yankees’ bat ting order was known as Murderers’ Row because of a habit of knock ing opposing pitchers out of the box. Assuming that a’ completely re-tooled and souped-up Tom Dewey, equipped with modest butterfly eyes and a broadminded Art Godfrey jheartiness in his voice, is going to be President after Jan. 20, 1949, he is going* to face a Murderers’ Row in Congress, composed of members lof’his own party. Looking them over, the average man may wonder iwhy Dewey isn’t running for the North Woods instead of the White |Houmi Here they are: 1. Harold Knutson, chairman of the House Ways & Means Com imittee, who has already promised another $4 billion tax cut next year, ^presumably to be taken out of $8 billion in expenses other than nation al defense, interest on the national debt, veterans services, etc. (Here the gimmick is to (a) cut income taxes some more, then (b) slap on a federal sales tax to meet threatened deficits caused by 1950 national .defense costs of an estimated ?20 billions, $6 billion more than for 1949.) 2. John Taber, aged but hearty chairman of the House Appro priations Committee, who had a hard time finding any hungry children in Europe last year and who denounced present ERP fund estimates ’for this year as dishonest. Taber will be for using an eye-dropper for .further ERP and other expenditures. 8. Jesse Wolcott, chairman of the House Banking and Currency ^Committee, who was in charge of the deep-freeze operation on the Taft-El lender- Wagner Housing Bill. (A deep split in Michigan Repub lican politics may make it possible to beat him will mean a hard fight.) 4. Dewey Short, due to succeed Walter G. Andrews as Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, an Ozark isolationist who will go along on the John Foster Dulles foreign policy-national de fense program only if persuaded every dollar is needed to fight com munism. (He was against the draft, despite his fear of communism.) 5. Clare E. Hoffman, Chairman of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, who will handle the Hoover Commiss ion recommendations on reorganization of the Executive Branch due next January. Hoffman is for rooting out the New Deal, wherever a trace can still be found in the Federal Government. As a follower of the Chicago Tribune, he will be suspicious of Dewey as a Wall St. k internationalist. 7 6. Leo Allen, Chairman of the all-powerful House Rules Commit* tee, who collaborated with Wolcott in putting the TEW Housing Bill in the deep-freeze. In addition, the powerful triumvirate of Speaker Joe Martin, Clar ence Brown of Ohio (Taft’s campaign manager) and Charles A. Hal leck of Indiana, who bloomed briefly as Dewey’s running mate, are nursing bruises and are likely to try to cut Dewey down to size at the first opportunity. Dewey’s record in Neiv York is getting a close look here. It is pointed out that he rolled up an impressive surplus in the State trea sury because (a) Governor Lehman left him a neat nest egg to start with (b) war prosperity made it grow, (c) wartime shortages post poned public works, (d) using iron control over the legislature, Dewey clamped down on funds for New York City, causing the subway fare to jump from 5 to 10 cents, held down on funds for schools, housing and roads, etc. He put pro-labor Edward Corsi in as Industrial Com missioner, but held down hard on Labor Department activities, with .result that personnel and standards have deteriorated. The State Civil Service has slumped and positions exempt from Civil Service are prob ably greater than when he took office. Veterans are said to resent the fact Hint a considerable part of the highly advertised New York bonus is taken back in sales taxes on cigarettes, etc. As President, Dewey would*quickly learn that the iron rule he practiced in Albany won’t work with Congress, even enforced by the patronage carrot and club. Blit will Dewey even try to be a good President, in the liberal sense? He has put Joe Grundy’s silk-stocking Congressman Hugh Scott in as figurehead Chairman of the Republican National Commit tee. He has Chicago Tribune isolationists Werner Schroeder and James S. Kemper of Illinois on the National Committee. Kemper is just treasurer of the Committee, that’s all. Those who have watched Dewey since his early gang-busting days say that whether he tries to be a good President or a tame President obedient to the Grundy-McCormick-Wall Street factions of the GOP depends on the answer of this question: Dewey will still be a relatively young man when he finishes his time in the White House. What does he really want to be and do when *he leaves the Presidency? If he is anxious to be known in history as a good President, he s smart enough to have noticed that the great Presidents of the past have been thoSe- who were for the People as against the Interests and he will throw his weight on the people’s side of issues as they arise. If, on the other hand, he is aiming at a job as chief counsol-of a large corporation, or senior member of a great law firm, or head of a big private enterprise, he will swing his weight the way Joe Grundy and his ilk expect him to. New Yorkers who have watched him closely don’t know the answ er to this question. That in itself is perhaps significant. Southern. Union-Busters Encouraged By T-H Law Atlanta (LPA)—With a few honorable exceptions Southern mem bers of Congress have been among the staunchest Taft-Hartleyites in the 80th Congress. These “democrats,” these sterling defenders of the south, have betrayed the basic interests of their home states—not just the interests of the wage earners, but of the whole southern com munity. Every economist who has studied the problems of the south agrees that eliminating the wage differential between Dixie and the rest of the US is the most important single requirement for economic pro gress. The only way that this goal can be achieved is thru unionizing the basic industries of the south. There is no doubt that the Taft-Hartley law is impeding the or ganization of workers in the south’s basic industries. The A FL and CIO are continuing to bring, unionism to thousands of southern work ers. But the process is slower and harder than it was in the years im mediately preceding the enactment of the federal anti-labor law. Recently the Textile Workers Union-CIO told the committee of Congress that it supposed to keep its eye on Taft-Hartley’s impact on labor management relations: “There has always been employer resistance to unionization in the south, but for a period of years after the Wagner Act was declared constitutional until the effective date of Taft-Hartley, a certain degree of restraint and care was used by most corporations in the tactics adopted to oppose self-organization of workers. “The whole atmosphere has changed. Thruout the south there is the feeling that anything goes. Naked coercion is employed. Workers are openly terrorized and discriminated against.” Scores of cases to support this contention can be found in tha files of every CIO or AFL union which is working in the south! TWUA’s experiences alone are enough to prove the point. In Tallapossa, Ga., a woman organizer was pulled out of her bed at midnight, and driven out of town. During a strike in Rome an em ployer armed supervisors and “loyal workers,” encouraging them to But this time US Steel and itri stooges used the U MW’s request-...^^©““strikr^leSeJ for a union shop agreement, whicrf the commercial mine owners ac-t cepted, as an excuse to avoid sign- -representative, discriminated against its pro-union workers, and cir ing the 1948 contract by chargings the union with violating the Taft Hartley law. mMmizxl/A xrtrklanrvA The management of the Frank IX Company in Charlottesville, Va., the home of Thomas Jefferson, set its foremen to spy on a TWUA cuTated scurrilous race" propaganda against the union. Thruout the south employers have taken advantage of Taft-Hart ley's “free speech” section to libel trade unionism. Encouraged by the action of Congress, nearly every southern state has put its own “little Taft-Hartley law” on the statute books. Most of them- go even further than the federal act and completely pro hibit the union shop. NLRB General Counsel Denham, who is usually .so insistent upon the prior claim of Federal law, has agreed that in this matter the state provision shall rule, despite the fact that even Taft-Hartley recognizes the legitimacy of the union shop. Out in Texas a lawyer named John Scott has made quite a reputa tion for himself as an expert in giving unions in his clients* plants the run around. He has mastered the art of avoiding the legal obliga tion to bargain with the union which the NLRB has certified as the representative of a group of workers. When a TWUA official “called him” on his tactics, Scott replied: “You’re not being given the run Denham has filed a complaint with an NLRB trial examiner which will be hoard next week, bub around, you’re Jearnmg about Texas J^w^lations.’ meanwhile his injunction request will come before Judge Goldsbor* ough’s court. -Last week, when the work stop* page began, the steel companies the bargaining relationship.” They seem to realize all too well that averaged about a 41-day supply its purpose is to hamper if not destroy trade unions. So the Scotts of coal on hand. Every trick that this legal vulture has used to ham-string the union has gotten past the NLRB’s personnel, and every complaint that the TWUA has filed against his tactics has been ignored. Union men have gotten the impression that the board’s underlings are-not1,fooled by the line that “Taft-Hartley is designed to equalize and their clients go merrily along, educating union men in “southern' labor relations.” But more and more southern workers are insisting upon their right to organize. Soon they’ll be replacing the pro-Taft-Hartley Clag horns with legislators—state and national—who’ll really defend the interests of the south—the interests of its people.