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The potters herald. [volume] (East Liverpool, Ohio) 1899-1982, June 09, 1949, Image 4

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Seventh Pice President
Btehth Vice President
W* Voturf Herald
1 Miomcut JOURNAL OF
P^bBriMd evwry Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P.» owning and
operatise the Bert Trade* Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State.
Sterad at Post Office, East Liverpool, Ohio, April SO, 1902, as eecond-claaa matter.
Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postage provided for ia Section 1100,
Art of October IS, 1917, authorised August 20, 1918.
HARRY I- r-ITT. Mito, and Business Manager
Odo Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada... -—52.00
James M. Duffy, P. O. Box 762, East Liverpool, Onio
FUrtVlcs Prertdent—R. L. Wheatley, Room 215, Broad Street, National Bank Bufld
Beeond Vic* P^^t^—^^Franfc Hull, Sill Pacific Blvd., Huntington Park. CaML
Wrd Vie* President------------------- James Slaven, Cannon* Mills, Eart Liverpool, Ohio
Fourth Vice President Charles Zimmer, 1045 Ohio Avenue. Trenton.8, New Jersey
orge Turner, 180 W. Drury Lane, East Liverpool, Ohio
_T. J. Desmond, 625 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva, Ohio
.Joshua Chadwick, Grant Street, Newell, W. Va.
.Chas. F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio
Manufacturers— ............ ......-.................... M. J. LYNCH. W. A. BETZ. J. T. HALL
Indifference, Failure To Attend Union
Meetings Are Union-Wreckers
Indifference on the part of rank and file union members
has long been a thorn in the side of the more acti ve men and
women and leaders in the union movement, but, in our opin
ion, old timers in the Labor movement have long known
from experience.
Rev. Philip Dobson, director of St. Peter’s Institute of
Industrial Relations in Chicago, speaking at a dinner honor
ing a young man who was retiring as a local union president
in that city made some pertinent observations along the
above lines, which were published in Tidings, a church
paper in the Los Angeles diocese of the Catholic church.
The Rev. Father’s observations follow, in part:
“I was somewhat puzzled at this man’s retirement at
this stage of the game and presumed to ask him the reason.
He said ‘Father, I have become fed up with the members’
personalities, with destructive criticism, with lack of attend
ance at the union meetings, with the expectations that I’d
be a miracle man despite the lack of support from the rank
and file. My people want me to push all grievances no mat
ter how weak. I decided not to stand it any longer. It’s time
for someone else to carry the ball.’
“Union members are not morally free to abstain from
attendance to union meetings unless, of course, there are
special circumstances which would excuse them. Union
members are not morally free to vent their peeves—spring
ing from petty jealousies—on union leaders who are striv
ing their utmost to do a good job.
“While a two-party system within a union can be a
healthy condition, in that it keeps leaders on their toes, there
is no moral justification for power politics or for disruptive
policies based on personalities and carried on to the detri
■ment of the common good of the membership. Union mem
bers have a duty to serve on committee when the common
good of tffe union is involved.
“The writer has had considerable experience with unions
of all types. Through the years it has made him heartsick
to watch rank and file members cut their own throats with
their smallness and bickering.
“Frequently a mere handful may show up for a union
meeting just prior to the start of negotiations for a new
contract. In cases where the company has not yet learned
to work cooperatively with the union that company is aware
of the small attendance of the meeting. The company con
cludes that the union leader who is about to negotiate has
no backing from the membership. The company forces the
union leader to accept a poor contract.
“The very members who never attended a meeting are
the first to rend the air with their howls for the blood of the
leader. We maintain that this represents an unhealthy moral
situation, a situation that will be remedied only when the
rgnk and file members realize their moral obligations as
members, and begin to live up to them.”
What Makes Them Liars?
When does a man, or a political party, or a senator or
representative become an outright liar? The question arises
from the present refusal of southern Democrats to vote to
repeal the Taft-Hartley Act. The Democratic Party conven
tion adopted a platform prior to the last election in which it
promised flatly to repeal the Taft-Hartley Act, without any
hedging about it. The southern Democrats accepted that
platform without reservations they did not tell the world,
or even their constituents, that they rejected their party
platform. Not a bit of it. They accepted whatever support
and backing they could get out of it. They gladly received
the votes of those who had a right to believe* they would
help repeal the vicious Taft measure. They committed them
selyes by receiving these benefits.
Now, however, some of the southern Democrats would
like to forget no doubt some of them have forgotten, for
some folks forget promises easily.
Which brings us to our question: what makes men
liars? How do these southern “gentlemen” square their
consciences, if any? Or, are they such outright cowards that
they are afraid to keep the promises of the political party
whose label they bear and whose benefits they have received
as a result of the aforesaid promises?
Damn The Facts And Full Speed Ahead
—By Look
Now we know that Look Magazine isn’t even trying to
get honest results in its notorious public opinion polls. In
the June 7th issue Look comes up with the astonishing an
nouncement that Washington press and radio correspondents
almost unanimously named Robert Taft as the Senator “who
contributes the most to his country’s welfare.”
It takes a lot of gall to unblushingly offer such propa
ganda about the man who authored the Slave-Labor Act,
whp has consistently opposed sound medical insurance, who
attempted to cut out housing aid to subsistence farmers,
and who engineered the Dixie-GOP scuttling of civil rights
Look admits it questioned only 1(H) correspondents
probably all carefully hand-picked for the right answers.
It is doubtful that Look’s warped opinions will do Taft
any good in ’50. People are a little sceptical of a poll that
only 6 weeks ago had the crust to announce that “Taft
Hartley Aims still popular with workers” in spite of the
fact that only 27% of the workers pt lied favored the act.
'Unionized Bust'
We have a hunch you’re going to hear a lot about “flex
ibility” and “rigidity” from business and industry.
The idea is that they must have lots of flexibility
cope with a depression and that unions cause rigidity.
The magazine Business Week puts it this way:
“Anything which impairs flexibility in a depression is
dangerous. Rigidities—which in the economists’ jargon
means factors which stiffen the oil in the gears of business
—are the big menace to recovery. And a union makes rigid
ities like a wind makes waves.”
Flexibility? H-m-m-m-m. Now let’s see. Flexibility to
cut wages. Flexibility to ignore seniority. Flexibility to for
get about other worker protections written into contracts.
Sure. That’s what Business Week is talking about. It’s
ah interesting theory, perhaps, but let’s go back and see
what happened the last time.
Labor wasn’t strongly organized in the lush 1920’s and
was in no position to put a firm brake on some of the prac
tices which sent the nation down the skids to depression.
Exercising great “flexibility,” many industries and
business houses began cutting wages at the first sign of
hard times. Then they cut employment.
Consumer purchasing power really took a nosedive. One
day the nation awoke and found it was not only flexible it
was economically limp I
And it wasn’t the kind of flexibility to which Business
Week referred that brought us out of the depression.
Why, then, assume that more of the same would be
helpful next time—and why assume there must be a next
What we need is some prevention and not so much talk
about cure.
Where Are The Doctors?
The hysterical denunciation by the American Medical
Association of the National Health Insurance Bill has focus
ed the spotlight on an organization which has built itself a
monopoly rivalling any in big business. The AMA retains a
strangle hold on the nation’s health by running one of the
tightest and most selfish cliques in the country.
Two significant facts strikingly indicate the achieve
ments of the AMA. First, the medical profession is the
highest paid of any business or vocation. Second, the acute
shortage of doctors, particularly in rural areas, is as repre
hensible as it is tragic. It will never be known how many
lives have been lost due to the inaccessibility of a physician
during an emergency.
The obvious solution is, of course, a majbr increase in
the number of graduates from the medical schools. And so
the natural question, “Why aren’t there more doctors? An
indication of the reason may be seen in a recent statement
by Doctor William S. Middleton, dean of the University of
Wisconsin Medical School. While appearing before the Wis
consin state Legislature to answer the question as to why
many students were denied admittance, he revealed that al
though there were 2,936 applications last fall, the medical
school accepted only 80. The reason given was the ancient
cliche “because of limited facilities.”
In other words, for every 6 would-be physicians, only
one was allowed to enter the holy of holies. Middleton stated
that even straight “A” students were sometimes rejected be
cause “they did not have the right attitude toward human
One of the goals of the national health program is to
provide more doctors and more hospitals. Certainly the
above figures show that such action is essential. And yet the
American Medical Association is fighting the national health
insurance program tooth and nail. What other reason can
there be than a selfish policy to provide the country with as
fe w doctors as possible in order to keep individual physician’s
earnings the highest in the country?
Truly, the Hippocratic oath has become the hypocritic
oath I
Discrimination Lowers Standards
There are compelling economic reasons for the enact
ment of fair employment practice legislation, to protect the
right to earn a living without being discriminated against
because of race, color, religion or national origin. Secretary
of Labor Maurice? J. Tobin made this plain in recent testi
mony before a congressional subcommittee.
“Discrimination in employment,” Tobin pointed out,
“subjects large segments of our population to substandard
housing, inadequate diets, poor health, inadequate education,
and adversely affects the general welfare. Discrimination in
employment depresses the wages and the income of the min
ority groups, resulting in a reduced purchasing power and
potential market for goods, which in turn results in reduced
production. Reduced production cuts down employment. The
impact of discriminatory practices is therefore not only on
the immediate victims but upon all of us.”
Secretary Tobin emphasized that under provisions of
pending federal legislation, enforcement action may be in
voked only when informal methods have failed. “Legislation
which relies primarily upon peaceful persuasion as a method
of dealing with discriminatory employment practices is the
most desirable approach to this problem,” he said.
“The experience of the wartime FEPC and of state
agencies administering fair employment practice statutes is
evidence that the most effective weapon in combating dis
crimination in employment is the informal method of ‘con
ference, conciliation, and persuasion’,” the Secretary added.
Many companies in recent years have become aware of
the savings they can make by eliminating industrial hazards
and instituting safety programs.
For instance, one company reported to the President’s
Conference on Industrial Safety that it saved more than
$8,000 by installing a compulsory goggle program—and
other like examples could be cited. Many companies have
gone to considerable length to make their foremen under
stand that safety is an integral part of production and that
they are responsible for both.
But this is not enough. The foremen can talk safety
and enforce the safety rules, but it is the man or woman in
the shop who must become safety minded if accidents are to
be prevented. Every individual should always remember
that while accidents may cost the company money, they bear
far more heavily upon the workman for it is the individual
and not the company who has often to go through life blind
or otherwise maimed and crippled.
Tennessee Makes Politics Full Time Business
The AFL trade unionists in Tennessee who contributed
so much to the sensational shattering of the (’rump and
Reese machines last election have wisely decided not to let
the advantage slip out of their hands. To hold and consoli
date their political gains, the State Federation last week dir
ected State Federation Secretary, Charles Houk, to continue'
to give full time to his work as Coordinator of State Political
Last year the Tennessee union people found that elec
tions can’t be stolen if every member votes and every polling
place has an LLPE poll watcher on election day. They are
determined that never again will the “court house gang”
stuff the ballot boxes with the votes of lojig-deikd-relatiyes.
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1 James Forrestal’s broken'body has been laid to rest, and already
the bloodhounds of politics and the press are yapping at another trust
ed public servant, David E. Lilienthal, chairman of the Atomic Energy
Commission. These, then, are the heydays of the journalistic snooper
and the political defamer, of that handful of keyhole artists who are
more destructive to America than a regiment of communist agitators.
Their aims seems to .drive out of government every intelligent and
disinterested man and to treat the few first class officials willing to
remain with a disdain and malevolence unequalled anywhere.
This, as historians observe, is in the national tradition. To tear
the name and prestige of public figures to shreds and fling them to
the mob is as American as popcorn and hot dogs. Perhaps it is, but
it is hardly anything to brag about.
The tell-tale example of Mr. Forrestal’s death serves to throw
light on the enormous damage the guttersnipes of radio and press are
doing to the fiber of America. True, the strain of high office in these
years of recurrent crisis may prove too heavy for the stoutest mind.
Far be it also from me to deny the right to criticize and call public
servants to account for any real or alleged wrongs.
But whether an enlightened press and radio approach to the pro
blems of state craft, coupled with restraint and a modicum of respect
for the opinion and judgment of others, does not serve the public wel
fare better than this merciless day-by-day hounding, is a question that
carries its own answer.
One fact, however, ought to be clear before anything else. It is
that the purveyors of slimy gossip could not ply their trade if large
segments of the public were not hanging on their mouths and repeat
ing foul slander as if it were holy gospel. As it is, the people have
none but themselves to blame for the tragedy that has overtaken the
former Secretary of Defense, and in lesser degree so many others.
High-minded citizens who refuse to believe that the wells of Am
erican public opinion are systematically poisoned by men without re
sponsibility, without moral standards and without concern for the pub
lic good, ought to reread what Hanson W. Baldwin of the New York
Times has to say of the background of Mr. Forrestal’s death. Point
ing to “increasingly vicious attacks which seared deeply a very
sensitive man,” he says with a bluntness extremely rare in the col
umns of the Times:
“Drew Pearson and Walter Winchell and some others ma
ligned and traduced and attacked him in various commentaries—
A unfortunately not very different in tenor from similar outrageous
attacks made upon otners in our day and age—commentaries for
which the radio and the press must bear the burden of shame
... The dirty in-fighting of politics and the corrosive personal
abuse of gossip and keyhole commentators—both products of the
national environment—had .their share to do with the final acts
of the Forrestal tragedy.”
Similar condemnation reechoed from Congress, which by the way
has its share of guilt in the persecution of public officials and others
unlucky enough to come to the attention ot that august body. Said
Representative J. Caleb Boggs, of Louisiana, “Mr. Forrestal was sub
jected to a campaign of abuse and vilification the like of which I have
never heard. This should give pause—real pause—to the irresponsible
^ements of the press and radio.”
From Asia comes word that the idea of an Asiatic Federation of
free and democratic trade unions is making progress. The plan has
been endorsed by unions in the Philippines, Pakistan, Burma, Syria,
’China, Indonesia and Siam. A recent conference of the Indian Na
tional Trade Union Congress at Indore furnished additional proof of
'labor’s determination to provide the working masses throughout the
Far East with a democratic trade union instrument of their own.
AFL international representative living Brown, who attended
the meeting, emphasized the deep interest and support which Ameri
can organized labor was prepared to give to an Asiatic Workers Fed
eration organized on a free and democratic basis.
The growth of Indian trade unionism was graphically portrayed
in reports showing a membership of nearly 1,180,000 in 847 affiliated
unions. Industrial peace has been maintained since December 1947,
•thanks to the adherence of the overwhelming majority of Indian work
ers to the industrial truce resolution of that date. The new Work
men’s State Insurance Act is providing benefits to an ever increasing
number of workers and their families. The rival communist Trade
Union Congress was described by Deputy Prime Minister Patel as
empty shell, capable only of creating disturbances and thriving on
continuous conflict.
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“If in the land of peace, wherein thou trustedest, they wearied
■thee, then how wilt thou do in the swelling of Jordan?”
This is the time of floods. From the hilltops, denuded by hatred
and carelessness of the sheltering friendly trees, whose cohesive roots
held back the waters, the hungry torrents race down to devastate the
plains below.
This is the time of the swelling of the Jordan—of trials, and de
vastation, of constant danger that the raging waters many engulf us.
This is the time of the swelling of the Jordan. This is the time
to see if the levees we
have built of faith in democracy, of belief in
brotherhood, are strong enough to endure, if we as a united people
can work together to avert the dangers of the floods.
This is the time of the swelling of the Jordan. It is a time for
Sacrifice, for the putting aside of self, for the patient doing of our
part in the spirit of cooperation which is stronger than the most rag
ing torrent.
“If in the land of peace, wherein thou trustedest, they wearied
thea”—if we caviled at or objected to the responsibilities of citizen
ship, the demands of the brotherhood that is democracy, if we looked
down upon our neighbor, if we shirked our duties—then how will we
face the flood times ahead which, God forbid, may be.
This is the time of the swelling of the Jordan. Those of us who
have lived through floods know what that means, and what the de
mands may be. Let us face them clearly. Courage, perseverance, co
operation, patience are what we need while we work to our utmost
and then more—but in all, through all, and above all, we need faith
.—faith in the promise of the old hymn “When through the deep waters
I cause thee to go, the rivers of sorrow shall not overflow.” So can
we face the swelling of the Jordan.
Following several years of experimentation, production has now
Degun at the Hoganas-Billensholm works in Sweden of super-fine glass
down made from glass fibers with a guage so fine that the cross sec
tion of an ordinary human hair is 2,000 times larger. It is claimed to
be the thinnest industrially produced fiber in the world.
Thursday, June 9, 191?
The silly season started in state legislatures last week as labor
baiters in Congress found things so dull that one of them, out of sheer
boredom, wrote a fan letter to the non-union man painting President
Truman’S home in Independence, Mo. State legislatures, however, were
brodding over such whimsies as the following:
—In Tennessee the legislature passed a bill raising from 16 to 18
years the age for work “involving exposure to radioactive substances
and employment in pool rooms.”
—In Maine sweatshop employers were prohibited from having
employees manufacture poisons at home.
—In Colorado the legislature repealed a law “binding out males
to the age of 21 and females to the age of 18 or until marriage, as
indentured apprentices.”
—In Rhode Island the legislature passed a bill making it unlaw
ful for an employer “to permit an employee to operate any power
driven machine while alone in a factory”—which night watchmen
said could keep them from turning on an electric fan on a hot night.
—In Massachusetts the legislature was offered a bill prohibiting
any “association of persons” from using the term “union” in its name
unless it exists for collective bargaining.
—In Florida, which has an anti-closed shop law for labor, the leg
islature turned down a bill which would have prohibited the closed
shops of lawyers and doctors.
—In Illinois, where ingenious strikers'have used dogs, horses and
goats in their picket lines, the legislature was asked to pass a law
stopping this practice by requiring all pickets to sign a statement say
ing that they were picketing of their own free will.
Labor Department officials wondered last week how serious U. S.
unions really are about the nation’s growing unemployment—after two
international unions, one CIO, the other AFL, fired their presidents
on the same day.
The New York Journal of Commerce, big business daily, reported
U. S. unemployment is now mounting toward the 4,000,000 mark. A
headline on the same page read: A
The annual convention of the Nat’l Federation of Sales Execu
tives, meeting in Chicago, passed a resolution asking for a law which
would deny salesmen the right to strike. The convention also heard a
speaker who declared that their big job today is to “sell” American
democracy to Europe and Asia.
The Ford Motor Co. has demanded that the states of Michigan,
Illinois and Kentucky refuse to pay unemployment compensation to
any of the 106,000 Ford workers out on strike. Ford would like to
speed up not only assembly lines but starvation, too.
The Russians have put in a claim for vast areas of Antartic waste
around the South Pole. That’s the tipoff that even Siberia isn’t big
enough now to hold all the slave laborers and political prisoners of
the “workers’ fatherland.”
Washington (LPA)—The belief that in order t(f head off a de
pression federal spending should now be increased, rather than cur
tailed as proposed by the economy bloc in Congress, is growing among
labor and liberal economists.
The primary purpose of the full employment law enacted in 1946
was to provide the machinery for looking ahead and taking the action
necessary to head off depressions. The authors of that law believed it
would be possible for economists to see economic danger signs in time
to take action and prevent depressions, rather than waiting to inte^
rupt it—which proved so difficult to do in the last depression. 9
Many labor and liberal economists believe such danger signs afl
now appearing on the economic- horizon—and that unless proper cor
rective action is taken promptly the present minor recession may de
velop into a major one. As New Deal economist Seymour Harris, pro
fessor of economics at Harvard, phrases it, the problem today is to
“prevent a small decline from snowballing into a large one.”
There are many danger signals apparent to the economists. In
dustrial output is declining, unemployment is rising, the backlog of
orders in the great steel industry is declining, private construction is
slowing down, and a general business contraction seems to be under
way. But what concerns the labor and liberal economists most is
evidence that consumer income and consumer spending are on the de
The Commerce Department last week said developments in the
early part of this year clearly indicated the first “genuine weakening
in consumer demand” since the war. The May “Survey of Current
Business” showed consumer buying was down by $4,000,000,000 on an
annual basis and consumer income was down about $1,000,000,000.
What this indicates is that consumers—which means wage earners
and the public generally—-are getting a little less income, and spend
ing considerably less. This suggests the beginning of a dangerous
psychology which can quickly become a vicious circle of deflation.
Even before this recent development, the President’s Economic
Council had been warning for a year or two that consumer income
was not keeping up with the rest of the economy and that only gov
ernment spending was filling the gap. The May “Survey of Current
Business” noted that both consumer and business spending were off,
and only government spending was still climbing.
An (conomy campaign now, therefore, would remove the one
strong factor in our economic situation which is preventing a much
more rapid economic downslide. On the other hand an expansion of
government spending could make up for the decline in consumer and
bu.-dness spending, remove the fear of a depression, and perhaps
change the whole psychology before it is too late to do so except at an
extremely high cost.
The chief liberal dissenter on the theory of expanding federal
spending now to avert a depression is Senator Paul Douglas (D, Ill.),
who is calling for economy. He contends that business is still fairly
good—that depression is not yet a certain danger—and that until
are sure there is danger of depression we “should not commit our i«j
serves prematurely.”
Harris, the Harvard economist, replies that the economic indices
“all suggest a recession in 1949—and one that might snowball unless
strong measures are taken.” Contending that Douglas’ timing is
wrong, he says that “we must not allow a breakthrough which might
cause substantial damage” because “the danger of a small depression
is that it easily snowballs into a larger one.”
Harris puts great emphasis on the part spending plays in deter
mining the levels of employment and output. He notes that national
income has risen from $40 billion in 1932 to $225 billion in 1948, large
ly as a result of government spending. A cut of five or ten billion in
federal spending now to balance the budget, he says, might cut nation
al income 5 to 50 billion dollars, which would mean a serious depres
This does not mean that Harris, and other liberal economists, are
opposed to economy where it can be achieved through eliminating
waste—such as in military expenditures. But they are opposed to the
Harry Byrd—Robert Taft kind of economy, which means curta|led
spending for social programs the nation needs.
Harris goes further than many other liberal and labor economi^J
by proposing immediate deficit financing to avoid depression. He
would expand spending and cut taxes on consumers. But many econ
omists of this same school believe that such a deficit is not necessary
—that higher taxes on corporations could cover higher spending with
out interfering with the objective of fighting off depression.
The base this viewpoint on the fact that corporation profits are
the only major factor in the economy that is holding firm. As long as
corporations continue to show profits of about $20,000,600,000, after
taxes, they say, they can afford to pay higher taxes. This seems to be
President Harry Truman’s viewpoint. He is standing firm for higher
The American Federation of Labor affirms as one of the cardinal
principles the trade union movement that the working people ipust
organize, unite and federate, irrespective of creed, color, sex, nation
ality or politics.

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