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7 '."S'’? 3 Fatter# Mrrafd OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF __ ns NATIOHAL BBOTHBBBOOD OF 6FEBAHVB POTTUi and r7t babt LmntrooL trades a labor bounce PxbBriwd Thuraday at Eart Liverpool. Ohio, h» the N. B. of O. F.. ownta* aad operatiaa the Bert Trades Newspaper and Job Frintins Plant in the State. Metered at Port Office, Eart Liverpool, Ohio. April M. l»02, as tocmd^laM Battm. Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postace provioed fcr la flartfaa 110*. Art of October It, 1»17. authorised August 20, 1918, GENERAL OFFICE, N. B. af O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH 8T„ BELL PHONB 676 ■ARBY L. GILL 1 Om Tear to Any Pwt of the United States or Canada. Presidmt James M. Duffy. P. O. Box 762. Bart Liverpool, OMa First Vice President—E. L. Wheatley, Room 216. Broad Street. Natteal Bank fedl* ins. Trenton 8, New ... Bhcood Vice President ———Jersey Fraas Hull. 111 Pacific Blvd., Huntington Parh^ CaIM» Third Vies President James Slaven. Cannons Mills, Bart Liverpool. OMa Fourth Vice President Charles Zimmer. 1046 Ohio Avenue. Trenton 8, New Jersey Sixth Vies President,---------- George Turner, ISO W. Drury Lane. Bart Uverpoei. Ohio Sventh Pice President T. J. Desmond. 626 B. Lincoln Way, Minerva, Ohio chth Vice President Joshua Chadwick, Grant Street. Newell, W. Va. Beti etarjr Troaoirn* ^har F. Jordan. P. O. Box 762. East Liverpool. Ohio GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE Mnenfnetnef M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL Operatives— CHAS. F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN. ERNEST TORRENCE CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers.................................. E. K. KOOS, H. M. WALKER, W. A. BETZ ________________BERT CLARK. DAVID BEAVAN, CHAS. JORDAN DECORATIN STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers ROBERT DIETZ, Sr., W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES JAMES SLAVEN. OSCAR SWAN, ROSE STEWART Records And Pay Increases An American Federationist editorial by William Green emphasizes the vitally important role that company produc tion and financial records can play in negotiating wage in creases in this period of change. The editorial points out that now is the time for unions to get away from formulas and other gadgets invented by wartime and other administrators and the so-called “rounds invented by reporters, “in order to return to our accepted practice—negotiation of a contract to compensate workers for work done in accord with the value of their services as reflected in the company’s production records and income from sale of products.” Records on production, on sales and on distribution of returns are needed by the bargainers, the editorial says and adds: “In this period of readjustment we should move with caution but without weakness to insist on adequate compen sation for wage earners. In a buyer’s market higher costs can no longer be covered by price increases. Buyers resist too high prices and inferior quality and employers in turn resist every addition to their costs. However, employers can pay higher wages without increasing their costs because workers have increased their output per man-hour. “Unions should seek rates of pay to compensate work ers for increased output. Unions are stronger than they were during the disinflation following the First World War and should be a determining factor in aiding the economy to a new balance without lowering standards of living. Employ ers should bargain in good faith on the basis of facts. This will facilitate the correlative process necessary to equil ibrium.” The Stench Of Politics Since we can remember, it has been popular to point the finger of scorn at anybody who ever did, does now or ever will play an active part in politics. We have all too often done our share in accentuating the “stench of politics.” But what have all of us been saying? Have we been fair? Have we done anything other than resort to destruc tive criticism? Have we done anything other than heckle? Political machinations are certainly not above reproach. Political office-holders, engaged in such machinations, have done nothing to better the situation. So, voters stay home on election day or go to the polls knowing only a few of the candidates or the issues. Those who do vote are “much too busy” to bother with finding out for themselves just who is qualified. When it comes to issues they defend their lack of knowledge and interest by claim ing that everything is too involved. And the final upshot of the whole deal is that “we” are the stench of politics. Knowing only too well that voters get just exactly what they deserve, we hide our shame behind the fact that nobody knows how we voted, thereby enabling us to criticize the choice that we ourselves made. Retailers Condemn Wasteful Government JF Retailers know that the kind of waste which character izes government activity would be fatal if it were allowed to exist in their own business. Competition is getting tougher. Insteal of shortages, we have surpluses in many lines. So the retailer must practice strict economy if he is to supply goods at an acceptable price, maintain his standards of ser vice at a high level, and so hold his trade. ‘.''V 1/ 42.H If you think these words a little far fetched, just get ents. last year’s ballot and try to duplicate your vote. If you remember the candidates for whom you voted (which we throughout the country. This tends to hide the fact that doubt) you’ll be amazed at how many of them turned out to these disasters are far rarer than they used to be. To quote be different from what some partisan orator promised you. the Bureau, “The truth is that mine disasters have decreas Politics will be scorned, ridiculed and reviled until the ed 75 to 90 per cent in number, as well as in numbers killed, day comes that politicians know that they will surely have over the last three or four decades. And a more or less simi to answer to the American people. When office holders know lar decrease has taken place in all other forms of accidents.” that their slips are showing we will get better material. We This achievement, the Bureau goes on, is largely the re won’t get such material until all of us are ready to accept suit of three things. First, the industry has spent huge sums our own responsibilities and do our own part as citizens of on accident prevention work. Second, it realizes that safety city, state or nation. is necessary to efficient production, and it carries on a con-* stant educational campaign among the miners. Third, the^ A large retail association, which represents 7,500 mer- Many criticisms of the coal industry’s safety record re-gjj chants in this country and Canada, has appointed a commit- suit from the fact that every kind of enterprise contains a tee to oppose waste and extravagance in government, and to small percentage of callous operators. By the same token, “arouse all retailers to the advantages of the Hoover Com- there are careless miners who refuse to follow fundamental mission’s report on reorganization of certain government safety rules, and who thus undermine the effort of the maj agencies.” ority of miners to eliminate needless risks. The big point is The resolution went on to say, “With a probable de cline in Federal revenues, the terrific waste and extravag- thing possible to make mining safer. The great measure of ance of government are cause for serious alarm. Therefore, we call upon ail members of our trade to insist upon a policy of rigid economy in government.” would biiffice to do a given job. There is no excuse for the size of the Federal payroll. And there is no excuse for the The National Safety Council recently announced that incredible amount of duplication of effort that is found 92 cities with populations of more than 16,000 had been throughout government in all its branches. placed on the nation’s safety honor roll for going through Every retailer—and every other businessman as well— 19-18 without a traffic death. The honor roll citations show should take part in the fight for efficient, economical gov- again that traffic deaths—the appalling total of which has ernment. Only public pressure can bring it about. No bur- long been a disgrace to the nation—can be prevented. Real eaucrat will economize unless he is forced to. Billions of enforcement of traffic regulations, safety educational activi our .i money can be saved—if we denmand it Only by cut- ties and other means can do the trick. But the public in each ting down infh^ed government can we save a free nation locality must see the imperative need of traffic safety and be and ourselves xiom destruction by taxation. aroused to insist on it. Why Unions Build Fences Once upon a time a fellow spaded up a plot of ground, worked in a lot of fertilizer, raked up the rocks and chucked I them into a fence corner, planted seeds in neat rows, sprink-l• led the whole thing and then sat down to a battle with the weeds. In time the seeds put up tiny shoots of green. Pro-1 spects of a crop of assorted eatables grew brighter. I Just across the alley lived a neighbor who had a flock I of chickens. One day the duckers got out and what they did to the brand new garden shouldn’t happen to anybody’s! crops. Believe it Of hot, here is a lesson in Labor The Union spades the ground, organizes the job almost 1001 percent, stands off the hostile employers, negotiates for the I members, attends to their grievances and gets them an agreement. And in walks a group of fellows who didn’t join, who do not want to pay dues, who object to sharing the ex pense—and want all the benefits. They are the free-riders. The gardener in this case chased out the chickens with more or less violence and put a fence around his growing vegetables. He shut the chickens out. That’s what Unions have in mind when they insist on the Union Shop they want to protect their future welfare from non-Union free-riders who, if they are not restrained, will destroy the right and gains won by the members who built the Union. Fighting Hospital Fires No disaster is more horrible than a hospital fire. The tragedy at Effingham, Illinois, which took the lives of 73 persons last April, is still fresh in the public mind. Now the National Board of Fire Underwriters has ann ounced that, along with other organizations, it will under take a country-wide inspection of hospitals for fire safety. The emphasis will be laid on preventing loss of life. Commenting on this editorially, the New York Times said, “Appropriately, the inspections are to be made entire ly on a public service basis, without regard to rates, pre miums, or other commercial aspects of insurance. Some 6, 000 fire prevention and safety engineers will begin the work about July 15. Cooperating with the insurance men will be such grops as the American Medical Association, the Ameri can Hospital Association and its Council on Hospital Plan ning and Plant Operation. The results of this study should provide valuable data enabling us to make certain that hos pital fires in the future will be kept at a minimum.” No phase of fire prevention activity is more important than this. It will reach into the small towns no less than the major cities. About 6,300 institutions, along with a large number of private nursing homes, will be covered. To quote the Times, once more, “Fire is bad enough anywhere, but it is dreadful to think of rick, helpless men, women and child ren trapped by a blaze in a hospital building, unable in many cases even to try to make an escape.” That spirit will moti vate the 6,000 experts whose goal is to see that serious hos pital fires will not occur again. Fear Technique The apostles of fear are moaning again. They can be heard in the banks, in the board rooms, in the stock ex changes. The cries of woe echo like a dirge in the front of fices of the Southern cotton mills, the Eastern steel factories, the Midwestern packing houses, the Western canneries. Why? Could one reason—one big reason—be that em ployers hope that, by screaming “Wolf! Wolf!”, Congress and the state legislatures wilt come to their rescue with pro business legislation? With restrictive labor Faws? With re duced taxes for the fat cats? a Indeed, why else Look at the baric factors in the U. 3r economy Personal debt is relatively tight. There is little “wild-, cat” speculation in the stock market. Cash and bank de posits are three times higher than they were in 1929. Na- 4 tional income is twice what-it was then. Individual savings bonds total $50 billion. Government benefit payments to veterans, social security, beneficiaries, farmers and others amount to $12 billion a year. There are no bank failures. Depositors are insured up to $5,000. Farm prices are supported strongly. Demand for consumer goods is enormous. More than 60 million workers are employed. Could it be that the peddlers of gloom are practicing the Technique of Fear? The only trouble with the Technique of Fear is that the American public doesn’t scare easily. Safety Progress In Coal Mining The Bureau of Mines has published an exhaustive re port on mine safety. It gives the coal industry high praise for what it calls “tremendous’’ progress in reducing accid- j..j xu u i success they have so far achieved is shown in the statistics. Sincere Peace Moves Welcomed Humanity urgently needs genuine endeavors for peace. Mankind is sick of the threat of aggression and the danger of war camouflaged by high-sounding phrases. Every sin cere move for peace by the Soviet government should be welcomed and encouraged. But every sinister maneuver and fraudulent move should be rebuffed and rejected. Mankind .. must be led to peace and not sold down the river—neither dope known to physical degenerates. It uoften argued that government cannot.be operated dywn the Rhine nor the Yangtze. on a business basis. That just doesn hold water, lhere is no excuse for having half a dozen costly agencies when one Traffic Deaths Preventable THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO i ai. Ji U.S i ii a a i n tn ftq tries i Every major mine accident naturally receives pubheitv ..alixation) bill is pressed strengthens the apprehension of those who mnirhm.i tha wintry Thia h.zU ZL* ♦hoV /par eontro1 industry is itself the end and not the means to I Strides taken inmechanizing mining operations havev DimiTAvinD made a significant contribution to safety. By RUTH TAYLOR •”„revery- that the industry and the miners as a wh(^eare aoing democratic way of life, who are Steeped in the traditions of & i NEWS and VIEWS By ALEXANDER 8. LIPSETT (An ILNS Feature) bb bbbbh bp an mbbubbmmbiimibmbim Again the question of free vs. government-chosen trade union represensation has eluded the grasp of the 32nd conference of the In ternational Labor Organization, meeting at Gevena, Switzerland. What used to be an occasional spat over the seating of govern ment-sicked anion delegates whose principal value consisted in their being at the beck and call of the rulers back home, has blossomed into an international conflict affecting the labor delegations of Argentina, Ireland, India, Panama and Veneluela. In all these instances, union rival organizations have disputed the right of government appointees to represent the labor movements of ’their countries as a whole. The credentials committee, and with it the ILO plenary conference, reject ed these protests on the convenient ground that there was no time to rule on their validity. What is behind the battle for labor representation? The truth is that trade unionism many parts of the world has became a sort of no-man’s land, a twi-Iight territory affording govern ments ample opportunity for sinister manipulations. Everyone ac quainted with international labor affairs knows or ought to know that it is near impossible to draw a line of demarkation between free and puppet labor organizations. Where, as in the Soviet Union, only one government approved and ruled labor movement prevails, the issue is relatively simple (the Soviet Union, by the way, is no longer in the ILO). But what is the ILA, bound by strict rules, going to do about clashing claims of rival labor bodies each with a large following and powers of their own? Certain it is that any attempt to take action against a govern ment-certified labor delegation means to risk serious conflicts within the ILO, even though these hand-picked delegates are little more than lickspittles of their governments. The issue is still more complicated where two or more national labor bodies of democratic countries are disputing the right of representation. The writer recalls for instance the drawn-out struggle between the AFL and CIO concerning the formers’ claim to sole American labor representation before the ILO. Though the AFL rights were always upheld, it should be added in fairness that the CIO claim to coequal representation was not without merit. The yardstick of “most representative” national labor organiza tion within the meaning of the ILO constitution is admittedly a make shift device. Even so, and as the Geneva conference shows, it has ceased to work effectively it spawns more conflicts than the ILO could ever hope to solve. The chairman of the credentials committee was quite right when he, in reporting to the ILO plenary session, dry ly observed: “One must be deaf and blind to think that trade union liberty, to which everyone renders verbal homage, exists in all coun- Further illustration of the attempt to bedevil man’s choice of freedom with government-manipulated rights comes from England 5 where another prominent laborite has left the ranks of his party in Krotest against the economic policies of the Attlee Government. Lord lilverton, former governor of Nigeria, Africa, specifically objected to the Labor Government’s bill for nationalization of the iron and steel industry. Maintaining that the measure was another step toward the brink of totalitarianism, he told a hushed House of Lords: “I have for some time felt with growing apprehension that this bill, for lovers of freedom, marks the parting of the way. I feel that with even the present control over the whole of our na tional life, which is at present legally in the hands of the govern-* ment, control has reached dangerous proportions, especially if that government itself is ever controlled by irresponsible, malic ious or revolutionary persons.” If the spirit of liberty is nothing but respect for the right of others to speak and act according to their conscience, present-day England lives up to this concept. But there is a hard core to the contention of Lord Milverton and others that England, economically speaking, is falling prey to the temptation of shortcuts and that, again in the Words of Lord Milverton, “The urgency with which the (steel nation- an end.” Last October, former colonial under-secretary Ivor Thomas took a similar stand, saying that he too was “disturbed by the growing concentration of power in the hands of the state.” The Conservative and Liberal parties will unquestionably make the most of the argu ments of former laborites in the election campaign next summer. The Ijibor Government wants the steel nationalization bill approved and enacted by April 1, white the opposition hopes to delay the issue until after the general election. •MMHMMMMMHMMh THE COWARDICE OF TREASON If you have read any of the many books recently issued which have exposed the work of subversive groups and enemy agents in this country, you have wondered, as have I, at the mentality of these workers against America, and have puzzled over what quirk in their brains drove them into treasonable movements and activities. It is hard for those of us who love America and who believe in loyalty and fair play, to understand how American men and women even ordinary intelligence could fall for the clap-trap sophistries of subversion and its absurd theories. It all sounds like some figment of a childish imagination. According to our temperament, these anti-Americans have anger ed or amused us. We have called them either traitors, demanding their complete eradication, or fools, regarding them with contemptu ous amusement. “Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad,” we said in derision. But we have overlooked the one thing they undeniably are— cowards. Afraid to face life, unable to meet the daily competition we each of us have to encounter, they have indulged in the deadly dis sipation of self j)ity, which is a more potent drug than any drink or They have sought alibis for their failure in life. They have sought ♦o make themselves big in a society of their own making. They could not face the truth, so they made up lies to excuse themselves and call ed them facts. They surrounded themselves with parasites, each in tent on praising the other like the apes in the Jungle Book. And some Americans who should have known better have taken advantage of those little people, flattering them in hopes of getting the political votes they thought these pressure groups could command. They are cowards—as are all would-be tyrants. There never was despot yet who was free from fear, who dared to walk unguarded, to face the mob alone. Only a fearless man dare allow freedom to an opponent. Only a fearless man dare play fair. Only a man who is sure of his own strength, of his own ability, dare grant an equal op portunity to his neighbor. Democracy demands touch of its citizens in return for the great gift of freedom which it gives them. Only the cowards are afraid to respond. Only the cowards are traitors. mm No-one how many corporation in of Givi lea de by LES FINNEGAN Thursday, July 14, 1949 The Taft-Hartley act, injunctions and all, is still with us after four weeks of debate in the Senate—proving more than anything else that there are a great many Republicans who figure they will be tired of public life by November 1950 and would just as soon take cushy jobs with big business or private industry. The daily, press, happy that industry will still be able toi break strikes by injunction, gave credit to Senator Taft—which was nonsense. The vote was 50 to 40 and Senator Byrd (D, Va.) led 16 other Dixiecrats into Taft’s open arms. Without the Dixiecrats, Taft would be just another guy who didn’t like Thomas E. Dewey last fall. 4 4 Senator Taft’s victory, in saving industry’s strike-breaking in junction powers, had a miraculous effect on the stock market which many economists claim is the index to the nation’s prosperity. Stock market prices had been dropping desperately, including a billion dollar drop on one day. But as soon as the wage earners of the country were handed a set-back by Congress, the stock market climbed. The day after Taft’s victory on the injunction amendment, June 29, the New York Journal of Commerce, big business daily, carried this headline on page-1: STOCKS RALLY ON FAVORABLE TURN IN LABOR LEGISLATION has ever been able to figure out how many jobs are lost, paychecks ended by the whimsical behavior of a single on the New York Stock Exchange. But if you read the financial pages you know that on a single day—June 13-—Associated Press reported: “The owners of all stocks listed on the Exchange were poorer by more than one billion dollars at the end of the day.” Why capitalism acts in these quaint ways nobody knows—least of all capitalists. However, one revealing stock market practice was dis closed just two days after the billion dollar loss but the story appear ed in only one newspaper, so far as this writer knows. It seems that the board of directors of Follansbee Steel Corp., of Pittsburgh, voted to cut its dividend from 75c to 25c a share. But just nine days before this action was announced the chairman of the board, C. E. Christ man, sold his 10,500 shares, and another board director, Herbert Dean, sold all but 200 of his shares. The value of the Follansbee stock is now down 20% from the prices grabbed by the chairman and the dir ector. But if you imagine that such shenanigans have anything to Ap with the current “lack of confidence” in the stock market you’re najp’t The real reason, according to the financial pages, is that “risk capihJr won’t enter the market” and the reason that “risk capital won’t enter the market” is because labor “wants a fourth round wage increase.” In the fight over housing legislation, one of the most passionate opponents of this Administration plan to provide something better than hovels for ex-G. I.’s and former war workers was Rep. Victor Wickersham, of Oklahoma. In attacking the housing bill, Wickersham, who by the sheerest of co-incidences happens to be an executive of a real estate company, declaimed for an hour in favor of the free enter prise system. Wickersham, in fact, is sueh a devout believer in the “system” that he is the only Congressman on record who has dragged the office of Congressman into commercial advertising. His picture is currently appearing in more than a dozen national magazines en dorsing a certain brand of automobile tire. Wickersham’s idea catches on we can expect Congresswoman Katherine St. George to endorse a deodorant. to disguise the smell of her anti-labor record. BEHIND THE HEADLINES CRUCIAL TEST NOW FOR FULL EMPLOYMENT LAW Washington (LPA)—The full employment law is facing its first major test—a test that may involve the jobs of millions %f workers. For the first time since the law was enacted in 1946 to avoid de pressions, the country now faces the danger of a depression. The danger is recognized by most government economists. The theory of the full employment law was to provide machinery for taking action, as soon as the danger was recognized, to avoid depressions. The test facing the law today, therefore, is whether or not it will result in action to head off the depression which seems to be threaten ing the nation. Labor and liberal supporters of the law believed it would be possible for the government—by taking proper action—to head off serious depressions. They still believe so. The question is— will the government act in accordance with the spirit of tne law? The first step in taking such action is the submission of a report to Congress by the President pointing out the danger and recommA 1 ing action. Tne President is complying with his responsibility un the law this week—although whether his message is strong enough to mobilize public opinion and force action from an uncooperative Con gress remains to be seen. The real test facing the full employment law comes in Congress, as supporters of the law recognized from the outset. The whole pur pose of the legislation is to get Congress to take action in time to head-off serious trouble, rather than waiting until the economy has been thrown into a dangerous downward spiral that is difficult to stop. The action Congress takes on the President’s message, therefore may spell the difference between depression and full employment—be tween millions of workers looking hopelessly for jobs and plentiful jobs—between tragedy and triumph, not only for millions of workers, but for the nation as a whole. The President’s message comes at a critical time when Congress is heading in a direction which many economists believe increases, rather than diminshes the danger of a depression. Congress is dom inated by men who have never understood or believed in the full em ployment law, or the possibility of government action to head off a de pressions. The theory of government action to head-off depression is simply that when there is not enough purchasing power in the hands of con sumers to keep the wheels of industry going full blast, and when busi ness begins to get scared and to curtail its expenditures, government should step in to reverse the trend. This involves temporary deficit financing, or the government spending more than it takes in. It can not be done in any other way. Supporters of government action to avert depression believe that in this way, by spending a few billion dollars at the right time, the government can head-off an economic slump which might cost the na tion many times that much in terms of human tragedy and economic loss. It was government spending, primarily, which boosted national income from 40 billion dollars a year in 1933 to five times that much by the end of the war. Much of that, of course, was wasteful spending for war. In peace time with national income already high, a compara tively small stream of government spending, properly directed into constructive channels, could do the job. Most Congressmen do not think in these terms at all. Their first inclination, when they see a slump coming and government revenue declining, is to curtail spending. This merely adds to the shortage qf purchasing power and increases the downward economic spiral, current economy drive in Congress is an evidence of this kina thinking. Unhappily, that economy drive is directed at the very measure that would help to combat the tendency toward depression, such mea sures as federal aid to education, and expansion of the security laws. The economy drive is aimed, too, at expenditure for aid to Europe, which indirectly bolster our economy. It blocks action on the Brannan farm program, which would sustain the farm economy without putting food prices out of reach of consumers. Most observers believe there is little chance of reversing this trend of thinking *in Congress—at least until conditions have become far more serious than they are today. If they are right, it means that Congress is ready to nullify the full employment law which labor worked so hard to get three years ago. It means that government action will not be taken until the cost of such action has become far greater than it would be today. It means millions of people must lose their jobs—unnecessarily. WHAT WOULD ‘ABE’ LINCOLN THINK OF THIS? Is the door to the learned professions being shut in the faces, of 75 of each 100 American boys—the ones who haven’t the money tof i for seven years in college—but in the past have been able to rK_X the top by “spare-time study”? “Yes,” answers John T. Kennedy, president of Benjamin Franklin University, a Washington institution which trains accountants by spare-time courses given in the evening. Lawyers, doctors and dentists, Kennedy points out, are required to have at least three years of college “liberal arts” education before they can even begin their four years of professional training. Now this rquirement is also being extended to “certified public accountants.” This situation, he warns, harms all the American people, by caus ing a “shortage of professional men and excessive costs for their ser vices.” What would “Abe” Lincoln think about this? He never saw the inside of any kind of college, but “read law,” became an able lawyer and a great President. Today, he would be told to go and get seven years of college before he could practice law or other professions.