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The potters herald. [volume] (East Liverpool, Ohio) 1899-1982, June 29, 1950, Image 4

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn78000533/1950-06-29/ed-1/seq-4/

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t. F.
®lje Volitrts Herald
■ntered at Poet Office, East Uverpool, Ohio. April 20, 1M2. aa second-class matter.
Accepted for mailing at Special Rattee of Postage provided for in Section HOT,
Act o October U, 1917, authoriaed Aoguat 20, 1918._______________________
HARRY L. GILIfc.—— Editor and Buainaoa Manager
Om Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada.----------- 2.00
■, in*. Tiwtan S. Naw Jeraey
iSacnd Viea Praaident. ........ ..Fraak Hall, dill Pacific Blvd.. Huntington Pm*. CaHt
jndrd Viea Praaidaut— Jamao Slaven, Cannon* Milla, Im* Liverpool, Okie
.Fourth Viea President—Charles Zimmer, 1045 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8, New Janay
‘Fifth Vice
Devlin, 205 Ashmore Ave^ Trenton. N. /.
(Sixth Vice Pr—--------- Frank Dales. 015 Alton St., Beat Liverpool, Ohio
I Seventh Vice President——T. J. Deamond, 628 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva, Ohio
1 Sighth Viea p—Jrwh.ia Chadwick, Grant Street. Newell, W, Va.
jSacrwtarr-Treawer Qtaa. F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, East Uverpool, Ohio
‘Manufacturers—.................. K. KOOS. H. M. WALKBR. W. A. BETO
jOperntivea_____________________ BERT CLARK. DAVID BEVAN/CHAS. JORDAN
Business Not In Politics? That*s
What Chamber Says
That pool li’l ole struggling child—the United States
1 Chamber of Commerce-lifted innocent eyes recently and
“Labor’s activity in politics is going to continue. The
forces outside Labor have no counterpart to the League
(LLPE) and the PAC.”
The innocence of course is only in the expression, as a
Toledo Blade editorial points out:
“There is a kind of guileless innocence about the exhort
ation of the United States Chamber of Commerce to the bus
inessmen of America to ‘get into politics themselves down to
the grass roots’ unless they are ready to abandon the field
to labor’s active and vocal workers in the voting vineyards.
“In tracing the growth of labor as a political force by
way of emphasizing its warning, the Chamber goes all the
way back to formation of the working Men’s Party of 1828
and brings the movement up through the AFL League for
Political Education and the CIO Political Action Committee.
“It might have stopped somewhere along the way, how
to learn that businessmen have been in politics—‘down
to the grass roots’ and then some—for many more years
than labor and to much more obvious effect.
“It would have found an interesting way station, surely,
the era of the late 19th and early 20th centuries when
Senators and Representatives in Congress were barefaced
servants of the business interests to whom they acknowledg
ed their election. It might have studied those days of ‘coal
senators,’ and ‘steel senators,’ and ‘copper senators,’—days
when business interests ruled the political roost almost by
“For that matter, the Chamlier of Commerce must be
aware that railroads, utilities companies, and most other
business concerns are far from inactive in politics today.
“It must know that their contributions—pecuniary and
otherwise—continue to play pn important part in the poli
tical arts in this country.
“It can’t be ignorant of the fact that the National Asso
ciation of Manufacturers, the Small Business Men’s Asso
ciation, and even the United States Chamber of Commerce
play an active and important role in iiolitics—both before
and after elections.
“In blissfully ignoring these realities, the Chamber may
only have been looking back nostalgically to those days of
which it speaks—the days of 1828 and more than a hundred
years thereafter—when the jxjlitieal field was left almost
unchallenged to the maneuverings of business interests. But
surely this is not in accord with the chamber’s basic relief
in the merits of competition in all things.
“The rise of labor as a political force within the last 20
years is indeed a remarkable phenomenon and, on the whole,
a very healthy one.”
Whose 'Handout State*?
Well, well, well.
Here is the Chamlier of Commerce, the National Asso
ciation of Manufacturers, Chairman Guy Gabrielson of the
Republican National Committee and other spokesmen for
Big Business yelling their heads off about the “Handout
State.” And Senate Republicans—whose policy is set up by
such enlightened gentlemen as Taft, Brewster and Wherry
—decide that deficit spending is one of the biggest issues
of the 1950 jKlitical campaign.
They damn this help for the farmer and they damn that
help for the hdme buyer. They throw rocks at social secur
ity and they throw rocks at Federal aid to education. They
imply that national health insurance would bankrupt the
country—provided public housing doesn’t do it first.
Anything, you see, that helps those who need help is
“Socialistic” and part of the “Handout State.” (When they
want to be original, they change their cuss words to “Wel
fare State.”)
But along comes the staff of the Joint Congressional
Economic Committee and ruins their little stories. The staff
reports that it is businessmen who get, by far, most of the
Government outlays to business—in the form of buy
ing goods and services, loans, subsidies and so forth—will
amount to $16 billion in fiscal 1050, the year ending June
30. This is expected to increase to $16.9 billion next year.
On the other hand, Government outlays to farmers—
the second largest group of beneficiaries—will amount to
$4.3 billion in fiscal 1950. This is expected to decrease to $3
billion next year.
So the “Handout State’# cry is shown up for what it is
•—an appeal to ignorance.
Those who use the term are more ignorant than those
to whom the appeal is made. That is because they haven’t
learned the oldest political lesson in the world: You can’t
win elections by trying to fool the people.
Exceptional Congressman
When a Representative sets about defeating a veteran
Senator for a seat in the U. S. Senate, he usually leaves his
job in Washington to campaign. One exception to this is
Rep. John Carroll (D., Colo.) who is out to defeat labor
baiting Sen. Eugene Millikin. Carroll, although facing a
strenuous race, has stuck to his tedious tax«making job on
the Ways and Means Committee day in and day out. Which
is an example of a Congressman putting country above self.
Taft's Security Plan Would Do Away
With Stake Of Workers
Do trade unionists oppose Sen. Robert Taft (R., OKio) 1
merely because of the Taft-Hartley Act? Of course not. I
.There are plenty of other things wrong with Taft. Take his
'stand on social security.
Taft wants to throw out the present social security pro*
gram and set up a pay-as-you-go system.
Taft knows it’s easy to get social security benefits to
everyone. Just expand the present law. Trade unionists
have been pointing that out for years. Taft is one of the
guys who have been standing in the way of a social security
program for all. 'J"
Under the pay-as-you-go plan you would(get a raw deal*
Right now every worker whom social security covers has y
some equity in the $12 billion pension trust fund.
Under Taft’s plan that fund would be abolished, in-*
stead each year or two Congress would decide how much
pensions should be. The figure might be set at $200 a month
—or $20.
Then almost everyone would get about the same pen
sions. But no one would have any equity in a pension fundi
Nearly all of the cost of pay-as-you-go pensions would be
financed through general taxation. /I
So you can see how your pensions would go up and
down. The only ones who would profit under such a system
are the private insurance companies. Almost everyone who
could afford it would need some of his own insurance to sup
plement the uncertain Taft pay-as-you-go program.
Yes, there are many things wrong with Taft. That’s
why Ohio State Auditor Joe Ferguson, the Democratic Sen
atorial nominee, is going to beat Taft in November.
Get Busy!
Top union officials can’t do the job of enrolling a mill
ion new members in the AFL this year. The help of every
union member is required and every member has the respon
sibility to aid in the campaign. This point is well brought
out by the International Molders’ and Foundry Workers’
Journal, in an editorial addressed to members of the Molders
Union but which applies equally as well to members of all
AFL unions. Says the Journal, which is edited by Taylor
T. Buchanan: V-4J
“When the AFL unions set some goal to achieve, evesy
member should feel some responsibility to help achieve that
goal. That’s what unity means. With all of us putting forth
some effort to accomplish a certain goal, nothing can stop
us from reaching it.
“The AFL unions set as a goal one million new mem
bers this year in celebration of the birth of Samuel Gomp
ers, founder of the American Federation of Labor and one
of the greatest labor men of all time. -p*
“Our international union desires to contribute its share
of new members to the sum total. Every local union should
plan now, if it has not already done so, to assist in this con
structive enterprise. No loyal member can afford to sit idly
by while this campaign is going on.
“A growing organization is always a vigorous one and
is always out in front in wages and conditions. If there are
any unorganized shops in your community, your local union
should resolve now to have them organized before this year
comes to an end. It can be done if you make up your mind to
do it.’’
An Example Of Unity
For some time now the CIO has been beating the drums
for closer cooperation and greater unity among all branches
of organized labor. Because of this, an event which took
place last week in New York City was of particular interest
to us.
The CIO Newspaper Guild went on strike at the New
York World-Telegram and Sun, one of the largest Scripps
I loward newspaiiers. i
The paper, unlike some which the Guild and other
unions have struck, ceased publication. It had to—because,
members of the AFL and independent craft unions refused^
as individuals, to go through the Guild’s picket lines.
The Taft-Hartley Act, so we’ve been told, makes it
illegal for unions to stage sympathy strikes and this could
easily have been used as an excuse for crossing the Guild’$
picket line.
But the printers, pressmen and other mechanical work
ers decided to show how they felt about the situation by
refusing individually to help break the Guild strike as it
As this is written we don’t know what kind of legal
maneuvers will be attempted by the Scripps-Howard or
ganization to break up the cooperation that existed as the
strike began.
Regardless of what may happen, however, the men and
women who put out the World-Telegram and Sun have pro
vided a good example that labor unity can really mean some
What is needed is more unity on a much wider scale.
It’s a goal really worth working fqr.
Industry-Wide Hypocrisy
Employers and General Counsel Robert Denham of the
National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) long have scream
ed that industry-wide bargaining is something akin to the
work of Satan. Labor unions, they protest loudly, have too
much power when they deal with whole industries.
But along comes a milk strike in Washington, I). C. The
milkdrivers strike three dairies. Six other dairies pull a
sympathy lockout and won’t allow the drivers to work at
their plants.
The workers protest to the NLRB. Anh what does Den
ham do?
He rules that the workers are not locked out, that they
struck all six dairies.
Regardless of the legality of Denham’s decision, the
case proves that the employers hug industry-wide bargain
ing just as warmly as unions ever did.
It’s remindful of the last coal strike when Governor
Schricker of Indiana asked the miners and mine operators of
Indiana to bargain apart from the rest of the industry. The
miners were willing. The operators weren’t.
Did someone say something about “monopoly” unions
that don’t care about the health and welfare of the public?
Better Life Promoted
Wage earners, through their unions, have increasingly
concerned tjiemselves with the problems and services of
community life—both their political and administrative
aspects. Unions have promoted better schools and better
educational opportunities, better public libraries, health pro
visions, recreational facilities and whatever would improve
the social and moral conditions of the community. As a re
sult, wage earners have gained position and influence in
community life by participation in politics and social under
takings. We are citizens who use our votes in accord with
principles of human welfare and progress.
'H! ”r
iir-Apct Ji. ■.'.Ji i." .(•
v WO’
r. y.-w.
Where It Hurts
Why Publishers Behave The Way
They Do In USA
For Labor Press Association
The Real Estate Lobby spends plenty of time, energy and money
in Washington to block or hamstring any measure that might lighten
the houings load for low and middle income groups. But the lobby
doesn’t stop there.
Whenever Congress does enact housing legislation, the lobby’s
agents get busy in the field to hamstring or block the new program.
The National Association of Real Estate Boards, the National Associa
tion of Home Builders, the Retail Lumber Dealers and the rest of
them are as ready to oppose progress in favor of speculative profits
in Oregon or Arkansas as in the national capital. What’s more, they
are willing and sometimes able to soil the democratic process—namely,
the referendum—to attain their ends.
Take the 1949 public housing law passed last July. That’s the
measure providing 810,000 low rent units to be built over a six-year
period by local housing authorities in communities resuesting aid.
The Real Estate Lobby fought it tooth and nail. Congress approved
it anyway, so the lobby carried the fight to the local level, which is
one reason why only about 3400 units actually are under construction
a year later and why only about 14,000 units will be started by early
The Real Estate Lotby does its dirty work by walking both sides
of the street. On one side it blocks or delays local action by forcing
unnecessary referendums, then conducting below-the-belt campaigns
to kill the local proposals. On the other side, its spokesmen smeer:
“Eeyeah! Where’s that housing the Communists in Washington pro
mised you?” Best way to combat them is to know what they’re up to.
You could see how they fight in Portland, Ore., May 19. Port
land conducted a referendum on a “cooperation agreement” between
the city and the local housing authority. Under such an agreement a
city contracts to exempt a project from taxes, and the local housing
authority agrees to make an annual voluntary payment to the city,
which may be as much as 10 percent of the rent collected. The Real
Estate Lobby always yowls that this means the city loses money.
Actually, the voluntary payments frequently exceed the tax! rate.
Moreover, the payment often is made on property whose taxes would
be delinquent. The lobby yowled away in Portland.
The backers of Portland’s proposed ‘2000-unit project included
the city’s two daily papers and the Citizens’ League for Better
Homes, to which moTe than 50^organizations belonged. Only opposi
tion came from the real estate board, the apartment owners and the
Home Builders. The Citizens’ League conducted a highminded cam
paign based on the facts, so you know what happewd.
There’s nothing more complicated to expldin than how a housing
project is planned and financed. Consequently there’s nothing easier
to lie about effectively. “Can you afford to pay someone else’s rent?”
lobby spokesmen cried on the radio, and in newspaper and billboard
ads, using canned copy that turns up all over the country. You’ll be
snowed under with taxes and the whole town will go to pot, they add
ed. Sounds corny, but it worked—because too few people understood
the answers. The Real Estate Lobby won by 90C0 votes.
Not that the lobby always wins. Using the same dirty tactics,
the lobby lost in Little Rock, Ark., May 9. By 5032 to 4026, Little
Rock’s citizens approved a cooperation agreement covering a 1000
unit proj»*ct. The Real Estate boys used airplanes to spread anti
housing propaganda. “Door knockers,” working in pairs, posed as ap
Kraisers for the project, pretended they were about to offer house
olders ridiculously low prices for their homes which allegedly were
right on the project site. But Little Rockers seem to have been better
informed than Portland’s voters. Organized labor found itself should
er-to-shoulder with the chamber of commerce. A women’s group show
ed unprecedented strength. A Negro housing committee proved effec
tive. As a result, the lobby went down to defeat.
The real Estate Lobby’s strategy and tactics have failed in a num
ber of communities, notably Beaumont, Tex., Oakland, Calif., Lexing
ton, Ky., and St. Paul, Minn. And of course, there will be public
housing in many a community where the lobby has been unable to
force a referendum, although it has other ways to trick the public.
The Public Housing Administration announced June 14 that sites
have been approved for more than 60,000 dwelling units in 213 low
rent projects in 132 communities. Meanwhile, 630 communities have
applied for aid covering 428,364 units, preliminary loans have been
approved for 374 communities and tax exemptions have been negotiat
ed in 269 communities.
Nevertheless, the Real Estate Lobby has used its tricks to defeat
project plans in referendums in Seattle, Wash., St. Petersburg, Fla.,
Racine, Wis., Yakima, Wash., Rapid City, S. D., and Lubbock, Tex. It
will try to defeat projects in other referendums this summer and fall
and to persuade city administrative bodies to turn projects down. If
you’re in a community where a city council must act on a project or
where there is to be a referendum, you’ll get a full view of the lobby’s
You’ll be told over and over again that you will have to pay the
rent of project tenants, that project tenants are “political tenants”
that the whole thing is Socialistic or Communistic. What’s more, the
same newspaper ads, the same handouts and the same pamphlets will
appear wherever there’s a housing battle. They come from the “kits”
of the National Association of Home Builders or from the National
Association of Real Estate Boards. And even if your town approves
—say—a tax exemption agreement, the Real Estate Lobby still has
some strings to its now.'
It will quibble about building sites, spreading the old gossip that
housing projects harm property values. Its spokesmen will induce city
councils to veto vacant lots and insist on tearing down existing struc
tures, thus adding to the cost. That’s the way they worked in Chicago.
Or they’ll talk about overcrowding the schools in the project area and
whisper that minority groups soon will be ruining the neighborhood.
That’s what they’re doing in Denver, according to the Colorado Labor
Advocate. Board’s own phony slum rehabilitation scheme which con
sists largely of replacing a few outdoor privies with indoor flush
That’s what you’re up against if you want a low rent project in
your community. But you know who the enemy are and you can fight
—In London, England, railroad mon aro having the same trouble
over new turbo-jet locomotives that American rail unions are having
with diesels. But union stationmasters have suddenly come out in
favor of the new trains that swoosh through small stations at 95
miles an hour. At first they didn’t like the turbo-jets which push a
blast of air ahead of them under platforms and blow off stationmast
ers’ hats and knock over waste-baskets. Then they discovered that
when they left the doors open, the explosive blast of air rushed up the
chimneys and blew soot all over the countryside, thus eliminating the
stationmasters’ nasty job of chimney cleaning.
—In Washington, D. C., the Bell Telephone monopoly, which re
cently said it would refuse to be “held up” by the wage demands of
its employes, was charged by a Wilmington, Del., city official with
“knowingly” abetting the gambling rackets of gangsters. The W’ilm.
ington supertindent of public safety claimed that not only are local
Bell officers “getting paid off” by mobsters but also they couldn’t
permit the illegal use of wires “without approval of company execu
?-p- r.
■In Milwaukee, a scab barber started a price-cutting campaign
and stuck a sign in his window advertising, “Haircuts—75c.” The nJan"
ager of a union shop in the same block walked down and looked at
the sign for several minutes and then returned to his own place. An
hour later a sign appeared in his window: “Good Haircuts—$1. Non
union Haircuts—75c.”
—In Trenton, N. J., the New Jersey Supreme Court ruled that a
woman who did work for a man on the expectation of marrying him
and then was jilted cannot collect back pay for her services.
—In Camden, N. J., two Communist stooges for the left-wing
United Electrical Workers were afraid to go back to work for three
weeks after an NLRB election between UE and the new OlO Electrical
Workers Union. The two men got the idea that if they could get a
lot of RCA workers to bet $5 each on UE they’d inevitably vote for the
side they- were betting on. Came the day before election they had
collected $215, but at the same time they had become more and more v
worried. Finally they became convinced that UE couldn’t win and that
they’d be held responsible for losing all the money. Result was that
the night before the voting they went downtown and bet the whole
$215 on the CIO union to win. The 43 who bet $5 each on UE never
knew that their money was riding on the union they had bet against.
The next day after the CIQ had won the bewildered Communists were
trying to figure out whether they dared give the 43 men their winn
ings and confess they had bet on the opposite side. Or give them back
their $5 each .and risk murderous wrath when the 43 discovered that
the UE pair had held out on them and pocketed the winnings!
—In Washington, D. C., Rep. John Rankin (D, Miss.) who froths
at the mouth at the idea of anti-lynching legislation, almost wept out
loud when he asked Congress to do something about the 848,000 cats
that are expected to be killed in highway accidents this year.
—In Baltimore, five AFL longshoremen helped unload the first
shiploads of steel and iron scrap salvaged from the Japanese military
machine, and recalled how they picketed the same piers 10 years ago
against export of some? of the same scrap to Japan.
—In Chicago, two independent unions wondered how they co^
appear moral and lawabiding and still keep their jobs. They
figure out how to protest the U. S. Senate’s action in banning the.. A
terstate shipment of slot machines—which members of the two unions
—In Washington, D. C., the big business lobby that has been
trying to get Congress to tax credit unions operated by labor groups
rushed to the legal defense of a local blood-sucking outfit that was
charging workers 31% interest on auto loans.
—In Madrid, Spain, Dictator Franco’s newspaper, Arriba, de
nounced American labor leaders for claiming that a free press is cur
tailed in Spain and using that as an argument against giving Franco’s
regime a multi-billion dollar loan. The Madrid paper knew this was
true because it appeared in the New York Times. Then, in a sad slip
of the tongue, Arriba added, “We buy our copy of the New York Times
at a public kiosk every day. But the Times was suppressed 13 days
out of the 31 in January, and 11 out of the 28 in February.”
—In Washington, D. C., an NLRB trial examiner provided a new
Taft-Hartley version of free speech, holding that an employer has a
right to force his workers to listen to anti-union speeches during
working hours, but the workers have no right to demand a like oppor
tunity to reply to him.
—In Hollywood, Cal., studio union leaders were thwarted when
Senator Johnson (D, Col.) abandoned his plan to require the licensing
of all movie actors and actresses. The union officials were ready to
propose that all Congressmen be licensed, particularly those like
Andrew May and J. Parnell Thomas who are now serving time in
federal prisons.
—In Athens, Greece, 65.0C0 members of government and civil
servants unions went out on general strike and then threatened to
expel the radio and telegraph unions which joined the strike. With
the radio and telegraph workers out, the other unions claimed they
had no way of keeping in touch with or giving instructions to local
unions in other cities.
—In Washington, D. C., ‘an officer of ah AFL postman’s union
got a government scientist to figure out that when a postman walks
just one mile he exerts a cumulative pressure of 500,0001 founds on
his feet.
Thursday, June 29, 1950
Anti-Housing Lobby
Using Slimy Tricks
To Block Projects
Washington (LPA)—There’s an old popular refrain that went
something like “How come you do me like you do”. Unionists have
often asked that question about newspaper publishers, especially
when they read the dailies’ accounts of labor disputes. You know—
the management’s version at length, and then in the last paragraph
something about the union’s side—maybe. That is know as “present
ing both sides.”
Well, the answer is given in an interesting essay in a recent issue
of Editor & Publisher, the weekly magazine of the newspaper indus
try. The essay summarizes the results of a survey of the nation’s
publishers—their own answers to a series of questions.
What it adds up to, by their own confession, is that despite the
beautiful stuff they put out about democracy, and about (‘quality, hnd
about their boast that there are no classes in America, they turn out
to be complacent echoes of their own class—businessmen, most of them
from the middle or upper income class and reflecting the views of the
businessmen that they themselves are.
In short, they are not bribed by advertisers, they are in no dark
conspiracy to pervert the news. They are convinced they present the
news impartially—as they see it. And they see it through the eyes of
the class they represent—business.
For that’s what they are—businessmen.
Questionnaires went to every publisher of a daily in this country.
The 204 publishers who replied represent a combined circulation of
5,507,758, in 43 states and the District of Columbia. Their average in
come is $18,908, and the average worth of each paper is $347,9s0.
So it is no surprisd to find that 91.4 per cent love the Taft-Hart
ley act that 70.8 per cent are definitely opposed to the Newspaper
Guild, 9 per cent favor it, and 20.1 per cent are uncertain thaMI^
though 33.2 per cent belong to the Democratic party, only 17 pep
voted for Truman in 1948, and only 5 percent favor the Fair Deal. and
finally, that 69.5 per cent said “In general my newspaper agrees with
the dominant point of view of my community.”
What they read is also revealing. Their favorite newspaper, in
order, is: NY Times, Chicago Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, NY
Herald-Tribune and Wall Street Journal. Their favorite magazines,
in order, are Time, Life, Reader’s Digest, Editor & Publisher, and
Saturday Evening Post. Note that not one journal of opinion is in
cluded. Note also that, to put it most charitably, all the magazines
listed are right of center.
How did they get into the business? Well, in the case of 23.5
percent, they inherited the newspaper 56.9 percent chose newspaper
ing as a career and 19.6 percent stumbled into the business. And in
1918, about the time these publishers were entering college, the in
come of their families ranged from over $2500 a year (55 per cent) to
over $5CC0 (33.8 per cent). And in 1918 only 8 per cent of those gain
fully employed earned more than $2500 a year, and only 2 percent
earned $5CC0 or over.
They belong to such clubs as Rotary, golf and country club
Masons, Elks, and press associations, and their favorite spodlkn
order of preference are golf, fishing, hunting, gardening and sj
tor sports.
Their background? Professional, proprietary and clerical groups
suppiied 65.1 percent, but only 13.2 per cent came from metropolitan
conters, and 67.6 were born and raised in rural towns. They are pre- i
.dominatly Protestant (91.3 per cent) and 50.8 per cent attend church
regularly today. They married at 26.6 years (average) and have 2.3
children (average). More than 90 per cent finished high school: 56.1
Sercent finished college and 17.5 per cent went on to receive higher I
The Editor & Publisher article is by the young man who con-1
ducted the survey in preparation for his master’s thesis at Boston!
University. One paragraph of his essay is revealing. It reads: I
“Since absolute objectivity in journalism is an impo ability the*
social heritage, the ‘professional reflexes’, the individual tempera
ment aibl the economic status of the publishers assume a fundamen
tal significance.”
Indeed they do, yes indeed.
And that is uhy no labor man should be surprised, although he
may get exasperauid, at tlu, treatment labor gets in the daily press.

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