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Mi' Sb* Potter? Jlerald .7-Axaxi'u., OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF /. The national brotherhood of operative potters y and A' EAST LIVERPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL PttHWiW every Thursday at Baet Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. J*., owning and opTAjing the Beat Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State &iter«l Office. East Liverpool. Ohio, April 20, 1902, as second-claw matter. Accepted for mailing at Special Rate*, of Postage provided for in Section 1109, Act of Oeteher 12, 1917, authorised 20, 1918. c«NERAL OFFICE,, N. B. ef O. P. BUILDING. W. SIXTH ST., BELL PHONE 672 HARRY L. GILL- —..Editor and Business Manager One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada------------------------------------ L0Q President. Janies M. Duff,. P. O. Box 762, East Liverpool, Ohio First Vice President....E. L. Wh&atley, Room 216. Broad Street, National Bank Build inar. Trenton S. New Jersey flfTt—-» Vice President Frank Hull, 2111 Pacific Blvd., Huntington Park, Calif. Third Vice President.—.... ...Tjamee Slaven, Cannons Mills, East Liverpool, Ohio Fourth Vice President Charles Zimmer, 1046 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8, New Jersey Fifth Vice pTMident i n. Arthur Devlin* 205 Ashmore Ave.* Trenton* N. J. Sixth Vice President Frank Dales, 916 Alton St., East Liverpool, Ohio Seventh Vice President-------- _-..T. J. Desmond, 225 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva, Ohio Rishth Vice Preoident r. Chadwick* Grant Street, Newell* W. ya. SecrUary-Treasurer?. ——.Chas..Joshua F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, East Liverp ool, Ohio GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE IfaMfsetuiera— M. J, LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL 5iSS^^ZZ.CTAS. F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN, ERNEST TORRENCE CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE m. E. K. KOOS, H- M, WALKER, W. A. BETZ BERT CLARK, DAVID feEVAN, CHAS. JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturer. ROBERT DIETZ, Sr.. W. A. BETZ. RAY BROOKS JAMES SLAVEN, OS AR FW AN, ROSE STEWART C. of C. Would Be Wise To Muzzle Its 'Nutty' Speakers For the most flabbergasting spectacle of the week, take a look at Clem D. Johnson, Virginia businessman and vice president of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce. He’s a prize example of the reasons why that biggest of Big Business or ganizations would be wise to put muzzles on the men who speak in its name. They seem completely “nutty,” living in a fantastically unreal world of their own, wholly out of touch with the hu man needs and aspirations of the American people. They say things which shock and anger the people, and then busi ness wonders why it is not more “popular.” Speaking before a distinguished audience at the Univer sity of Virginia, Johnson said: Alternating periods of prosperity and depression “are a sort of rhythmic pulsation, the one the natural and proper corrective of the other. “I don’t share the politicians’ morbid fear of even a slight downturn in business,” added the C. of C. official, who never went hungry in good times or bad. “In my experience,, depressions even at their worst are merely a time when some people are forced to do without things which their parents never had.” “Busts,” Johnson declared, are necessary to “correct the commodities market and labor market.” In plain words, to knock down the prices received by farmers for their pro ducts, and to make workers willing to accept lower wages and longer hours, by creating lines of jobless men at factory gates. He also rejoiced at the idea that a good old-fashioned depression would make American people give up their de mands for such nonsensical things as higher old-age pen sions. A depression would stop “Welfare State Socialism” and restore American “freedom,” he declared. Fortunately, this Big Business spokesman was answer ed immediately and before the same audience, by a man with quite different views—Bertram M. Gross, executive secre tary of President Truman’s Council of Economic Advisers. “We are sickened by the cynicism of the small minority who assert that unemployment is the price we pay for free dom,” Gross declared indignantly. “We are sickened by those who assert that depressions are inevitable so long as we maintain our capitalistic mode of production and distribution. “Most of us act on the hypothesis that our future is one of unending growth and progress—that the misery of mass unemployment can be forever prevented.” Now, let’s take a look at Johnson, not as he is, but as he might be if he had just a little sanity and sense. Suppose he had said something like this: “The U. S. C, of C. and business in general wants to do all they can to keep farmers prosperous, improve the wages and working conditions of workers, provide the highest pos sible pensions for the old folks, and make life constantly bet ter for all the American people. We want to guard against the dangers of excessive ‘booms,’ but we certainly don’t waAt a ‘bust’.” Wouldn’t that make the average citizen a little more friendly to business, and help cut the ground out from under Communists who claim the capitalist system is doomed be cause it is the foe of the people? But this C. of C. spokesman and others like him prefer to hand ammunition to the Communists by declaring that, under the “American system,” we must again have 15 mil lion desperate men and women tramping the streets in hope less search of jobs, their dearly-loved families hungry, and hundreds of thousands housed in wretched “Hoovervilles.” How Stalin and his Kremlin crowd must laugh and rub his hands with glee when they hear of a C. of C. speech like Johnson’s! “See!” the “Red” propagandists say to the world’s peoples, “that’s just what we have been telling you about American Big Business men!” Excise Tax Repeal Apparently there is no chance of repealing or reducing the wartime excise taxes at the present time. The Senate Finance Committee, backed by President Truman, has agreed to drop the legislation because of the Korean situation. This paper thinks that it was not a necessary decision and that the taxes could have been dropped or slashed without detri ment to the national interest. There is no particular point in arguing that now, however. Why Vote? The head of the American Psychiatric Association has given us another reason why every eligible jierson should vote. In a democracy, he says, anyone who doesn’t vote is bound to develop a guilty feeling. And a guilty feeling does not make for mental health. So vote, and maybe you won’t need a psychiatrist. But repeal or drastic cutting of the taxes must again be taken up at the earliest favorable moment. The taxes are discriminatory and grossly unfair, hitting certain industries always there to meet an emergency. All of us know the while others/are spared the burden. Right now the taxes are tending to keep up and increase the cost of living, already showing an alarming tendency to soar under Korean war conditions. They do no good even in the lest of times and could seriously reduce employment and consumption in times of slackening business activity. Labor In Time Of Crisis We do not have to anticipate an extension of the Korean fighting in order to see value in the meeting in Washington between 22 top labor leaders and Chairman W. Stuart Sym ington of the National Security Resources Board. We need industrial peace at home if we are to finish our task in Korea in the quickest possible time and with the least possible loss, of life. We need it because it is part of our national strengths will discourage the potential aggressor. Two world wars have taught government, labor and management some methods for keeping the domestic peace, in such times of crisis. In each war we have tried to avoid' compulsion, difficult as this has beep when some men have been drafted for the fighting services while others were left safely in their homes and jobs. The labor leaders who met with Mr. Symington stood firmly for a continuation of this. policy. They asked too, that “any plan for present or future: mobilization of American resources provide full and ade quate representation for organized labor in the planning^ and operational divisions of the government agencies invol ved.” In an emergency so desperate as to involve the national existence the labor spokemen might find these demands in- 1 compatible, for in accepting responsibility, as they would have to do, they might have to accept some rigorous conse quences of responsibility. That is, they might have to join in decisions which would temporarily limit the freedom of^ labor. But their instinct is sound. The dignity and freedom of the individual are the cause for which we are now fight ing in Korea and which we hope to maintain, by firm peaceful methods, throughout the free world. Of course, it is not enough to lay ’down the principle.. Labor, management and government must work patiently J' together. It is encouraging to know that the labor leaders If are forming a 9-man committee for this purpose and that $ Mr, Symington means to consult with management as he has done with labor. $ 4 'Forward, Never Backward An inspiring objective of progress in line with its past record is set forth by the American Federation of Labor in 1 its official call for the 69th convention opening Sept. 18 in Houston, Texas. The call stresses labor’s unyielding resolution to fight for freedom and liberty on the domestic and international fields and sums up AFL determination to press for further gains in the following conclusion: hixmu-tww “At this historic convention we will plan to go forward never backward to hold fast to all gains we have made and fight for improved conditions of employment and higher standards of living to maintain the freedom guaranteed us by the organic law of the land and to refuse to accept legis lation which will limit our legal, free trade union activities and thus hinder and hamper us in our efforts to lift the stan dard of life and living of every American worker to a high and still higher level.” Precautions Bring Safety Another demonstration of the fact that mine—and1 other industrial accidents—can be reduced and prevented has been given, this time by the Miami Copper Co. in its mine near Miami, Arizona. The Department of the Interior’s’ Bureau of Mines tells the story, reporting that a 23-year-old non-fatility record in handling and using explosives has been achieved by the company by adhering to “basic principles” of safe blasting practice. The bureau says that only a few men handle the ex plosives and unauthorized persons are not permitted to touch electrical apparatus. Maintenance patrols detect and correct electrical leaks and faults. Electrical blasting has been used exclusively during the last 16 years and 4,000 tons of explosives have been used to produce 60,925,071 tons of ore. In 1949, a Joseph A. Holmes Safety Association “Certificate of Honor” was awarded the mine. Machines Take Jobs of ’Men and Mules' “Men and mules” are being chased out of the cotton fields by giant machines, reports a business writer who made a survey of the “Cotton Belt” from coast to coast. The machines are huge mechanical “pickers” and “strippers” which work much faster than human hands, and cut the cost of producing cotton by as much as $40 a bale. They are so expensive that small farmers cannot buy them, but they are being used more and more by the big planta tion owners, particularly “in the Mississippi delta, the black lands of Texas, and in California.” The business writer shows no concern over the fate of the “men and mules” displaced by these machines, nor about the small farmers who can neither buy the machines nor compete with them. Yet it seems “plain as the nose on your face” that, though this machanization of cotton-field drudgery could be a blessing to mankind, it is creating serious problems for the South and the entire nation. Time And Doctors We’ve heard that some doctors now keep small hour glasses of sand on their desks, like those used for timing soft boiled eggs. The glass is turned over when the patient ar rives and when the sand has run through the doctor says: “Now that is all the time 1 could give you if we had compul sory health insurance or socialized medicine. Just four min utes.” What do they mean? Are there so many people need ing a doctor’s care and not getting it that a doctor actually thinks this would le true if medical treatment should be made available to all who need it? We thought the argument against a prepaid medical plan (and it’s not Socialism) was that the country didn’t need it. Money Grows Not on trees, of course, but if tucked away and put into U. S. Savings Bonds. Three dollars grow into four in ten years. If needed before it’s grown, your original money is feeling of, “I just don’t know where it went,” and that a pay raise can disappear rapidly—sometimes with nothing much to show for it. It should be just as easy to turn the tables and save regularly so we could say, “I don’t see where it came from.” Once the habit is formed, it is just as easy. And lots more fun. *. History teaches us beyond question that workers cannot have or hold freedom to help themselves in a land where racial or religious discrimination is allowed to flower and flourish. If we, as workers, are to preserve our freedom here in America we must of necessity keep our minds and hearts ever alive to this danger. Group hatred breeds hatred and smothers the democratic way of life.”—George Meany, Secretary-Treasurer, American Federation of Labor. THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST UVERPOQL, OHIO B’ KBCKmF kW f’ but Of, OR WASHINGTON E by BRADFORD V. CARTER jties have admitted as much, the public and what they tell the individual utility company.^ Utilities (In Private) Admit Socialism Issue Is A Phony Carter has been telling you for Washington (LPA)—Old man Carter has been telling you for months that the “socialism” issue is a phony. Now the electric u You’d never know it from their propaganda, You never know it from their propaganda. But what they tell .1. company heads are two ^diff erent* things. And, inside the family, they admit they have manufactured the “socialism^’ issue deliberately.^ jThe.proof^sjn^^a p^mphlet^repared byV the Electric Companies Advertising Program (ECAP) and Public and You.” qnk" r- (ECAP)'and’labelled‘'“The hbefled fhe Public and You. The “you” there refers lto p' amphlet tpll' a saj story. It seems that surveys show over whelming support for the Tennessee Valley Authority, and for extend ing that idea to other regions like the Missouri and Columbia river valleys. Worse still, for the utilities, is what kind of people think so highly of TVA and extending the program. The survey showed tre mendous support by teachers and editors by Republicans by P®°P*e who believe in “free enterprise”. The survey shows 65 percent of the people in the upper income bracket approve of TVA, Now, the private utilities want no part of the government public ?e*power program. When they fought the TVA, they said TVA would I ruin them. (They are making more money than ever.) When they fought the Rural Electrification program, they cried it would ruin. l&ihem.* (They have made more money in the rural areas than ever.) ^What’s eating them is that the government has been showing up the 1 '“outrageous rates they have been charging, and where the government hps stepped in, the consumers get a break because rates go down. So, since the public generally favors TVA and expansion of the idea, the utilities have to attack from another quarter. (The $22, 000,000,000 utility industry has just hired, at a reported $50,000 a year, a publicity expert to help Purcell L. Smith, who at $65,000 a year is the highest-paid lobbyist in Washington. You help pay their salaries, whether you know it or not.) They’ve looked around, and think they have the answer another survey, which asked, “Would socialism be a good thing or a bad thing for the United States?” To this, 69 percent said “bad”. And that’s why the utilities are shrieking “socialism.” The pam phlet frankly says that “to link our fight to the TVA question would run into a lot oLopposition. But to link our fight to socialism is some thing else agsi^JThe people do not want socialism. We’re on favor able ground there.” Well, you say, let s admit the utilities’ cry of “socialism is a phony. But maybe there’s something to this argument against “the welfare state” being a foreign importation, and not really American. Sen. Paul H. Douglas, Democrat of Illinois, a former economics professor who saw action in the Pacific in World War II, took that one apart July 14, 1950, before the Institute of Public Affairs, Uni versity of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. He traced the idea of the “welfare state” to the Virginia Declar ation of Rights, which furnished the framework not only for the De claration of Independence but for the Bill of Rights, adopted 14 years later as the first 10 amendments to the US Constitution. The Virginia declaration was drafted by George Mason. It said “all men are created equally free and independent and have certain inherent natural rights among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. Of all the various modes and forms of government that is best which is capable of pro ducing the greatest degree of happiness and safety.” The Articles of Confederation, Sen. Douglas pointed out, said the purpose of the confederation was “for their common defense, the se curity of their liberties and their mutual and general welfare”. The Constitution of the United States, he pointed out, says it in the preamble that among the five fundamental purposes in forming the “more perfect union’* was “to promote the general welfare”. The first paragraph of Section 8, Article 1, of the Constitution itself says “The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im posts and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States.” In other words, Congress is given specific power to levy taxes in such a way as to provide not only for the “common defense” but also the “general welfare”. More, as the debates in the Congress on adoption of the Constitu tion showed, the intent of the language finally adopted was to give Congress the power to spend for the general welfare. “The welfare concept”, declared Douglas, “is in the forefront as an equal partner of justice, domestic tranquillity, defense and liberty. And in the first clause of Article 1, Section 8, there is provided an effective way of promoting this general welfare, namely, to spend for it.” Douglas pointed out the doctrine was stated by Mason, Jefferson and Madison, and restated by Lincoln when he said government was not only “of” and “by” the people but also “for” the people affirmed later by Justices Hughes, Brandeis, Cardozo, and Stone. Douglas added: “Behind and beneath them, it has sprung from the well-springs of the American people themselves For with all their proper em phasis upon individualism and self-reliance, the American people have always known that there are some burdens too heavy to be borne alone and some evils which can only he removed by collective action. To help bear these burdens and to help remove these evils, it is proper for the government, as one of the agencies for collective betterment, to act. “Because the state has concerned itself with the troubles and dif ficulties of average people who have little property and low incomes, it has helpi'd to win and retain their loyalty anti devotion to the demo cratic principles, which, though under attack in most of the world, stand firm in America. They stand firm here because they are rooted iu the hearts of the people who see in government, not an instrument of oppression, or an icy institution indifferent to their needs, but an agency which is carrying into effect at least some of the principles of human brotherhood.” —In Chicago, even members of the sign painters and bill posters union chortled happily when the Justice Department charged the Gen eral Outdoor Advertising Co. with monopolizing outdoor advertising in 1500 cities east of the Rocky Mountains. Most of the anti-labor political advertising that the two unions had to put up was carried by the General Outdoor Advertising outfit. —in Washington, the NLRB slapped down a Puerto Rican com pany that tried to break a strike by holding oUt of employes’ wage checks the entire balance of loans made by the company to individual workers before they voted to strike. —In Honolulu, striking bakers obligingly provided housewives not only with breadmaking recipes but also with samples of a ready mix dough which they got from an American milling firm by the simple expendient of having their wives write over and over again for the samples. The bakers quickly won their strike when the out raged president of one of the strikebound firms discovered that he wag eating biscuits his wife had made from the strikers* recipes. ’WW’ BEHIND THE HEADLINES— Thursday, July 27, 1950 ivik-acV‘ by LES FINNEGAN r’ —In Annapolis, Md., the country’s newest type of strike stopped construction on a new $43,000,000 Chesapeake Bay bridge, Five divers walked off the job when the contractor refused to grant extra pay for “tank time”, which is the half-hour or more divers must spend in a decompression chamber to avoid getting the “bends.” Carpenters, piledrivers and dockbuilders walked out in sympathy after the con tractor advanced the strange argument that if the divers came up from the bottom more slowly they wouldn’t have to spend so much time in the tank. —In Pittsburgh, one of the several hundred milk drivers who re turned to work after winning a 21-day strike reported back to his of fice that every family but one on his route had cancelled its milk order. The one customer who didn’t was President Harry A. Tevis of the striking ipnon. —In New York City, Arthur Brown was hired as a porter by the Cushman Bakery Co. and assigned to one of the company’s stores at Far Rockaway. Brown walked into the shop and told the clerk “I’m here to slick up the place.” Clerk and customers all thought they had heard Brown say “stick up.” Within five minutes three radio cars full of cops and with sirens screaming raced up to the bakery. And within 15 minutes Brown was in a precinct station where he was grilled for a half-hour before they finally believed his story, —In Melbourne, Australia, Immigration Minister Harold Holt announced that if Harry Bridges, a native Australian, is deported from the US Australia will not accept him. The decision inspired one Aussie union leader to recommend that Bridges be sent to Bolivia or Afghanistan, neither of which have any coastline or longshoremen. —In Paris, France a labor relations court took up the unpreced ented problem of whether an employe has a right to tattoo a picture of his boss on the place where he sits down. A worker in a wholesale drygoods firm complained to the labor court that he was fired when his boss discovered where his likeness was tattooed. —In Chicago, Louis Matey, an employee of Sears Roebuck, spent five hours trapped in a grease chute and was rescued when it was dis covered that his release could ’be effected only by left-handed men be cause of the chute’s awkward location. After a dozen left-handed fireT men got him out, Matey said he was quitting because “I don’t lik this forced overtime.” W —In Washington, D. C., the International Association of Mach inists, largest unaffiliated union in the US, took inventory and was amazed to discover the things its members produced in addition to such items as machinery, locomotives, and bridges. Today’s machinist can also be found making ice, spaghetti, chewing gum, whisky, ladies dresses, salt, caskets, pencils, smoking pipes, dog food, and snuff. —In Birmingham, England, Communist members of a steel work ers’ local began soliciting members’ signatures to a huge petition published as part of the phony Moscow-inspired “peace drive.” The petition was left overnight in the union hall because the Comrades had hopes that the union’s meeting the next night might support the “drive.” Before the meeting began the petition was again circulated and 150 new signatures were collected. Feeling very much embolden ed one of the chief Communists got on the floor and proposed, since 150 members had signed the petition, that the local union officially endorse it. To the utter amazement of the comrades it was passed overwhelmingly and without a word of debate. Only then did they discover that overnight someone had substituted for the peace peti tion a resolution supporting the United Nations action on Korea. The change hadn’t been noticed because the Communists had rolled up their long petition like a scroll! —In Pittsburgh, the most optimistic group of unionists in the country was revealed when the United Paperworkers asked the head of the US Gypsum Co. to help end their strike at the company’s Oak mont plant. The man they appealed to is Sewell Avery, also head of Montgomery Ward, the man who broke the back of another local and had to be carried out of his building by US troops during wartime. Reuther 100-Year Plan A Fresh Breeze In Washington Murk By ALVAINE HAMILTON & CUSHMAN REYNOLDS Walter Reuther’s 100-year peace plan came like a fresh breeze in a week when world news was bad. GI’s were steadily giving ground in Korea (although American planes may have been redressing par —. of the balance behind the Communist lines). At home people waiteu^L for word from the President. How much would he ask for the Korean fight and other fights that might be around-the corner? Would he ask for rationing and price controls? Americans were determined but apprehensive. There seemed to be no goal despite the activity. “After Korea, what?” some were asking. Then Reuther spoke out. Of course, Reuther’s plan, announced jointly in Detroit and Wash ington July 18, is not a cure-all. It poses more questions than it answers. But its terms and magnitude offer Americans of all political and economic stripes a basis for thinking about the world and the future. Thirteen billion dollars a year for world development for 100 years staggers the imagination. The Marshall Plan is dwarfed. The paltry millions Senators have been haggling about for Point Four become a drop in the bucket. Reuther has carried Marshall Plan and Point Four thinking to a logical conclusion. His plan, simple in out line, would be Democracy’s boldest offensive against Communism. The president of the Auto Workers proposes that for the next century the American people, working through the United Nations, pledge $13 billion a year for the world’s social and economic recon struction. The 100-year money total would about equal world’s social and economic reconstruction. The 100-year money total would about equal the cost of World War II. Other nations could pledge funds as they wished. First Congress would have to adopt the plan. Then the President would submit it to other nations. When a majority of UN members accept, a conference would be called to achieve disarmament, establish an inspection system, and set up a police force. A military defense plan would be necessary in case a substantial section of the world re fused to participate. The Soviet Union and its satellites could come in or stay out as they wished. A second conference, the Peoples’ World Assembly for Peace, would then work out the details which would be put into effect through the United Nations aAd the participating governments. Present American military plans would be unaffected. Reuther himself is guilty of understatement when he says: “We can seize the initiative for peace by putting into effect a greatly expanded aid program geared to the economic and social needs of people through the world while promoting a practical program of economic and social justice at home.’* Whether the American Congress will accept such a plan is, for the moment, beside the point. As a matter of cold fact, little can be ex pected of Congress along this line. While Reuther was drafting hi 100-year program, Senators were trying to slash the Marshall PlaW “because of the world situation,” a contradiction that defies expla nation. The Senate Appropriations committee, under prodding from the White House, was voting to restore the cut it had made in Point Four funds* but the Point Four timidly engineered by Congress was a far cry from what men of vision had hoped it might be. Perhaps Reuther would at least succeed in injecting a little vision into Con gressional thinking by stirring up controversy. The anticipated re actions of the Tafts and Byrds might actually make others mad enough to ponder Reuther’s proposal. While Reuther was speaking out, Sen, Taft was writing condes cendingly about “war with a few Korean Communists.” Nevertheless, Taft seized the opportunity to say that the expense of Korea wotrid make it necessary to cut domestic government expenditures, “particu larly those which require the purchase of materials and the use of labor.” Taft anticipates a steel shortage and he may be right. Reu ther, in announcing his 100-year plan, specifically charges that “the owners of the steel industry” are “wedded to a program of planned economic scarcity with low volume and high prices.” He calls for ex panded steelmaking capacity. He also says that if “idle, government built war plants” were put into operation we could produce civilian military goods in any amount required. Taft undoubtedly would ob ject. ’“Socialism,” he’d cry. But Taft would be wise to heed Reuther before he cries too loud ly. Many liberal economists are of the opinion that how we distri bute the production of military and civilian goods in our total national productive plant may in the end be more important than manpower or wage controls. In an economy operating virtually at full blast, as ours is these days, the problem is less one pf putting people to work •than to determining what they can produce. Full blast or not, however, Reuther points out that 3% million Americans are unemployed an dthat another 2 million are working part-time but are available for full-time jobs. The UAW president says that 3 million more jobs, in the idle war-built plants, presumably, would produce the $13 billion a year his plan would require. If the world crisis worsens, we may create those extra jobs—later on. We could do it now with a clear objective in view. But that’s an imagina tive approach that might s+r'a --------------~J 9 majority.