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FOOT fc. -we----------- Eb» Pollerg Jleratd OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF Til NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATIVE POTTERS —i—... and JKAMT LIVERPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL Published every Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P., owning and operating the Best Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State Entered at Post Office, East Liverpool, Ohio, April 20, 1M2. aa socond-olass matter. Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postage provided for in Section 1109, Act of October 12, 1917, authorised August 20, 1918. GENERAL OFHCEM N. B. of O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST., BELL PHONE 578 HARRY L. GILL.------------------------------------------- ------—.Editor and Business •'-One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada----------------- -----S2.00 UNION President James M. Duffy. P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio First Vice President...E. L. Wheatley, Room 215. Broad Street, National Bank Bulld imr. Trenton 8, New Jersey Second Vice President--------- Trank Hull. 8111 Pacific Blvd., Huntington Park. Calif. Third Viee PreeidenU. James Slaven, Cannons Mills, East Liverpool, Ohio “Fburth Vice President—....Charles Zimmer. 1045 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8, New Jew iFVth Vice President..—— .....Arthur Devlin. 205 A hmore Ave., Trenton, N. J. SixA ViX pJSidSrtZZ Frank Dales. 915 Alton Si, East Liverpool. Oho Seventh Vice President-------------- T. J. Desmond, Q-5 E. Lit. .,In Way,Minerva^ Ohio •Eighth Viee Preaident..—— Joshua Chadwick, Grant Street, Newell, W. ya. SyXry-TtMW^ -..T—-^Chas. F. Jordan. P. O. 1qx 752. East Liverpool, Ohio GEN ERA I- WARE STANDING COMMITTEE —-M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL ^^^zraHAsrF: jordan. FREDERICK GLYNN,- ERNEST TORRENCE CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE E. K. KOOS, H. M. WALKER. W. A. BETZ Manufarturora...----------reRT CLARK DAVID BEVAN, CHAS, JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE ROBERT DIETZ, Sr., W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES ‘~JAMES SLAVEN, OSCAR SWAN, ROSE STEWART Who's Talking About Those 'Good Old Days'? Just for a minute at the beginning of this war the Com munists have started, let’s see where we were headed had we been permitted to live in peace. So many things need im proving, so many folks have real complaint, we don otten get a chance to stand back and look at thie over-all picture. Like they say, we’re so busy looking at the trees, we never see the forest. We’ve got a chance to take this long view today. The Labor Department has just come out with a special anniver sary issue of its Monthly Labor Review, tracing 50 years progress of American labor? This issue gives us a look at flow we’ve been doing in the long run. It shows that we ve come a long way in improving our lives and the lives of our families since the “good old days” when Grandpa was in his prime. We all hear a lot of talk about those good old days. JWages were lower then, but so were prices. Notwithstand ing present-day prices, Grandpa and Grandma would have thought our life was heaven on earth. For example, even after taking the higher prices into account, we’re earning twice as much, on the average, as Grandfather did back in 1900. We’re working one-third less hours a week and still turning out 4 or 5 times more work per hour than he did. iWe have 15 to 20 hours a week more leisure. Out of every TOO of our teenagers, 58 have been to high school. Only 8 out of 100 got there in Grandpa’s day. Grandpa had to spend 83 per cent of his earnings just for food, housing and clothes. Today the average family has almost 40 per cent left after paying the grocer, the landlord and buying clothes for the family. We get a lot more done for us than Grandma did. There’s the baker, the laundryman, the milkman, the dry cleaner who do a lot of work that Grandma had to do by hand for her family. And, of course, Grandpa’s family couldn’t afford a horse and buggy. Today we can expect to live longer, too. Back in 1900, a man could expect to die before he was 49, a woman before she was 52. Today if we’re average healthy we’ll live to be 65 and the ladies until they’re 71. All this, the Monthly Labor Review credits to the great abundance of the natural resources of our country, to pro gressive capital and more intelligent management. And, fin ally, writes Ewan Clague, Commissioner of Labor Statistics, **there is the American worker who himself has been an im portant factor in the high productivity of American indus try. The workers in this country have been more mobile more adaptable, and more efficent than workers in other lands— more willing to accept change and even to initiate it. It is not that workers have felt impelled to work harder and long er, but rather the opposite—that they have been alert to devise ways of making the work easier and the day shorter. On the whole, lalxir in the United States has welcomed labor saving machinery, although it has often struggled to get at least some of the benefits in the form of higher wages and shorter hours.” Well, let’s hope we have more success during the next ,50 years—the Commies permitting. Glib Tax Talk There is a lot of glib talk in the newspapers and else ‘where on the need of higher taxes and the alleged necessity of “steep” increases in the income taxes of individuals. The aim seemingly is to spread the impression that the great mass of people are simply rolling in wealth, in fact hardly know what to do with their money and are responsible for the rush to buy goods and hence for rising prices and in creasing inflation. It is nonsense to assert that the low and moderate in come people of the United States can easily afford much higher taxes. A great number of them are having a tough time to pay present taxes and meet present living costs. Rad ically higher taxes would force many into debt, which surely would not be a good thing for the nation. The shouters for raising taxes, in the newspapers, on the radio and in the government would do well to carefully consider the tax situation before pressing for drastically higher income taxes. Those in the higher income brackets could pay more but sharply increased taxation of the great mass of the people would in many cases cause actual hard ship and could lead to deterioration in the national morale. Public Record Michigan’s Attorney General Stephen J. Roth told the Michigan Press Association last week that the press has no legal right to access to some public records which it has long considered itself free to inspect. They are public only when so described by law. The,Rhode Island Supreme Court rejected a suit of the Providence Journal Company to compel officials of Paw tucket, R. I., to allow inspection of tax abatement records. The Connecticut Supreme Court denied the right to inspect records of the Torrington Board of Education to the assistant city editor of the Waterbury Republican. If decisions of this kind are permitted to stand, and the situation is as the Michigan Attorney General described, then the public—and their newspaper representatives—will be faced with a growing number municipal governments. f- of Iron Curtains around i The Sky The Limit? 2 You don’t have to read a newspaper to know that our country is engaged in a war, or a national emergency, if you prefer. ,* i Just trot down to your nearest grocer, butcher, clothier, or what have you, and make a purchase of a few of the com modities labeled as essentials. Like sugar, butter, coffee, meat and the like. With few—if any—exceptions, you’ll pay anywhere from five to 30 or 40 cents a pound more for these items to day than you—or your wife or mother—did back on June 25. Why? There isn’t any sound economic reason. It’s justj that a few of the profitering-minded got a sniff of the gun- 4 powder blowing back from Korea, and they can’t control the itch to make another killing—profit-wise, that is. According to government-released figures—and Broth er, are they conservative!—prices on 25-key commodities have gone up 10 percent since June 25. In other words, the buck you and other working men and women earned just a few weeks back is worth about 90 cents to you today. At the same time, our government—and industry—as sures us all that there aren’t any shortages, and that, if any thing, the country is favored with the most plentiful supply of foodstuffs and other essentials in our all-time history. In fact, there’s a great big surplus. As members of a democracy, the men and women of the 1 trade union movement know full well that certain sacrifices have to be made when our national security is threatened. But we also expect the rest of the community, and here we mean the industry side, to accept its share of the sacrifices —just as it accepts the benefits of the democratic way. The conduct of some sections of industry in the time of crisis is cause to doubt their patriotic fervor when they rant about the enemies of our way of life. War profiteers are nothing more than fifth columnists. They are serving the enemy and not the cause and ideals which we are all so interested in preserving. If the ethics of business men do not extend beyond ff their pocket books, then they must be awakened to the grim facts of life. Labor, which bears the biggest burden in a national crisis—both on the battlefropts .and the homefront—is en titled to insurance against sniping from its own lines. Let’s all knuckle down to whipping the enemy—with out having to show excessive cash profits in the process. Peace and the essentials of life ought to be rewarding enough. The Facts About Imports Unfortunately, many countries still have lower stand ards of living and much lower wage standards—they go to gether. In some of these countries, certain items can be pro duced cheaper than in the United States—some but not all— and the difference is made up almost entirely by the diver gence of wages paid. When such items are imported in quan tity without an adequate import duty, they undermine Am erican producers and American workers, much the same as our now outlawed “sweat-shops” did. Since American wage and living standards were gained the hard way, over the years, and the undermining of any American industry among many that have been threatened, is the concern of all, it behooves our lawmakers and govern mental administrators—and, indeed, it is vital to labor and industry concerned—to know the facts and to be governed by the facts. Labor and industry in affected lines responded to this need by setting up what is known as the National Labor-Management Council on Foreign Trade Policy, com posed of 19 labor organizations and several employer groups directly concerned. Under the chairmanship of 0. R. Strack bein and with Offices in Washington, the council is engaged in assembling and disseminating facts for intelligent guid ance. About 60 percent of American imports are of a noncom petitive nature and thus are duty free. The other 35 to 40 percent, made up of many items, require study of the facts, in fairness to all concerned. Whether quotas or adjusted tariffs would be desirable, it seems in all fairness, might well be determined solely by the facts in each specific instance. When justice is done all around, not only specific groups of workers or certain industries benefit, but the entire nation benefits. Thus the importance of the work of the National Labor-Management Council on Foreign Trade Policy becomes apparent. 'Stockholm Appeal' No doubt there will be general sympathy for the Swed ish government in its discomfiture over identification of its capital city with the Communist-sponsored “World Peace Appeal”. This propaganda flim flam came out of a meeting held in Stockholm last March by an organization calling it self the “Partisans of Peace.” And because of the place of origin, the product is sometimes referred to as the “Stock holm appeal or resolution.” But of course Stockholm can no moi e be held responsible for this than New York Can be held responsible for having served a year earlier as the site of a similar gabfest styled the World Cultural Conference or something of the sort. However the Prime Minister of Sweden has been suf ficiently distressed about the matter to express publicly “considerable disgust that we here in Sweden witness the brandishing of the name of our capital in this way in the in ternational Communist propaganda.” The number of Ameri can gullibles who have signed the “appeal” is a fresh demon stration of the force of Barnum’s adage—“there’s one born every minute.” But Sweden can remain confident that the overwhelming majority in this country who recognize the “Stockholm resolution” for what it is recognize also that Sweden had no part in concocting it. Living Costs Are Going Up Are public records of municipalities really public re cords or not? Have you noticed any big headlines alxiut living costs going down one thousandths of one per cent? Or that spin ach is cheaper in Maine? Or that any of the things we need for decent living are cheaper? No, you have not. Neither have you read about prices going up generally, though they are. Beef, for instance, and pork. Both cost more than last winter. Home furnishings, too. But that has not lessened the resistance to wage raises which are needed if working people are to retain their standard of living. THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO CL KOREA The United States is the leading industrial nation of the world. It got that way through a combination of fortunate circumstances, including an abundance of natural resources, intelligent application of modern production methods and, particularly, cooperation of employers and workers, under the distinct American system of free enterprise. With the development of production, wage earners progressed both in skills and in organization, coming to share to an unusual —.-..x-------- ...... degree in the fruits of their labor, which has resulted in the highest living standards in the world. "Ike Qwck the Dead LABOR WASHINGTON E How Taft-Hartley Harasses Union With Checkoff Contract LPA [by BRADFORD V.CARTER Washington (LPA)—The Taft-Hartley act has been used to block organization and to break unions. It is also a device to harass union even when there is union shop contract. And who does the harassing.. Why that great pal of labor, Bob Denham, general counsel of the Na tional Labor Relations Board. Take the story of John Cavicchia, who worked for the Chisholm Ryder Co. at Niagara Falls, N. Y., and was fired because he was de linquent in his union dues. The contract was clear. After he was expelled Cavicchia was told by the union that he could use the grievance machinery of the contract or carry appeals, step by step, within the union, all the way to the in ternational. He failed to do so, but instead ran to Denham, and boo obligingly issued a complaint-against the union and the company. That was June 17, 1949. It was not until exactly 13 months later that the NLRB trial examiner issued his report, throwing Denham s case out. But meanwhile the union had had to go to the expense of pre paring briefs, offering testimony, and bringing in witnesses—not at one hearing, out two. .And Denham issued the complaint, charging unfair labor practices, organization has the “rightxto reject or expel persons who refuse to abide by any reasonable or lawful policy adopted by the union.’’ Cavicchia was no novice. He knew the rules. He’d been working for the company since 1941. The union had had a contract in 1945 and 1946. In 1947 another union got the bargaining rights, and Cavic chia had been active in getting the second union in, had served on its negotiating and grievance committees, as a steward, and before that as a teller in the representation election. In 1948 another ejection took place, this time only the first union was on the ballot. Cavicchia open ly campaigned against the union. i The union then got a contract, and won the union shop in an NLRB election. The company posted notices that all employes must join within a stated timb. The union posted notices that those not in good standing would be subject to dismissal, and notifying those who did not sign check-yff cards on the deadline for paying dues. l,T Cavicchia waited until the final day to offer his initiation fee. He got several extensions of time to pay his dues. He got two hearings before the local, while th'e union held up its letter to the company asking his dismissal. When he was expelled he was notified that he could appeal further. Previously the steward had even offered to “stand good” for a loan so Cavicchia could pay his dues. He had in sulted the stewards time and again in regard to requests to get on the check-off, or to pay up. When the union had a contract in 1945 and 1946, the contract also had a union shop clause. And Cavicchia then always waited the full 90 days of grace before paying his dues, and often even longer. In fact, he was fired once for being four months delinquent, but was taken back by the union when he finally paid up, and got his job back. All of which Denham could have discovered—if he had wanted to. Instead, in issuing the unfair labor practices charge, Denham’s com plaint alleged that Cavicchia had been fired for other reasons than failure to remain in good standing. So, Denham’s office accused the company, the union, the local president, the chief steward, and the union’s international representa tive. Hearings were held before George Bokat, NLRB trial examiner, at Buffalo, N. Y., August 9 and 10, 1949. Another hearing was held March 21, 1950. The trial examiner had to digest the voluminous tes timony, and his decision was made public July 17, 1950. Had the union and company lost, the usual NLRB order would have been to “make whole” Cavicchia—that is, reimburse him for all pay lost since his dismissal, and to give him back his job. And not only the company, but the union, would have been liable for the lost pay, all the way back to Sept. 3, 1948, when he was fired. That’s whfet the supporters of the Taft-Hartley act call “protect ing the rights of individuals”. Let’s Declare A Moratorium! By RUTH TAYLOR Everyone else is making suggestions as to what ^e should do— Io hero is mine! Let’s declare a moratorium. Not on debts nor. on obligations. But —let’s have a moratorium on careless speech. Let’s declare a moratorium on name-calling. I don’t mean we should assume a sob sister attitude about those who mouth hate or seek to subvert our orderly processes of government—but I do mean we should get the facts before we speak—and then use only facts to state our case. Let’s not attack or accuse those who disagree with us by attributing to’them anything we do not know to be the case.' Let’s declare a moratorium on generalizations. We are not a na tion of groups, bitterly attacking each other. We are a United States of America—which means a united nation of individuals (levoted to high principles. Let’s live up to this meaning of Americanism. Let’s declare a moratorium on snide jokes aimed at groups. We can tell jokes on the group from which we come, but let’s lay off the others. Let us remember tne edicts of good taste and talk about others only as we would want them to talk about us. Let’s declare a moratorium on self-interest. Let us try rather to make no demands for ourselves or our group that will infringe upon the rights of others. Let us strive for the common good that we all may share the benefits of progress. Let’s declare a moratorium on rumors. Let us not pass on sup positions as though they were fact. The enemies of freedom are past masters in the art of starting rumors. Let us not play their game by passing them on, strengthened by our own reputation for truthful speech. Let’s declare a moratorium on minding other people’s business— on telling thtm what we would have done, and what they should do. It’s pretty difficult to do more than our own job these days—if we want to do our job well. And this applies to settling the problems of state as well as of our neighbor. Let’s declare a moratorium on talking too big, on boasting of what we know. Maybe we do know a lot—but also it may be just what the enemy wants to-know. So why tell everything—just to act big This is particularly important if we are working in anything that has to do with industry or with government activities—and that means most of us. You can probably add as many more ideas. How about it? Let’s declare a moratorium for the duration! —In Naples, Italy, the world’s first “Volcano Tappers Union” was established by workers who are piping steam from Mt. Vesuvius for power plants and home heating. (avik-aAe BEHIND THE HEADLINES— Thursday, August 3, 1950 LES FINNEGAN—’ —In London, England, members of the British Labor Party elevated to the House of Lords are discovering they have to have the wealth of Tories to pay the freight. The Labor Party men, most of them from unions, find that to become a Lord they have to lay out nearly $2000 for scarlet robes with ermine, coronet for coronations, coats of arms, etc. In Savannah, Georgia, an Insurance company salesman won an award for selling a policy insuring a batch of goldfish against sprink ler leakage. The gimmick was that the goldfish were in a room with automatic sprinklers, and in case of fire the sprinklers would flood the goldfish right out of their bowls. In Buenos Aires, Argentine Dictator Peron’s claim that he is developing “the world’s greatest democracy” was given new substance when Mrs. Peron told the governors of the country’s 14 provinces that “children are now learning to say ‘Peron’ before the say ‘Papa. In Washington, D. C., the National Association of Manufactur ers, always eager to acclaim the advances of American workers, con ferred the title of “world’s oldest worker” on James W. Rearden, 8J. Rearden has worked-for the Graniteville Co., Graniteville, S. C., for 78 years and, according to the NAM, is still “at work as a clerk in the shipping department.” In Staten Island, N. Y., union stevedores just back to work after a strike found they couldn’t negotiate with three huge Siamese elephants who went on a sitdowa strike as they were about to be un loaded from the freighter Steel Admiral. Finally steel nets had to be thrown over the pachyderms and they were hoisted—trumpeting protest-over the side. —In Rochester, N. Y., the six surviving members of the Street Gas Lamp Lighters Union held their last meeting and passed a resolu tion declaring that if there weren’t any Electricity today there would n’t be any international wars. —In New York City, the Wall Street Journal, big business daily, complained that “There’s a company making mop heads in Georgia, castings in Ohio, and coveralls in California” which “pays low wages, no rent, no taxes, and has no union.” This enterprise, which is allow ed privileges that are denied to other businesses, is the Federal Prison Industries Inc. —In Wellington, New Zealand, the Labor government now boastt^B that it is a country without beggars or millionaires. Latest income tai^^P figures show that there are now only 20 persons with incomes ovei* $31,000 a year, while the average citizen’s income has been steadily in creasing for the past eight years. —In Brussels, Belgium, the printers’ union reported sensational success in its drive against non-union book publishers after it sent letters to all of Belgium’s outstanding authors offering them a guar antee of no typographical errors if they had their books published by union firms. Twenty-three authors promptly took their business away from scab printers. —In Washington, the NLRB ruled that foremen couldn be fired for failure to report for work in order to protect company property during a strike of rank-and-file workers. —In London, England, the Labor government’s Ministry of Na tional Health Insurance reported on its five years of experience with the health insurance program and revealed in passing its unique con cern with Britain’s authors. In one six-month period it paid off on five cases of writers cramp. —In Plainfield, N, J., employes at Kings Supermarket stores con tended that what has happened to them shouldn’t happen to grocery clerks anywhere. Last week the company announced that along with groceries the customers will now be able to buy British automobiles. The Hillman-Minx model, for example, will sell at 72c a pound, or a total of $1495. —In Washington, D. C., a former advertising executive, now a US Senator, said some crueler things about businessmen than even union leaders usually do. Said Sen. William D. Benton (D, Conn.), “Businessmen in general do not and cannot read. That is a blanket statement. Businessmen are ignorant and uninformed.” Wisconsin Workers School Teaches Understanding Based on Experience One-half of this column has just returned from a week at a unique institution on the shores of Wisconsin’s Lake Mendota. The experience^ would be sparkling material for a Life piece, or for a Sunday mai^ azine section. But it’s not likely to hit those spots, so we’ll take thi^ opportunity to tell you about it. To begin with, where else in there a school for workers that could absorb happily, all at the same time: 90-odd telephone workers from all over the US About 40 union officers and business agents, mostly from Wis consin AFL and CIO locals 14 German men and women here to take a refresher course in trade union methods and democratic ways 17 Frenchmen, recently enemies of the Germans, here under Mar shall Plan auspices Plus a handful of prospective union education workers, learning how it’s done in Wisconsin. Where else is there a state university which gives only one piece of advice to the instructors in its school for workers give your stud ents the whole story, not just labor’s side. University of Wisconsin School for Workers is run by a com mittee which includes equal numbers of AFL and CIO leaders, and members of the university faculty. This last session was in the of fice of the university president, who served as chairman. The univer sity runs not only this unique resident school in the summertime, but also courses in the winter in communities throughout the state. In addition, it conducts a weekly radio program over WHA, the univer sity’s unique radio station, which by a relay system can be heard in every home in the Wisconsin area. Where else is there a worker’s school that has operated for 26 vears—and where else can a school show the same results Go to al most any local union meeting in the state, and chances are that you’ll find most of the active, creative officers are school for workers grad uates. How the school started is a good story in itself. Union leadership in Wisconsin 26 years ago was strongly rooted in European socialism. The LaFollette progressive movement dominated state politics. Pro fessor John R. Commons at the university had created a whole staff of teachers who knew the labor movement intimately, and who had had pioneered in providing the know-how for social legislation which had for years put Wisconsin in the vanguard of the 48 states. Unem ployment compensation, prohibition of child labor, wage and hour reg ulations, protection of women workers, industrial safety rules, all were pioneered in Wisconsin under Commons’ inspiration. In fact, his^ students now head many “welfare state” agencies both in this couij^^ try and in the international field. How Wisconsin remains just as much of a pioneer in workers’ education and just as staunchly wedded to the labor movement today is another story. Partly it’s a matter of tradition. School for workers graduates pass the idea on to the men and women who come each year from thtir local unions for a couple of weeks on the campus. The per sonal influence of E. E. Schwarztrauber, its guiding light, is lessened by a serious illness, but his spirit is there. The school still is looked upon as a source of strength and far-sighted inspiration by unionists who are trying to build in Michigan, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Texas, and many other states, institutions to train workers. Ask any Wisconsin old-timer about the reasons for their success, and you’ll find the answers are much the samev First, he will say, we know better than to try to teach workers and employers in the same iprogram. It’s an unhappy group you’ll have, and little except resent ment will result. The experience of the Rutgers Institute of Labor and Management Relations in New Jersey demonstrates that, the Wis consin people say. Workers learn most about economics and unions and the state of the world in a workers’ group. Employers learn most in an employers’ group. Ask a teacher at the school for workers, and he’s likely toZell y^A he starts with the unions’ and the workers’ interests as his basic ject matter in any course. We watched Professor Selig Perlman hold a group of students spell-bound with a discussion of the Korean fight ing which started off with the experiences every one of them had undergone with Communists in local unions. Perlman, like every dis ciple of Commons, believes that labor theory must grow from “the concrete and crude experiences of the wage earners.” And a student sent from an IAM or Steelworkers local knew what the professor was talking about—because it jibed with his own experiences with Commie infiltration and tactics. The Wisconsin school thinks it’s not so important to give work er* tools for social action—although there are courses in public speak ing and labor journalism—as it is to equip them with an understand ing of their role in protecting and extending democratic unionism. For instance, right now unions plamjog their winter classes are insisting on a course in “economics for consumers”. They see prices rising, in flation in the offing, and they’re turning to their own school to help them understand and cope with this new problem.