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The potters herald. [volume] (East Liverpool, Ohio) 1899-1982, October 12, 1950, Image 4

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PAGE FOUR
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1 I
OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF
JW NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATIVE POTTERE
.. and
EAST LIVERPOOL TRADES LABOR COUNCIL
PbUMmA Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P., ownlns aad
operating the Beat Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State
■Meted at Poet Office, East Liverpool. Ohio, April 20, 1902, as Mcond-clau matter.
Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postage provided for in Section 1109,
Act Of October 18, 1917, authorised August 20, 1918.
CTNEtAL OFFICE^ N. B. of O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST., BELL PHONE 575
HARRY L. GILL...----------------------------------------- ——..Editor and Business Manager
One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada.-----------------------------------82.00
.Aeejj
James M. Duffy, P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio
First VH President....E. L. Wheatley, Room 215. Broad Street, National Bank Build
tag, Trenton 8, Jersey
Second Vies President----------New
.Frank Hull, 6111 Pacific Blvd.,Huntington Park, Calif.
Third Vies President___________James Slaveta, Cannons Mills, East Liverpool, Onio
Fourth Vice P—-14“"* Zimmer, 1045 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8. New Jersey
Fifth Vice President.—____________ Arthur Devlin, 205 Ashmore Ave., Trenton, N. J.
Sixth Vice President_____________ Frank Dales, 816 Alton St., East Liverpool, Ohio
Seventh Vice President-------------- T. J. Desmond, 625 K- Lin°on War. Minerva, Ohio
Eighth Vico President————Joehua Chadwick, Grant Street, Newell, W. ya.
Secretary-Treasurer— Chea. F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio
GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE
Manufacturers M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL
OpmtitesL—F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN, ERNEST TORRENCE
CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE
Manufacturers E- K. KOOS, H. M. WALKER, W. A. BETZ
gSMura^rora BERT CLARK, DAVID BEVAN. CHAS. JORDAN
DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE
Manufacturers ..ROBERT DIETZ, Sr.. W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES
JAMES SLAVEN, OSCAR SWAN, ROSE STEWART
Don't Let Them Scare You With
'Socialism' Talk
An unprecedented combine of powerful propaganda or
ganizations, headed by the American Medical Association, or
“Organized Doctors,” is spending millions of dollars on a
campaign to convince the American people that President
Truman and “radicals” in Congress are trying to put over
“Socialized Medicine.” Don’t let this false propaganda scare
you.
The campaign has two purposes: First, under smoke
screen of talk about “Creeping Socialism,” a lot of reaction
ary politicians are attempting to creep into office. If you let
them fool you now, you will be sorry later.
The second purpose is to protect an air-tight monopoly
which is making it increasingly difficult for the American
people to get the health services they need, at a price they
can pay. That is the monopoly of the “Organized Doctors.”
In saying that, LABOR is not attacking the good old
fashioned “family doctor,” who works himself to death and
jmore than earns his pay, even when he can collect it. There
jare thousands of such doctors. They do not run the A. M. A.,
J5ut it pretends to speak for them.
Who does run the A. M. A.? First, a small group of
'“medical politicians,” who make a fat living by telling doc
tors someone is trying to harm them and their profession.
^Second, “medical businessmen”—a comparatively few “spec
ialist” doctors who charge fantastic fees and want to protect
their monopoly.
The way that monopoly works, and its results, can be
most clearly seen by looking at the “Aid to Medical Educa
tion” bill, which is part of Truman’s national health pro
gram.
This bill would increase the supply of doctors by having
ItJncle Sam share the cost of training them in medical
schools. 7716 schools themselves were for the bill, but it was
killed by the “Organized Doctors” Lobby.
The Ixibby opposed the measure despite the fact that,
83 shown by a recent study, this country has fewer doctors,
in proportion to population, than it had 49 years ago.
There is plenty of evidence that the “Organized Doc
tors” deliberately hold down the number of young men who
can get medical training. For example, 2,000 would-be doc
tors applied this year for admission to the Tulane University
Medical School, the largest in the South, but only 125 were
’accepted as students. In other words, 15 of each 16 were
^turned down.
Some medical schools are rebelling against dictation of
the number of students they can train, but they don’t dare
challenge the A. M. A., which can ruin any school which re
fuses to submit.
What are the results of the doctor shortage maintained
by the A. M. A. monopoly? A shocking answer to that ques
tion is furnished by “The Child,” a bulletin published by
JUncle Sam’s Children’s Bureau.
The bulletin reveals that millions of American school
children are suffeYing from physical and mental ills which
could lie prevented or cured. They are going without badly
needed treatment of defective hearts, eyes, ears, teeth and
other troubles.
These illnesses nnd needs were discovered by “health
examinations” in schools, the bulletin says. In most cases,
however, these examinations do little good, because most
parents can’t afford the cost of medical care and there are
not enough doctors.
The “Organized Doctors” should lx* busy helping to
remedy that situation, instead of trying to scare the voters
with talk about “Socialized Medicine.”
Housing Committees Valuable
The A FL convention at Houston made a strong case for
immediate establishment of local lalxir housing committees.
The convention unanimously endorsed the A FL executive
council's emphasis of the need for such committees and
pointed out they can prove particularly valuable as lxth the
public housing and slum clearance programs are essentially
locally administered.
“Whether these programs,” the convention declared,
“are developed to suit the needs of the locality or whether
they are killed or distorted to fit the, recommendations of
local real estate groups will depend in* large measure u|xm
the interest and activities of the local labor organizations, hi
addition, the effectiveness of any rent control program de
pends in large measure upon local support.”
“For these reasons,” the convention added, “we urge all
central bodies which have not already done so to establish
local housing committees which will work closely with the
American Federation of laibor Housing Committee in the
fight for better housing for the American people. Only in
this way can we attain our objective of a decent, comfortable
home for every American family.”
Even 'Upper Bracket'Salesmen
Want Union
You don’t have to be in the “lower income brackets” to
realize the value of unionism. That is proved by an ann
ouncement that advertising salesmen employed by the L. M.
Berry Company of Akron, Ohio, which handles telephone dir
ectory advertising in 15 states, have voted for representa
tion by the A. F. of L. Retail Clerks. Average earnings of
these salesmen run from to $10,000 a year.
JL
Im?
i
Voluntary Measures Best
In its annual report to the Houston convention, the Atrt
erican Federation of Labor executive council placed strong^
and needed emphasis on voluntary economic controls. With
all the loose talk about the alleged need of rigid controls of*
various sorts in the rearmament program, it is well that
labor is stressing voluntary measures as best suited for al
free nation. sy
The council said it recognized that afl-out preparedness?
is essential to meet the Communist menace and went on to
make the following pertinent observations:
“If we value our freedom, our country must be prepared
to play its full part and, because we have the world’s great
est production facilities, to take the greatest responsibility
in the action of the free world to combat Communist mili
tary aggression in other parts of the globe.... We must im
mediately-rebuild our military strength, help our allies to,
rearm and prepare to transport weapons over great dis
tances. This must be the first call on our production facil
ities and we must turn to the task all the manpower and re-?
sources needed for it.”
AFL members “may be counted on to do their full
share,” the council added and said: “We emphasize the fact,
however, that voluntary measures, not rigid government
regimentation, achieve the greatest efficiency and produc
tive results. This was fully proved in the last war.
“Whatever controls are necessary for the civilian econ
omy should be safeguarded against regimentation and ad
ministered in close cooperation with citizens’ boards repre
senting labor, management, farmers and other civilian
groups, so that the nation’s great citizens’ organizations may
be mobilized for all-out effort and initiative. Such voluntary
effort is the main reliance of a free people.”
A Good Idea
In many contracts negotiated between unions and em
ployers this year, there has appeared a new stipulation. It
merely states that election day shall be a half-holiday and
that workers shall be given that half day off with pay for
the purpose of voting. This is a good trend and is in entire
accord with the things all Americans at least say that they
stand for.
We wonder, however, if we in the labor movement are
not missing a good bet. Would we not be more effective
were we to stipulate that the half-holiday should be applic
able only to those workers who are registered voters? While
in many instances we cannot help but drag a few parasites
along when we negotiate wages, it seems to us that things
are going a little too far when we get people time off with
pay for the purpose of voting when they have not even had
gumption enough or enough interest in their own nation and
its welfare to bother to make themselves qualified voters.
We know that there would be some oppostion to this, if
only from those who don’t think that workers should ever
vote. They would voice their opposition in terms of “turm
oil and disruption of office detail.” They could come up with
a hundred objections, none of them too valid. In all honesty
there may be some valid objections from either or both
sides. We admit that We have made no real study of the
idea.
But we do get fed up to the hilt with the people on either
side of the fence who take, and take and take, and never give
anything other than lip service.
Look Where Denhom Is!
Where do you think Robert N. Denham has landed since
President Truman tossed him out of his job as “czar” of the
Taft-Hartley Act? Just where you would expect—with one
of the big corporation law firms of the nation’s capital, that
of Gall and Lane.
The firm is headed by John Gall who for many years,
up 1941, was chief counsel for the National Association of
Manufacturers and led many of its anti-labor campaigns.
Denham insists he’s there just “temporarily”—“just
sharing space until I get permanent quarters.” It’s signific
ant, however, who provides the space.
While in the “czar” post as general counsel of the Na
tional I^abor Relations Board, Denham seized on every op
portunity to sink his hooks into trade unions. Now Big
Business is prepared to reward him.
Denham says he’s going to specialize in “labor and in
dustrial relations.” That means representing corporations
against labor. They’ll take care of him, just as they have in
the case of others in government who exploited their posi
tions to get in good standing with Big Business.
How Unions Save Uncle Sam Money
Uncle Sam is saving a mint of money by letting unions
take care of their own jurisdictional disputes. President
Richard J. Gray of the A. F. of L. Building Trades Depart
ment gave a graphic example of that this week.
National machinery for settlement of such disputes in
the building industry has been set up jointly by the depart
ment and the various contractors’ associations.
“That machinery is costing both sides only $30,000 a
year,” Gray said. “By contrast, officials of the National
Jjibor Relations Board testified before a congressional com
mittee that if the government were to handle such disputes
under the Taft-Hartley Act, the cost to the taxpayers would
probably reach $700,000 a year.
“In short, we’re saving Uncle Sam $67,000 annually—
and that’s nothing to sneeze at, even now when government
expenditures run into the billions.”
Stop Destroying Our Land
No matter how many wars we win, America will sooner
or later be finished as a great nation—unless we stop des
troying our soil. That warning was voiced the other day at a
gathering of the “Friends of the Land,” a group interested
in conservation of natural resources.
One speaker pointed out that 300 million acres of farm
land have already been destroyed by “erosion,” and each
year 500 million more tons of soil are washed away and lost
forever.
Under the “New Deal” and “Fair Deal,” great steps
have been taken in soil conservation, but much more needs to
done. The way to get it done is to elect progressive sena
tors and congressmen who understand such vital problems
and have the courage to defy opiosition from selfish inter
ests.
No Man's Land For'Mid-Income Group
Hight rents art' squeezing “middle income” families
out of the “heart” of New York City, according to the New
York “Times.”
In the Borough of Manhattan there is plenty of luxury
housing and the construction of public housing for low-in
come families is continuing, but for the “in between” group
little is available or under construction.
The “Times” said the “experts” fear the result will be
an “unhealthy division of population into upper and lower in
come families exclusively.”
THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO
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to. ...
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so
BEHIND THE HEADLINES—
Labor Spy Racket Back To Life
Under Taft-Hartley
By IRVING FAGAN & CUSHMAN REYNOLDS
For Labor Press Association
Washington (LPA)—You generally think of maritime as 100 per
cent organized by unions that stand for no nonsense.
It’s true enough that the seamen’s unions don’t take much non
sense from anybody. However, there is one big corner of maritime
which unionism is still resisted bitterly. That’s the oil tanker busi
ness which is organized in rather spotty fashion.
In fact, the unorganized tanker outfits will do most anything to
keep the unions out. They’ll resort to private detectives, the rankest
kind of company unions and even that most despicable trick of all,
labor espionage.
Oldtimers in all the unions remember the labor spies. They re
member the Pearl Bergoffs and “Chowderhead’’ Cphens and others
before them. The youngsters in today’s trade union ranks don’t know
much about labor espionage, perhaps. But youngsters and oldtimers
alike should mark the story of the Seafarers International Union-AFL
and the Cities Service Oil Co. It’s a story of espionage, company union
and all the rest to make some of the old-time stories seem tame by
comparison.
The story has been aired twiefc: once before the National Labor
Relations Board and more recently before the Senate Subcommittee on
Labor-Management Relations. The commercial press didn’t pay much
attention. Except for garbled versions on the maritime page of the
New York Times, the story was hardly used at all. Nevertheless, Paul
Hall, secretary-treasurer of the SIU’s Atlantic & Gulf District and
first vice-president of the international, held spectators spellbound as
he unfolded his story at a Senate hearing.
Cities Service operates 16 tankers with unlicensed crews totaling
about 470 men, Hall said. Yet', in four years while the union was or
ganized the Cities Service seamen approximately 5000 men held those
few jobs, Hall disclosed. At one time, a large portion of the 470 were
company stooges whose principal assignment was not to sail the ships
but to kill SIU sentiment. Said Hall: “In this fleet, we ran into some
of the foulest and dirtiest pool playing we’ve ever seen?—and sailors
get to see a lot of that.”
The SIU finally got a contract with Cities Service just the other
day, just before the hearing, in fact. But before that, Seafarer organ
iser nad to lick a company union-labor pspionage setup that looked
very much as if an entire segment of the tanker business was in a
concerted plot to beat the unions off. Some of the names are worth re
membering, since you might hear them again one day.
William Potter Lage ran the show. He was the Cities Service at
torney in New York. Others with him were John J. Collins, David
Furman, M. J. Adkins and attorneys James I. Dugan and Albert F.
Strasburger. The two known labor spies were Lawrence J. Hennessey
and John Barsciano.
The story began in the summer of 1948 when the SIU had won
a first NLRB election with a whopping 83 percent majority and was
about to win a second with 89 percent. Dugan, an ex-Coast Guard of
ficer, hired Barsciano and Hennessey to ride Cities Service ships and
report on SIU activities. Barsciano is described as a former Coast
Guard operative. Hennessey is an aging waterfront character who
likes to call himself a writer and an expert on the Commies—and who
is a little the worse for rum. Hennessey had the run of SIU head
quarters and actually sailed as a volunteer organizer.
About the time Dugan was hiring spies, Lage was establishing the
Cities Service Tankermen’s Association (CTMA), a company union
which was to be used to stall off the SIU. Collins, a Fordham Univer
sity professor, actually set up the union as he has 14 others in the
tanker field. Furman, an old company union seaman for Standard Oil,
was picked to run CTMA on the ships. Collins introduced Furman to
Strasburger who became CTMA’s legal representative with an office
in Linden, N. J. Adkins is the company’s marine superintendent. The
trick was to get rid of the SIU, whose men countered by joining CTMA
with straight faces. As a matter of fact, it was the only way they
could hold their jobs.
Meanwhile, Cities Service hired a private detective who stood
outside the company’s New York office and “fingered” SIU men ap
fdying for jobs. (Suspicious Cities Service also had the detective fol
owing company officials, including the assistant personnel manager
who later told the union all he knew.) In New York, the company
hired seamen at its own office instead of through union hiring halls.
But sometimes it hired through waterfront “crimps” like John the
Robber at the Rialto Cafe in Bayonne, N. J., or Ray Rodriguez at the
Red Lantern Cafe in Boston, who didn’t like union men. It was quite
a story Paul Hall told.
Strange part is that the Cities Service Oil Co. succeeded in spend
ing a lot of money for nothing in return beyond a two-year stall in
signing a full union contract. Between his company-union-labor spy
racket and the Taft-Hartley act, Lage could do that much and no more,
because he was up against a union with determined members and de
termined leaders, a union that stood for no nonsense. But the story
should be marked and remembered, for in the atmosphere of Taft
Hartley the labor spy has returned, not just to the waterfront but
elsewhere.
To East Hartford, Conn., for instance, and to Denver, Colo. Ac
cording to a recent NLRB decision, a member of the American News
?aper Guild spied on his fellow Guildsmen for his employer, the Denver
'ost. His reward a trip to Latin America to report on Communism.
More recently, in East Hartford, United Aircraft’s Pratt & Whitney
and Hamilton Propeller plants were caught using spies against the
International Association of Machinists. Labor spying is a filthy old
racket that died when the Wagner Act was
life under Taft-Hartley.
passed but came back to
reported gradually going
The Labor Government’s
—In London, England, King George was
broke despite his annual salary of $308,000.
heavy income tax program hits the monarch equally with the tram
driver and construction worker. The King commands a personal for
tune of about $16,000,000 but little of this is liquid so His Majesty now 7, 1950. In that time she managed to get work only eight weeks and at
counts his pennies like most other British workers. 1 ..."I. TI ...
—At Inchon, Korea, the famed Seabees of World War II, more Boyd case August 15, 1949. But it was a year before she got her job
than 90% of them union members, put in their first appearance in m-’*
the Korean war. And once again they were performing construction
miracles. Veterans of the first wave that hit many Pacific islands in
1945, many of the Seabecs were again willing to help movie camer
amen by climbing into trees and throwing rocks into the water to imi
tate bursting shells while the cameramen had infantrymen pretend
they were making initial landings.
—In London, England, Sir Harold Spencer Jones, British royal
astronomer, announced that his observations showed the length of a
day on earth is growing greater. In a half-whimsical mood, two Eng
lish labor leaders promptly proposed that all new contracts contain a
special clause requiring employers to pay on the basis of the “old
fashioned eight-hour day” instead of on “any new-fangled solar
stretch-out.”
—In Perth, Scotland, bridge construction workers demanded and
won an old American contract clause providing for a union member
to row back and forth under any new bridge to fish out any worker
who may fall into the drink.
—In New York City, 89 union employes of a travel agency won
a new contract which calls for completely-paid three-week vacations
in Europe every five years.
IT:
•ax*
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Cavil-cade
.by LES FINNEGAN
WASHINGTOH LABOR
E
[try BRADFORD V. CARTER LPA
Thursday, October 12, 1950
—In Hollywood, Calif., two strikers were picketing an independ
ent film studio when they were spotted by the casting director lor a
rival company. The director offered both men jobs in a forthcoming
film and they promptly quit their old jobs and the picketing. A week
later they were given their first film roles—and discovered they had
been cast as a couple of union pickets.
—In Worcester, Mass., members of Local 9$, AFL Hotel Restaur
ant & Bartenders Union, yoted unanimously not to serve Russian
vodka, Czech beer, or Hungarian liquor. The men announced they
wouldn’t serve the Iron Curtain beverages but customers could serve
themselves, knowing full well that under local laws the police would
put the arm on any imbiber who tried to reach across the bar for a
slug of vodka.
—In Denver, Colo., an historian for the Oil Workers recalled that
30 years ago the union was forced to sign a contract which gave it a
25c an hour pay raise providing its members did not strike for a year.
—In Budapest, Hungary, telephone girls who once belonged to
free trade unions became furious over orders issued by the Communist
government requiring them to answer all calls with a political slogan.
Recently the girls were instructed to answer calls with “Hands off
Korea to whom do you wish to speak?” Last December, when Com
munists celebrated Stalin’s 70th birthday, the girls responded with
“Hurrah, Stalin what number do you want?”
—In Long Beach, Calif., union bus driver Kenneth Fahs is con
vinced the vast majority of citizens are thoroughly honest. In the
midst of a rush hour Fahs dropped a roll of 100 nickels which scatter
ed in every direction, some even out on the street. The passengers
scrambled to pick them up, and when Fahs counted he discovered he
had 104 instead of the 100.
—In Cincinnati, a daily newspaper disclosed that two of its re
porters had made an agreement the first one who took a drink of
whisky or beer had to pay the other $10. Both were determined not
to pay $10.10 for a glass of beer until midnight December 24. Immed
iately after the agreement was made, scores of fellow-workers tried to
tempt the two men by offering them free drinks. But the offers stop
ped abruptly when the two reporters put their heads together and
agreed to accept the next offer of free drinks, take the drinks, and
then exchange $10 bills.
—In Oslo, Norway, the national trade union federation voted to
send 1500 city women to the country for free two-week vacations, pro
viding they have three or more children.
—In Singapore, the Communist government’s campaign to take
over all foreign businesses has resulted in enormous taxes being piled
on British hotels. One hotel, a 15-story skyscraper, was finally shut
down when the Communists terrorized all the hotel’s residents into
leaving. Two days later the Communists brought in a top North
Chinese Red official who had broken his leg. The owners installed him
in tjie most luxurious suite—on the 15th floor. Then the owners, who
were already nearly broke, fired all their help including the elevator
operators, leaving the crippled Communist official trapped on the 15th
floor for weeks to come.
Mill Stalls Union
For Full Year
With Help Of T-H
Washington (LPA)—If the Taft-Hartley act has not touched
you personally, you may believe the stuff about it merely “restoring
the balance between capital and labor.” Maybe you’ve even fallen
for the malarkey that only the “Labor bosses” object to Taft-Hartley.
Well, listen to the story of Elizabeth B. Boyd, of East Providence,
R. I., mother of three children, fired for union activity and jobless for
a year thereafter, except for eight weeks. Listen to what fancy tricks
the lawyers can pull so that although the union won a certification
election, it was a year before the company finally signed a contract.
The union notified the East Providence Mills on July 26, 1949,
that it represented a majority of the workers. Two weeks later Mrs.
Boyd was fired for union activity.
During the next year, she worked for eight weeks: At Mason Can|
for 75 cents an hour, was laid off for lack of work at Collier Wire
Works, at 75 cents an hour, was laid off for lack of work at With
ington Co., packing bacon, at 75 cents, was laid off for lack of work.
Those jobs she got through the US Employment Service. She also
looked for work on her own at the braiding factories. She was hired
by providence Braid, a non-union plant. When she reported for work
the next day, she was told she was not needed. (At East Providence
Mills she got 93 cents an hour for second shift work.)
During that year her husband was on slack time. There was a two
Week strike at his plant, and one month they had to borrow $50 to
make the mortgage payment on their small home.
Well, that’s what happend to Elizabeth Boyd, an individual. What
happenea to the union
On July 26 the union petitioned for an NLRB election. On August
5 there was a joint conference at the NLRB Boston office. Five days
later Mrs. Boyd was fired. The union filed charges.
On August 29, 1949, the company said it doubted the signatures
on the union cards. When the union offered to have the NLRB exam
iner check the signatures, the company said it .“would still have
doubts.”
Two weeks later Ellen Enos and Eva Languedec, weavers, were
laid off out of seniority, and new weavers were hired.
On Sept. 22 the NLRB ordered an election. Twelve days later the
union filed charges in the lay-off of Enos and Languedec. One week
later the company filed a petition for a rehearing, questioning the
union’s showing of interest. The NLRB denied the petition and the
certification election was held Oct. 21, the union winning 91 to 72.
Five days later the company filed “objections to the conduct of
the election,” and asked for a hearing. Tired of the stalling, the work
ers walked out Nov. 3. Five days later the company filed charges
against the union. So flimsy were the charges that the NLRB regional
director threw them out the same day.
Two days later the strike ended, with a temporary agreement pro
viding for return of all workers without discrimination. The company
agreed to formation of union committees and the usual grievance pro
cedure and to start contract negotiations as early as possible. But the
same day the company filed exceptions to the report and recommenda
tions of the regional NLRB director. And five days later the company
filed new charges against the union.
That was straightened out by Dec. 28. A month later the union
settled the seniority status of Enos and Languedec. A day later the/'
1 NLRB ordered a hearing on the company’s objections and exceptionsx
to the conduct of the election, and set the date at Feb. 15. But the
hearing was postponed to March 2 and then again to March 6. For two
days the company gave evidence, only to have its objections dismissed
March 28, 1950.
A week later the NLRB issued a complaint against the company
on the basis of the union’s charge of unfair labor practices. Three
weeks later the hearing was held. It took three days, and it was three
months more before the trial examiner issued his intermediate report.
He ordered the company to stop discouraging membership in the union
and ordered the company to reinstate Mrs. Boyd, with back pay.
On August 2, 1950 the company caved in. It sent a letter to Mrs.
Boyd, offering her reinstatement as of August 7, 1950.
Mrs. Boyd was fired August 10, 1949. She was reinstated August
v 1
less than she had earned at the mill. The union filed charges in the
..
back. That’s Taft-Hartley and an individual.1’
Now as to Taft-Hartley and a union: It was in July 1949 that the
union petitioned for an election Oct. 21, 1949, before an election
was held. But by filing objections, by using the delaying devices they
Taft-Hartley act makes possible, the company was able stall of?
genuine negotiations for months, and it was a year before a contract
was signed.
The company, with a straight face, could object that even if a
government official (an NLRB aide) checked the validity of the sig
natures on the union cards, the company would still not believe it.
After the election the company could even appeal on the quaint
grounds that the union threatened workers with loss of their jobs if
they did not vote for the union. Of course a trial examiner threw that
charge out, but the company gained more time.
It was not until July 1950, when the trial examiner recommended
that Mrs. Boyd be reinstated and the company stop its union-busting,
that the company finally decided it has exhausted all the tricks in the
book.
This story involves 175 human beings—not “labor bosses who
fear their power will be shackled.” That’s Taft-Hartley.
Still think that Taft-Hartley hurts only the “labor bosses”?
1
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