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I Otwrativ*. She JMterg Herald OFFICIAL JOURNAL OP TKI NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATIVE POTTBQ and BAST LIVERPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL Published every Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P.. oiwniiur and operating the Beet Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State fcftMod at Post Office, Eaat Liverpool, Ohio, Ar^l 20, 1902, as second-class matter. Accepted for mailing at Special Ratea of tage provided for in Section 1109, Act of October 13, 1917, authorised August ko, 1918. __ GENERAL OFFICE* N. B. ef O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST., BELL PHONE 575 iHARRY L. GILL.-------------------------------------------•---- —Editor and Business Manager jOne Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada..----------------------------------- President Jernes M. Duffy, P. O. Box 752, East Li1v’rpo?,'nO1^° iflnt Vico Preeident-E. L. Wheatley, Boom 215, Broad Street. National Bank Build Ins. Trenton S. New Jersey ... Beeond Vice President—— Frank Hull, 6111 Pacific Blvd., Huntington Park, CaHr. Third Vice President.—— James Slaven, Cannons Milla, East Liverpool, Ohio iPburth Vice President—Cherlee Zimmer, 1045 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8, New Jersey Vico pn-nid-"* Arthur Devlin, 205 Ashmore Ave., Trenton, N. J. Sixth Vice President Frank Dales, Alton Sr, East Liverpool, Ohio S^wth Vice President--------------T. J. Dewnondr E. Lb. J} W^N^uTw °y® Ebrhth Vice President—— Joshua Chadwick, (. dt Street. Newell, W. ya. BeCTetarT-Traat”-^ —Chas. F. Jordan, P. O. K 752, East Liverpool. Ohio GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL jnwnawmrw ■■-^•g7y7yQRDAN. FREDERICK GLYNN. ERNEST TORRENCE CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE K. KOOS, H. M. WALKER, W. A. BETZ ___ BERT CLARK, DAVID BEVAN, CHA8. JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE w.nnfacturan ROBERT DIETZ, Sr., W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES Manofacturere JAMES SLAVEN. OSCAR SWAN, BOSE STEWART Yesteryear And Tomorrow Swiftly, relentlessly, the year 1959 has run its span and Jias now passed into that period of time known as yesteryear. As we come to the end of the first half of the twentieth century, we are completing an era that has never been equal ed in the history of our civilization, for in this fifty-year «tretch there has been great strife, there has been great progress, and there has been great waste. It is difficult to tell how future historians will view this momentous, epoch-making period. The vastness of the can vas is too great for us ordinary humans to grasp the entire significance of the panorama of events stretched out behind us. In retrospect this first half century must be viewed with mixed feelings and it can only be viewed in the light of per sonal experience. Throughout the world wholesale wars have torn with trife the lands of many peoples. Hate and greed, violence and pestilence, suffering and death, have walked hand in hand along that rugged trail that is yesteryear. Even into the most remote corners of these United States, war’s ugly hand has reached in and grasped its unsuspecting victim. Disappointment, frustration and a great sense of loss has been the lot of those who shared in tliis tragic waste of human life and worldly goods. For them the end of 1959, and indeed the end of this first half century, will be wel comed with a fervent hope that the. new year, and the second lhalf of the century, will bring a new era of peace and free dom from all worldly strife. How has the year 1959 treated you? Will you remember it as a year of disappointment and frustration, or will you cling to its happy memories and be reluctant to let it go? The"passtng of each year has always been a time of mix cd emotions for most of us. As it slips away we live again through our troubles and tears, our joys and happiness. Memories of old friends, of new friends we have made, of past thrills and pleasant associations, of all the simple little every day things in life like birthdays and anniversar ies, make up the pages of a bMk that is really the book of our lives. At the passing of each year we like to pause and relieve the pages of our liook and bask in the memory of their tears or their joy and laughter. If there is something sad about the passing of the old year, there is something equally exciting and exhilarating about all things new. The beginning of a new year is no exception. The new year lies ahead of us like a challenge, but bo fore we take down the old calendar and replace it with a new one, let us try to benefit by past mistake's. Let us try to find fresh inspiration in what we achieved during the last twelve months. It may not have been much. A friendly smile, a help ing hand to a neighbor, remembering a birthday, anniver sary or some other important date, a word of cheer now and again, or a kindness that brought no reward. Small things, simple things, but they are important in the ultimate result. 1959 has Ix'en a year of mixed fortunes, of much trouble and unrest in the world. As we put up the new calendar let us resolve to do everything in our power to make the new year a worthier and happier one than all its predecessors. Mdy it bring a new era of peace and freedom from strife. May it bring to all of us stauncher friendships, abiding hap piness, contentment and jieace ol heart. Labor Press Services Federation News of Chicago lists a few of the ways it says it can serve its readers and the lalxir movement. 1 hese “19 Points of the Labor Press” apply to all labor papers. Here is how this paier can serve you: P. A convenient cost-saving medium for reaching the union member with meeting notice's and other pertinent though costly material that must go through the mails. 2. For explaining current negotiations—or the lack of them. 3. As a morale builder in times of work stoppages. 4. As a medium for selling to other unions and to out side sources any project which a particular union br council may lie interested in, and especially a work stoppage. 5. As counter publicity against the constant anti-union tone of the daily press. 6. As a sounding board for new ideas, and as a forum for them. 7. For education, not only on matters politic, but on safety, health, and welfare. 8. For reporting the human interest stories of labor’s officials and of its rank and file mernliers. 9. For organizing campaigns. 19. For enhancing the value on the eyes of the employer and the general public of the trades of its various members. Strength Only Hope For Peace The only slim we have for peace today lies in the possibility that the Unital States will Ixfonie so strong in a military sense that the Soviets will realize they cannot win. To my mind, nothing will deter them from their objectives but the conviction of eventual defeat. To reach the desired point of strength, to reach the point where ndt only ourselves but the entire world would know that* America is safe and secure beyond question of doubt, will require the complete support of business, labor, agriculture and each and every citizen of our nation. Veterans' Insurance Grab The big insurance companies are trying to profit at the expense of war veterans. They are trying to ram through Congress a bill making it impossible to sell National Service Life Insurance—GI insurance#-to ex-servicemen. This would apply even to those who suffer disabilities in civilian life that would prevent them from buying commercial policies. In other words, after a soldier, sailor or Marine is dis charged from the armed forces, he would'have to buy insur ance from a private commercial company. He couldn’t con vert insurance he paid for in the service to a civilian-type policy. The private firms want Uncle Sam to give all service men free coverage of $10,000 in death benefits. They try to argue that the taxpayers are burdened unduly by GI in surance. But most of the costs of GI insurance are paid for by the men themselves, not by the Government—so that argu ment falls flat on its hypocritical face. The House has passed a bill cut along the lines specified by the big insurance companies who own $63 billion in as sets. It was introduced by Dixiecrat John Rankin (Miss.). Whether it will pass the Senate depends in large mea sure on whether veterans, and friends of veterans, write to their Senators protesting the attempted grab. Slavery, He Says President James Shelton of the American Bankers As sociation said the United States is headed down the road of political and economic ^enslavement.” Five days later, the Western Union Telegraph company, reported it had earned $6.5 million during the first 10 months’ of this year contrasted with a loss of $4.7 million in the same period of last year. That’s a net change of $11.2 million— all to the good for the telegraph monopoly. Also five days later, President Wjlbur Lewis of the Sav ings Banks Association of the State of New York reported deposits in savings banks in that state on November 30 reached an alltime peak of $11.5 billion. They grew by $59.3 million during November alone. All of which proves that Shelton has joined the large line of smart men who hurl cuss words like “enslavement” just because all-time profit figures are not even bigger. What in the world are they after, anyway Cashing In On The War Trust the National ‘Association of Manufacturers to come up with some dandy ideas for cashing in on the war and national defense, especially if the extra cash for the big fellows is to come out of the hides of the toilers. Never in its entire history has the NAM been anywhere but on the wrong side of the fence with respect to humanitarian and progressive legislation. Now the association is out with a plea that Congress do two things at once: 1. Abolish the 49 hour working week with overtime pay rates for time worked in excess of 40 hours in one week or eight in one day. 2. Stop enforcing laws protecting women and children in industry and let the big hearted gentlemen who run the factories do as they please. Overtime for work after 40 hours is “inflationary”, the bulbous boys of the NAM declare. Excess profits, however, are not inflationary and should not be taxed. The NAM also wants income taxes boosted on lower in come brackets and sharply cut on the big income brackets. It also favors abolishing social security, unemployment com pensation and Labor Unions. Embarrassed By Profits Some industries are going to be embarrassed when the public and Labor find out how much money they are making. That is the prediction of “Changing Times”, the Kiplinger business magazine in its December issue. The publication, not at all friendly toward Labor, says that some of the big companies are going to be very sensitive when Labor leaders start talking about their profits, even after taxes have been paid. The magazine predicts that business and industrial profits will be more than 45 billion dollars, which, it says is a figure never imagined in the wildest dreams of manage ment in years past. Taxes will take a substantial slice but “then* will still be pk'iity left over to be paid to stockholders, managers and workers.” Lalxir has suspected this fact for some time and has considerable reliable information on the subject. The ques tion is: what will management think is “plenty” for the working people? 16-Cylinder Profits During the first nine months of 1950, General Motors (GM) took in more than $700 million in net profits. That is more than any corporation in the world ever earned in a full year. GM itself set the previous record only last year with $050 million after all taxes and expenses. Chairman Alfred P. Sloan announced the figures a few days after he said high taxes were killing industry. In 1949, GM’s profits amounted to 36.5 per cent of net worth (assets minus liabilities). During the first three months of 1950, its profits ran at an annual rate of 38 per cent of net worth during the second three months, 45.2 per cent during the third three months, 32.8 per cent. So what happens? General Motors raises its prices. That’s what might be known as internal combustion in the executive offices. Here's What Makes Housing Costs High One of the biggest and most ignored reasons for the high cost of housing was illustrated this week when 49 acres of bare land in the District of Columbia were sold for $1,250, 990. That figures out at about $31,990 an acre. If each acre were divided into 10 little “lots”, 40 feet by 100 in size, each lot would cost around $3,990. As a matter of fact, the lots will be bigger than that, and cost more than $3,090 each, but even that sum is a stag gering price to pay for a place to put a house. Why let land speculators put such a burden on housing, and blame building labor for the high cost of homes? A Weak Union Hurts You A boss who’s against unions always wants to keep many workers as |xssible out of the union. If you deny membership to some workers because their color or religion or ancestry, you play right into the boss’s hand. Such workers have to work without union protection. The boss may use them to pull your standards down or to re place you for lower wages. But if all the workers are in the union this can’t happen. Discrimination in a union keeps a union weak. AND A WEAK UNION HURTS YOU! THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO WASHINGTON as of Try it—th«n maybe I'D put 9B my skates!" LABOR E BRADFORD V. CARTER Monopoly Is Ducky Thinks Mouthpiece Of Publishers Washington (LPA)—Faithful followers of this column may susn pect that old man Carter takes a dim view of the ^mmercial press. He does, and with reason. The mouthings of the daily press and their defenders provide fresh reasons for misgivings almost daily. The other day the Senate voted overwhelmingly to plug a major loophole in the anti-trust laws. The effect is to give an to the little businessman and to the farmer in their everlasting strug gle to keep from being swallowed up by the giants. At best the Utt man has a tough time competing against the big boys. Any law that makes it easier for the little fellow should bring cheers fromthe press. But here is what Editor & Publisher, the weekly sPok^ma" the publishers, said editorially Dec. 16 in opposition to the measure. “We can’t see any justification for telling a man or a corporation that he, or it, cannot sell out to the highest bidder (if desired) when the bidder happens to be a competitor.” So here we go again. Any time it’s a question of the people against big business, the daily press (with all too few honorable ex ceptions) lines up against the people. Why should you care Because this measure has a direct effect on your pocketbook. This is the anti-merger legislation that’s been before Congress nearly 25 years. When the Clayton anti-trust law was passed the people cheered until they discovered the very clever loophole. Corp orations were forbidden to buy up other corporations if that tended toward monopoly. But nothing was the law to prevent them from buying the physical plants, inventories and other assets. And that s what the corporations did, at an ever-increasing and alarming pace through the years. During debate, Sen. Herbert O’Conor (D, Md.) pointed to the resulting tremendous increase in economic concentration, and said that if allowed to continue it would destroy the American free economy. He gave the figure*. In 1909 the 200 largest non-financial corp orations owned a third of the assets of all corporations By 1929 they owned 48 percent, and by the early 30’s it was «j5 tenth of all American corporations owned 49 percent of all corpora tions 2 percent owned 78 percent 8 percent owned 89 percent 12 percent owned 92 percent. In short, one-eighth of the corporations owned all but 8 percent of the assets of all corporations. At the other end of the scale, 45 percent of the number of corporations (the small ones with assets of $50,000 or less) owned less than 1 percent of the The Small Business Anti-Monopoly Conference, which includes representatives of labor, small business, the farmers and the co-ops, supported the measure closing the* loophole. (The same group was active in persuading President Truman to veto the basing point bill, which would have legalized monopoly pricing practices in 52 major industries.) The Conference, in a joint letter to all members of the Senate urging passage of the measure, pointed out that “Great corporations Are securing control of industry after industry. Little business is being put out of business. Farmers are lq*ig forced to pay monopoly prices Wd big industry is using its enormous economic power to se cure the bulk of scarce materials. Big business is using this power to take over the entire economic life of the nation.” Despite all that, Editor & Publisher, mouthpiece of the nations publishers, said “We can’t see any justification for telling a man or a corporation that he, or it, cannot sell out to the highest bidder when the bidder happens to he a competitor.” See why old man Carter takes a dim view of the commercial press i 1 11 '7^1 A Questionnaire For Complainers By RUTH TAYLOR A great many arm-chair critics are pointing out the mistake of our commanders. Of course, the majority of the critics are those who criticized our doing anything and the worst criticism comes from those people whose only sacrifice has been in little things. They overlook the fact that everyone makes mistakes—even critics. The people who get ahead are not those who make no mis takes. They are those who learn from their mistakes. It is jnuch easier to make use of a fact you have proven to yourself, than to take it pn some one vise’s word. The child never really learns that the stove is hot until he burns his finger on it. So it is in all things. Walking is merely a succession of falls. If we fall, we must get up to try it again. Before we criticize our commanders and compare them unfavor ably with the men we would have picked—let us face the fact that we don’t know all the fact^s. We don’t know what the strength of the opposition is. We don’t know the decisions that had to be made. We don’t really know but one thing. Did we personally do our share’ Is our work essential to the war 'effort? Did we do all we could have done—or did the weather tempt us to a day off here and there Did we go to the blood bank? Did we respond to all the appeals for help or did we buy some .non-essential we wanted? Did we face the fact that appeals for our help are to help ourselves or did we feel charitable if we responded? Are we keeping a united home front—or do we permit the divisive propaganda, the attacks upon groups, because of class, creed or color, of our enemies to stir up trouble at home, to slow down our efforts, to sap our morale, to endanger our defenses? Unless we have done our full share, unless we have taken an ac tive part in the fight, who are we to criticize? There is much to be done to help those who are fighting. Unless we act too—they are stranded on a beach head bareft of support from home. Let's stop talking of the victories that should have been won and do our part! —In New York, officials of the A FL Air Line Pilots Union no longer lift an eyebrow when they hear stories about their members flying gorillas out of Africa, baby elephants out of India, and giant lizards out of Sumatra. Last week, however, they added a “new high’’ to their files when the crew of a Pan American Airways plane re ported that 50 yellow canaries broke out of their crates while the plane was at. midpoint over the Atlantic Ocean. Nobody could figure out how the birds got free, but for five hours every crew member who could be freed chased the chirruping canaries around luggage and freight in the h.-’ly of the big double-decked plane. The cattle was only half successful because, when the plane reached Idlewild Airport in New York, the AFL men still had 12 of the birds to capture. percent. In 1J46 one- Cavil-cade by LES FINNEGAN BEHIND THE HEADLINES— Thursday, January 4, 1951 —In New Delhi, India, the country’s newest and most exclusive union was organized. The Maharaja of'Boroda, world-famous for his wealth and race horses, announced he had formed the “Union of Pen sioned Princes” to protect “the rights and privileges” of Prices whose domains have been merged with the Indian Republic. The Maharaja petitioned for collective bargaining with the President of the Repub lic who promptly turned thumbs down on the whole idea. —In Albany, N. Y., AFL and CIO officials called public attention to the ironic fact that lobbyists for the state’s biggest insurance firms —who had spent countless thousands of dollars fighting compulsory health insurance—are now pressuring the legislature for compulsory auto insurance. “It’s obvious,” declared one of the labor representa-, tives, “that for big business autos are more important than human lives.” —In Columbus, Ohio, employment qualifications come high when the job of coaching the Ohio State football team is involved. Univer sity President Howard L. Bevis told alumni that the new coach “must be a genius, a man who never makes the same mistake once.” —In Stuttgart, Germany, a union player on the professional Wuerttemberg-Baden soccer team was suspended for two weeks. He called the referee’a “North Korean.’ —In Auckland, New Zealand, leaders of the Tory Party, 4which defeated the Labor Government on a platform of “economy”,* were flabbergasted when a trade union paper disclosed that one of the first acts of the new Prime Minister was to spend $100,000 on his own mansion. —In Sidney, Australia, union communication workers claimed the world’s longest wrong telephone number. When the telephone rang in the office of the Albany Advertiser, a daily newspaper, a voice asked, “Is this No. 2?” Told it was, the voice asked for Thelma, but there was no Thelma connected with the newspaper. The voice tried again, “Are you sure that is Albury No. 2?” Told it was Albany, not Albury, the voice said faintly, “I’m afraid I’ve got the wrong number.” Al bany on the south coast of Western Australia is 2000 miles from Al bury, New South Wales! —In Portsmouth, Va., the country’s largest Christmas bonus went to all employees of the Merchants & Farmers Bank. Each worker received 25% of his annual salary. n —In New York City, television unions and networks agreed on a contract which gives actors a certain rate if their speak more than five lines and a lower rate if they speak less. After the agreement was signed, however, differences arose over how many words constitute a line so the unions and the networks went back and started bargain ing all over again. —In Washington, D. C., Charles E. Wilson, president of General Electric, couldn’t keep himself from making the' same mistake he made in World War II. During the last war Wilson was photographed by news cameramen when he was named executive vice-chairman of the War Production Board, and at that time pulled a boner that was re membered for years. When Wilson took office as director of the Of fice of Defense Mobilization on Dec. 19 the photographers arrived again, and again Wilson fell into his own trap. Addressing one of the cameramen he cracked, “Those are General Electric flash bulbs you’re using, I presume.” “Nope”, echoed the photographer, “we find these Westinghouse bulbs a lot more reliable.” —In Petoskey, Mich., the mighty Pennsylvania Railroad sur rendered to a citizen named Harry Sickles who insisted on his rights. Sickles bought a ticket from Chicago to Petoskey without knowing that the railroad has ended'passenger stops at Petoskey two weeks before. Sickles, however, waved his through ticket and insisted on his right to transportation to Petoskey. After a long argument Sickles won and rode 85 miles home—in a taxi paid for by the Pennsylvania Railroad. Dixiegops Plan Hatchet Job At Start Of 82nd Congress Washington (LPA)—The Dixiecrat-Republican coalition will be coming at you from all sides this winter. One thing the coalition was sure to try to do right away in the House of Representatives was give back to the House Rules Commit tee its old power to clamp down on legislation Congress wants. The effort was slated to come on opening day, Jan. 3, when the House, would adopt its rules for the next two years. Here’s the background. The House Rules Committee is a kind of^ “traffic cop” or “production manager”. It decides when various bills are to come up on the floor and how they are to be debated. Its powers used to be so vast that it literally could veto measures which had been approved unanimously by other House committees. In short a seven-man majority of the Rules Committee members could control House action. The 81st Congress clipped the Rules Committee’s wings in Jan uary, 1949, by voting that the Rules Committee could sit no more than 21 days on a bill approved by another committee. At the end of the 21-day period, the chairman of the committee which originally approved a measure could call it up on the floor no matter what the Rules Committee thought. During the 81st Congress, eight vital measures were brought to the floor under the 21-day rule—and passed by the House. These were: the anti-poll tax bill, rivers and harbors legislation, Alaska statehood, Hawaii statehood, National Science Foundation, national minerals bills, Veterans Administration Hospital bill and funds for such United Nations agencies as the World Health Organization, Food & Agricul tural Organization and the International Labor Organization. In addition, observers are careful to point out a vast amount of legislation backed by labor and by liberal groups generally was speed ed by the very threat of the 21-day rule. Among these were minimum wage and social security legislation and various housing measures. A reluctant Rules Committee scheduled these measures for action be cause any attempt to sit on them would have been 'foiled by floor action. The 1950 elections gave the Dixiecrat-Republican coalition a chance to wipe the 21-day rule off the books. Or so members, of the coalition were saying in the closing days of the 81st Congress. Ring-leader In the move to restore the power to kill legislation to the Rules Committee has been Rep. Gene Cox of Georgia, as iras cible a Dixiecrat as you’ll find in Washington and a member of the Rules Committee. What steamed Cox up was the fact that under the 21-day rule the House passed a modified FEPC, the anti-poll tax mea sure, the Alaska-Hawaii statehood bills and an amendment upping the minimum wage. All these were bitterly opposed in the South, and the fact the Senate failed to follow through on all of them didn’t eliminate the danger to southern feelings from the Dixiecrat point of view. Working hand-in-glove with Gene Cox has been Rep. Joe Martii of Massachusetts, Republican floor leader. And it was Joe Martin wh^b was claiming, “We’ve got the votes.” Close behind Martin came Rep. Clarence Brown of Ohio, another Rules Committee member. Brown, whose outline roughly resembles a medium sized brick house, likes to have you think he’s a carefree country boy fresh from the sticks. Actually he’s one of the shrewdest manipulators of all the Republican manipulators in the House—and one of Sen. Bob Taft’s strongest lieut enants in both Washington and Ohio. Behind Brown stoop Rep. Charlie Halleck of Indiana, another slick GOP operator. So one thing was certain the coalition campaign to alter the rules was smartly led. Advocatos of dumping the 21-day rule could argue that there still would be a way of getting around the Rules Committee if the House really wanted to act on bottled-up legislation. All that was necessary, they could say, was to get up a petition forcing the bottled-up bills to the floor. However, such a petition must be signed by a majority of the members of the House. That means 218 signatures. Obtaining them is a lengthy, sometime impossible task. There are simply too many obstacles, especially if the proposed legislation is controversial. The.re are too many opportunities for log-rolling of one kind and an other, as Gene Cox, Joe Martin and Clarence Brown well know. An attempt was made a year ago to kill the 21-day rule. At th** time 171 Democrats and 64 Republicans joined hands to save it by majority ef 53. What made the prospects tougher this year was the fact that 27 of the Democrats who helped form the majority were re placed by Republicans. Whether Joe Martin had the votes ne claimed would be settled swiftly. Independent Republicans hold this balance. How does the Rules Committee get that way? Why is it that a Dixiecrat-Republican coalition within the committee itself is allowed to block legislation, even though the chairman is liberal old Adolph Sabath, a New-and Fair-Dealing Democrat from Chicago? Why can’t we have a liberal Rules Committee? The answers to those questions are another matter indeed. You’d have to change the creaking machinery by which Congress forms its committees. Seniority is king. You get good committees when for tune favors you. The way things are, the Southerners generally have the seniority inside the Democratic party. And when the Southerners are Dixiecrats too (all of them aren’t, by any means) you get Dixie crat leader-li ip—and sometimes Dixiecrat rules. That’s one reason the Dixiecrats remain in the Democratic party.