The Wilmington morning star. [volume], December 13, 1947, Page 4, Image 4

About The Wilmington morning star. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1909-1990

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SATURDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1947
___— 1
Star Program
State ports with Wilmington tavored
in proportion with its resources, to in
clude public terminals, tobacco stor
age warehouses, ship repair facilities,
nearby sites for heavy industry and
35-foot Cape Fear river channel.
City auditorium large enough to
meet needs for years to come.
Development of Southeastern North
Carolina agricultural and industrial
resources through better markets and
food processing, pulp wood production
and factories. . ,
Emphasis on the region s recrea
tion advantages and improvement o
resort accommodations.
Improvement of Southeastern North
Carolina’s farm-to-market and pri
mary roads, with a paved highway
from Topsail inlet to Bald Head is
land.
Continued effort to attract more in
dustries.
Proper utilization of Bluethentha
airport for expanding air service.
Development of Southeastern Nortn
Carolina’s health facilities, especially
in counties lacking hospitals, and in
eluding a Negro Health center.
Encouragement of the growth <>t
commercial fishing.
Consolidation of City and County
governments.
__
GOOD MORNING
What I admire in Columbus is not his
having discovered a world, but his hav
ing gone to search for it on the faith ot
an opinion. —Turgot.
Jourt System Under Fire
Certain arguments against the present
North Carolina Superior Court system, pre
sented before the New Hanover County Bar
Association by Mr. Fred B. Helms of Char
lotte, past president of the State Bar As
sociation, merit close public attention.
Mr. Helms declared that the custone of
rotation Superior Court judges to be “one
'of the biggest millstones about the neck of
"lawyers.” He declared that machinery of
.the courts is inefficient particularly on the
score that it is a century old and poorly
adapted to present-day needs.
As proof of this, he pointed out that busi
ness men are resorting more and move to
out-of-court settlements, by which they
'save time and expense. At least 90 per
cent of the litigation formerly disposed of
by court procedure is now avoided through
outside arbitration, he declared.
I He insisted that instead of shifting Su
perior Court judges from district to district
they should be appointed permanently to
serve one alone, so that each might have
a part in pre-trial processes, such as ruling
on demurrers and motions.
At present, he noted, a judge spends but
«ix months in one court in six years and
consequently knows little of local con
ditions. The judge, he is quoted as saying,
must spend two months in becoming ac
quainted with his docket, and only two
months in trials. In reporting Mr. Helms’
address, the Star quoted him as saying the
judge fears to open other trials during the
final two months lest he be unable to com
plete them.
/\nu ne is aiso quoted as saying tnat a
revision of our court system, including
standardization procedure in inforior courts,
would improve the state’s judiciary set-up
from a third to one-half.
The state court system has been under
attack for a long time. Now it is hoped
that a commission created by the State
Bar Association, which is studying the sys
tem with the view of presenting its recom
mendations during the next General As
sembly session, and which has the general
support of the state’s legal profession, will
also win public favor. In the last analysis,
.the public would gain most if our court
-system were brought up to date.
Sensible Action
The unionists working in the atomic plant
at Oak Ridge, Tenn., made a wise decision
when they decided to postpone a strike in
definitely.
If any one strike could be considered
against the national welfare and which
could arouse the public’s wrath against or
ganized labor everywhere, this was it.
With the world bordering on a shooting
war—we’re in a cold’ war, whatever that
is—the proposed strike at Oak Ridge, had
it materialized, would no doubt have
brought down condemnation on the work
ers from within the ranks of labor as well
as without.
Apparently one of those ‘conferences’ the
general public never hears about was held.
Apparently certain union leaders were
called in and told the story straight. It’s
happened in Washington before and, if
need be, can happen again.
Certain top-flight political leaders in the
nation’s capital have a way of getting re
sults. In this proposed strike it is apparent
some of these ways were utilized.
Some labor leaders know when to stop.
What would happen has been made clear
to them in times past. The labor leader
who would jeopardize his nation at a time
like this might well wish he was back at
the job at decent pay rather than an out
cast from his fellow man.
Two Communisms
There are two types of communism in
the world today.
If one is to assume that the word—com
munist-means a person who subscribes to
the communal way of doing things this
would not be true.
One is the near-hated Red who would
destroy, tear down and deny civil rights
to others of his kind. Most of these Reds
are men and women who failed in their
life’s ambitions and permitted themselves
to become engulfed in a burning hate for
the things they were denied and for those
who managed to attain them. These are
the Reds of the Vishinsky group, the Stalin
group and the Trotsky faction. These are
the dangerous Reds, or communists.
If the word communist is to be taken to
mean communal, we in the United States
can teach a few communal things to the
communists of the Red variety.
Our post office is a communal affair.
Our police is a communal affair and our
fire department, just to cite three. Com
munal in that all the people pay their
proportionate share for the upkeep and
service of these services without regard
or consideration to which gains the most.
All help support the fire department. Yet
few need it or ever will. That’s communal.
It’s a system inaugurated by the people
themselves, not thrust down their throats
Few need the aid of a policeman through
life’s travels, yet all contribute to the
maintenance of the department. That s a
communal operation, too.
This is to say that when a communist
of the Red type smoothes one along with
such comparisons as these he is doing two
things, trying to claim credit for our com
munal enterprise and, secondly, trying to
win converts to his theory.
There is a differenc. A wide gulf sepa
rates the two.
Communism is where farmers have to
give their grain to a common bin—or else.
Communism is where a man works when
and for whom and for how much no
matter what his opinion might be — or
else. Communism would force a sincere
religious girl to mix equally, economically
and socially, with a depraved ungodly per
son. Communism would break down the
governments of the world into a tyrany. In
short, communism would even destroy it
self in time because the people of the
world—as shown in France—can be duped
just so long and so far. Then would come
the communistic recession.
Communal practices first saw tne ngnt
of day under the Magna Charter. The
Scots, considered the first liberals, took it
a step farther along the way. Then the
United States, with its Constitution and ul
timately its Bill of Rights, paved the way
for what may be the ultimate fight against
world oppression, that is to say, communal
peoples against communistic peoples.
We’ll take the communal way, we in
America.
Differences between political parties
here, creeds, races and ways of life will
dissolve so swiftly, so surely, should there
be a communist all-out attack, that Stalin
and his fellow party communists would re
ceive the shock of their lives.
He and they would find peoples of dif
ferent, often conflicting faiths and ways of
life, solidified so that each could continue
his way unhampered
The Big Four
The Big Four conferences that have both
entertained and frightened us, clearly dem
onstrate the futility of unanimous govern
ment, unanimous in that if one of the ‘four’
disagrees the remaining three might as
well go home.
That is what is happening in London.
That is what happened in the United
Nations. Russia said no and thus prevented
the majority from carrying on.
So, instead of a majority of the nations
planning for the future, they, by their very
participation in such a set-up, make it pos
sible for one nation—Russia in this in
stance—to ‘rule’ the world without having
to do battle to do so.
Russia controlled the situation during the
United Nations meetings here. Russia is
controlling the Big Four conferences It is
as though our system of govermment in
Congress permitted one lone congressman
to say ‘no’ in the face of a majority vole.
People would laugh at that. Yet in the
world government they support it and
wonder why something concrete does not
come out of all these conferences and meet
ings.
It appears we should go back to the
formation of the United Nations Charter.
Amend it to eliminate the lone no vote
and then proceed, backed with armed po
lice force if necessary, to carry out the
majority will of the peaceful nations of the
world.
When that is done Vishinsky can say no
all he wishes because then, and not until
then, will his adverse opinion come to
naught.
The Fertilizer Need
North Carolina is on the threshold of
greater things through crop diversification,
if—
North Carolina is on the verge of lesser
things, unless—
That seems to be the situation today,
what with diversification of crops seen as
the only solution to the shrinking tobacco
, markets.
But the state itself is not in a position
to carry the full load, to turn in the right
direction.
I It’s up to the federal government. Fertil
izer is needed here and hadly. Europe
seems to need it, too, or so we are told.
But it would appear North Carolina, and
the entire South should have an equal pri
ority with the other nations of the world.
At least that is what some of our state’s
representatives in Congress think and they
are backing their thinking with demands
to the proper congressional committees to
see to it that our farmers are able to
switch from tobacco to other crops.
North Carolina farmers can in all prob
ability find new markets, some of which
may be more lucrative than have been the
tobacco markets, and at less cost in pro
duction.
Situated, as is the state, mid-way on the
coast, it has perhaps more large industrial
centers within a few hundred miles than
any other state. And industrial centers do
not eat tobacco. They demand diversified
foods that come from diversified crops.
But to meet these new markets the
farmers must produce A-l products. This
cannot be done without earth refreshened
and that’s why the fight is being waged in
Washington.
Farmers and the people in the cities,
too, might find it to their mutual advantage
to urge our representatives not to cease
this fight until all the chips are down and
the fight is won for North Carolina farmers.
What Can They Tell?
By ANNE O’HARE McCORMICK
LONDON.—An interesting feature of the
Council of Foreign Ministers is the pres
ence of German reporters ut the news
briefing given daily by t he four dele
gations. There are ten of them, two each
from the American, French an d Soviet
zones and four from the British. Not only
are these correspondents the only repre
sentatives of Germany at a meeting on
which the fate of their country depends:
they are the first Germans to attend an
Allied conference since the war. It took
six months of top-level discussion before
the American military government decid
ed on this step, with the result that other
occupying authorities promptly followed
the United States initiative.
American zone reporters axe ui. xuuv
Reger of Tagespiegel, published in Berlin,
and Hilga Brockhoff, representative of the
Dana news agency in Bad Nauheim. Reg
er, a veteran journalist of pre-Nazi days,
makes a daily broadcast to Germany on
the highlights of the conference.
Since American and British news agen
cies serve newspapers in “Bizonia,” the
German reporters here confine themselves
to comment, features, and background
stories and general impressions. These im
pressions seem to be mixed. In contrast
with their own stripped, stagnant, and iso
lated land, London is a place of abundance,
freedom and animation. Dr. Reger says he
looks below the surface to the strain and
hardships of the people, but for Fraulein
Brockhoff, who has never been out of Ger
many before, the first plunge into a com
paratively normal world is an exciting if
somewhat painful experience. Both are a
little shy and self-conscious in the crowd
of American correspondents, but they listen
more intently and anxiously than any of
us to the reports of the arguments over
Germany batted back and forth to no end
across the conference table. They do not
appear as anxious as the Americans, how
ever, about the effect of Molotov’s propa
ganda on the German people. Reger is con
vinced it will take more than words to
convince the population, especially of the
Soviet zone, that Russia desires German
independence.
The German reporters here, hand-picked
though they are by the military govern
ments, are none the less a sign of evolution
in the attitude of the occupying powers in
all zones. For the first time the momentous
debate over the future of Germany is be
ing reported to Germans by Germans. Ger
man people will not fail to be impressed
by the fact that the first door through
which they can look into international coun
cils is opened to representatives of the
press. This is sure to increase their respect
for the mission and importance of the
press.
For other observers the handful of Ger
mans here serves as a reminder that Ger
many isn’t merely the paper problem it
often seems as the foreign ministers
wrangle over phrases in their search for a
formula they can accept as a basis of dis
cussion. The easiest thing of all to forget
in these conferences is that real people are
waiting outside for verdicts that the whole
course of peacemaking to date operates to
postpone. Soviet tactics of delay patently
designed to keep arguments going until de
velopments outside decide the issue take
no account of what happens meantime to
human beings left dangling on the edge of
chaos and despair.
It is infinitely preferable that the weary
ministers at Lancaster House keep on
rather than break off their talks, but be
hind piles of paper and the fog of words
it isn’t easy to see the real Germany. This
is still truer of Austria, where all the words
have been repeated and all the figures re
viewed to no avail. Dr. Karl Gruber, the
Austrian Foreign Minister, is still here hop
ing against hope that the last sentence on
Austria has not been spoken at this confer
ence. Deputies on the Austrian settlement
are likewise hanging about unwilling to be
lieve their months of work are completely
fruitless.
Nobody really thinks, however, that the
Austrian question will be reopened at this
meeting. This postponement is cruelly hard
on Austria, burdened with four armies of
occupation four years after the first
Foreign Ministers meeting in Moscow
solemnly agreed to treat it as a liberated
country, to be restored to independence as
soon as hostilities ceased. While some
members of the American and British dele
gations are beginning to feel that until the
big power impasse is resolved it is wiser
to keep the armies in Austria than with
draw them and expose it to the fate of
Hungary, the Austrians chafe bitterly un
der continued occupation and argue that
the country.is being drained so rapidly un
der the present regime that a definition
of German assets will soon be wholly aca
demic.
Dr Gruber points out that his govern
ment is the stablest democratically Elected
administration set up in Europe since the
war. The Peoples party and the Socialists
work as a team; the Communist element
remains less than 5 per cent despite pres
sure, and the police force has proved com
pletely reliable. But how long can this gov
ernment hold if people who support it are
given no assurance of evacuation and
peace? How long can Austria be counted
on to cling to its perilous position straddling
the dividing line of Europe? What can the
Foreign Minister tell his people when he
returns from sterile conferences on which
all their hopes are fixed? _ New York
Times.
“LOSS OF FACET
§3S§6
Strategic Partnership
By JOSEPH ALSOP
LONDON, — In tracing the de
velopment of th e Anglo-Ameri
can relationship since the end of
the war, the role of Lieutenant
General Curtis E. LeMay is not
the least interesting problem to
consider. The tough, hard-faced
young general, who brandishes
a cigar like a club, now has his
headquarters in the small Ger
man city of Wiesbaden. From
Wiesbaden, although Britain in
1947 is certainly no holiday re
sort, he makes fairly frequent
♦rips to London. Here is a mist
ery, which must afflict the chief
of the Soviet intelligence ser
vices like a throbbing tooth, and
should interest any one who
wishes to understand British or
American policy.
General LeMay after all, is
probably the greatest younger
fighting leader who emerged in
the American air forces in the
second world war. He con
tributed vitally to the tactics of
our heavy bombardment of Ger
many. He led the crushing grand
assault against Japan. He com
manded the 20th Air Force when
the bombs were dropped on Hi
roshima and Nagasaki. And now
he has been plucked from the
key post of director of air re
search and set down at WiPsba
de in command of the pitifully
small American air force in Ger
many, succeeding an officer of
lesser rank. Why has this ex
traordinary thing been done?
It does not take a very power
ful mind to guess the answer.
General LeMay is engaged in on
the-spot tactical and strategic
planning, of the if, as and when
kind that may never bear fruit,
but is none the less essential to
preparedness. As his trips to
London clearly indicate, he is
working fairly closely with the
British Air Staff and, one
suspects, with the Imnerial Gen
eral Staff as a Whole. At the
same time, despite the small
ness of the forces under LeMav’s
command, his mere presence in
Germany is no doubt also in
tended to serve as a mild deter
rentto Soviet military planners,
with an inclination to be too
venturesome.
There is nothing official about
the foregoing speculations, and
the conclusions are likely to be
vociferously denied Yet the bet
ting is apDroximately 9 to 1 that
these conclusions are correct.
Furthermore they are entirelv
in accord with the other known
facts about the military-stra
tegic aspect of the Anglo-Ameri
can relationship. As to this
there is no need to speculate.
It can be stated on th ehighest
possible authority that the war
time frankness and intimacw,
the close war-time partnership,
between British and American
strategists and planners has now
been revived in these times of
peace that is not peace.
Behind this state of affairs,
there is a curious and important
history. Not very long after V-J
Day, when the British were
prime targets of the Soviets’ po
litical and propagandistic drive,
London formally proposed plac
ing the Anglo - American com
bined chiefs of staff—the formal
link in the Aglo-American stra
tegic partnership—on a perma
nent peace-time basis. It was an
old idea of Winston Churchill’s,
which he had both sold to the
Cabinet and discussed in public.
The Truman administration,
then bemnqed by the great,
phony "back to normalcy” cam
paign in the United States, re
acted to London’s overture like
a nervous sea anemone being
poked with a sharp stick.
Officially, the combined chiefs
were then only kept in being be
cause certain areas of combined
military interest, such as Italy,
were still garrisoned by consid
erable Anglo - American forces.
After about a year, however,
these forces were reduced ma
terially: the target of the main
Soviet attack shifted to the Unit
ed States; and the British gov
ernment became alarmed by its
own left wing’s constant amo
tion. London, in turn, now indi
cated to Washington that since
there was no desire to maintain
the combined chiefs on a per
manent basis, the agency might
as well be liquidated at once.
In the interval, fortunately, the
Administration in Washington
learned about a few of the hard
facts of the post-war world.
Washington was horrified by
London’s new proposal. Where
the pleading had emanted from
London the year previous, it was
now from the other end of the
cable wire that the pleading
came.
Washington’s pleas were suc
cessful. The combined chiefs
again survived this new danger
in their rather Perils of Paul
ine-like peace-time history. They
Rail Passenger Service
An Editorial From The Rail
Rail Passenger Service
Greensboro Record
The Norfolk and Southern
Railroad Company is applying to
North Carolina and Virginia
state authorities for permission
to abandon its passenger train
service between Raleigh and
Norfolk on the ground that such
service is being maintained at
a great loss. Meanwhile the
Southern Railway System seeks
permission to curtail passenger
service between Raleigh' and
Goldsboro, on the old North
Carolina Railroad. It has also
applied to Virginia authorities
eliminate passenger service be
tween Danville and Norfolk.
This is in line with a trend
which has prevailed for the last
several years on branch line
railroads in this section of the
country. Most people are using
bu sses or private automobiles
for the shorter journeys. Mean
while passenger business or?
some of the main lines of this
region seems to be picking up.
The Richmond, Fredericksburg
and Potomac Railroad an
nounces it will put on a new,
faster time passenger train,
“The Old Dominion,’’ between
Washington and Richmond on
December 12. On that same date
the Seaboard Air Line Railroad
is putting on a new New York
Florida luxury train, the “Silver
Star.”
If the branch line passenger
services were improved, would
they not pay, also, as the im
proved mam line services are
doing in most cases? A few of
th transportation experts be
lieve the railroads are by-pass
ing a good opportunity by aban
doning instead of improving
their short - line passenger ser
vices. For example, Board
Charman Robert R. Young of
the Chesapeake and Ohio Rail
road says the railroads have
themselves to blame almost en
tirely for their losses in passen
ger business. In proof of this,
Chapman Young cites cases in
v. > his road has turned losses
in. ) profits by modernizing and
speeding up passenger train*.
are now, unofficially but in fact,
on almost the kind of perman
ent basis which Churchill envis
ioned. As is suggested by the
presence of General LeMay at
Wiesbaden, the combined chiefs
by no means carry the whole
burden of Anglo-American stia
tegic liaison. There has also
been a good deal of what one
highly placed military leader
oddly, on the side, described to
this correspondent as 'healthy
hanky - panky” through other
channels. But the pattern of the
Anglo - American partnership is
far less important than the fact
of t h e partnership’s existence.
What matters is that in the field
of strategy, Britian and the Unit
ed States are collaborating with
the closest int’macv.
International good will is, on
the whole, an extremely rare
emotion amoung soldiers, sailors
and airmen of any nation. Cer
tainly British and American
soldiers and sailors and airmen
are not working so intimately to
gether because they love one
another’s company. They are
doing so, rather because their
hard - headed, professional as
sessment of the world strategic
situation imposes upon them this
School Method,
Undei* Assail
BY ROGER w 'b.Rca
WELLESLEY, .v” ^°N’
-The other night I attei 11
men’s club of a local
On the program w„< .^Vch,
the high school giee , ®lnS by
students. I, w,***«l
oc. After the m,...»».
gested to one of tm su!>
that it would be more ,1^
mg to the businessmen n.st*
-most of whom were
ers-to put on demonstrati y*
spelling and in mental 2? ^
tic. The teacher replj^**
sarry but it would be a L 1 ">
Note there is „,
high schools having a'w ' f'"
bands, hockey teams8 1lub!
why not also give exhibit
spelling, arithmetic and
the other things in whTch^
businessmen are ah,, ,nt'
We especially would £ «*
the school teachers then£w
give such an exhibition!
I am very serious in
this suggestion. Yet if v km*
a reader pass these though!!!
along to your high school „ ■ 15
pal he tvill paj
a laugh. He does not rec0f2
that you and others are
his salary Voting f more "*
ey for schools will accompli
ittle: ,Tt CVe" ma-v hasten £
breakdown of our entire ecowl
my through overtaxation
all communities appear to be l
this unbalanced predicament
Do not think that Wellesley ti
any different from other place.
Most teachers all employ the
same nonuseful systems which
are taught at the normal
schools.
Too many businessmen have
employees who are high school
graduates and who car neither
read nor write correctly, T;e
manager of a large sized gro.
eery chain had occasion to use
high school help Friday after
noons and Saturdays. This help
was hired at headquarters and
sent out to him. About one in
ten of those who were sent to
him had to return to the school
because they either could not
read his writing, or he could no:
read theirs. As for simple ad
dition, subtraction and multipli.
cation, they were impossible.
l suggest that readers contact
some old grade teachers and sec
what they will say Many be
lieve the present day system o!
emphasizing nonessentials will
not stand the test of tire. Don't
blame the - teachers. They must
teach as their superiors order,
When you finally trace down
why your graduates are so in
efficient you will find that tilt
fault is with the school commit
tees. They are looking for vote)
and hence make courses to
please the children and avoid
courses in which the children of
their voters might fan.
Another serious defect in r
school system is that school
committeemen rate teachers by
the percentages of failures in
any one class, _
necessity, which most of them,
probably, find rather disagree
able. It is all the more signifi
cant therefore, that the same
closeness of Anglo-American col
laboration is not to be found in
the political and economic field,
and that this gap in the part
nership may well upset «■ *
best laid plans of the strategists.
Copyright, 1947. New York
Herald Tribune Jor ___
More Aid To Britain
STAR EDIT PAGE - MOMAID TO BRITAIN
WASHINGTON - The secret of how much ^ #
is scheduled for Great Britain will be 1 billion over the
will show that the British will want nea fce jn ,he natur«
next four years. Requirements from the U. • th anti South
of $5.8 billion. From Canada and the rest of 'l tn t0 furnish
America, $4.2 billion. The U.S will probably be aske.i
dollars for a large part of this latter amou ’ _ sed the ongma'
Senate and congressional leaders, wh PI ; ^ figures on
$3.75 billion loan to Britain, are laying for the <* ^ mUC„
new British requirements. They have char.g the drain,
of the first loan was wasted and allowed to g ^ Orfof
If cuts are made in the Marshall Plan f°r that reduc
political reasons, the critics of European a <
tions can be made in the British lions shaie r,.vealed
Exact amounts for British requirements , : ,.'entSi supp°rt’
the President’s message and State Departme j ■ j ^ Congre!,‘
ing the long-range European Recovery Prog. «■ . fi c0.0perat*
They will give country-by-country estimates to.
ing European nations and Western Germany. . ,rv.bv-coufr
In the initial Paris report of the 16 nations. ^ > "operation*
try breakdown was given for only the *1” ' ‘ .RU.ats for S#;*
under the Marshall Plan. Of total estimated -■-i ■ ^ grjtaini
billion worth of imports from North and Sou i - .
share was given as $2.63 billion—roughly 28.b I >• per cent
The French share was given as SI. <6 billm , 1 ‘ cent. Itaij'*
Western Germany’s share was $1.15 billion, ot ...e5 wouii
share was $930 millions, or 10 per cent. Those o •> ( grit®
thus account for 70 per cent of all the aid tin *
share is over a third of this. ( ut estimate*
Why have the British have so reluctant to a y ‘ vears ha*
on their requirements for second, third anc. 1 .' up anti*
puzzled many Washington observers. Fear o!
British sentiment may be one reason. estimates i* *
One reason given for not releasing 1949-; overy jolt
desire to present the Marshall Plan as a Europe^- - - ,-mpressioB
covering the whole continent. It was hoped to av - ■■■ ,Q jj tt
that the plan was for scattered and unco-orciiru.
tions individually. .... .. the pR*
Another factor was the difficulty in predu
supply and political situations would be so lar at.-«
The Europeans did'present totals for those .■ "(he,. ntf-’
Unless those totals were simply pulled out of Vinuld nceJ.
have been based on estimates of what each eoun . ,nur yea'*
Unofficial estimates of the British share . ;;cu:e-■
vary from 30 to 40 per cent. But taking the lo-'' ,.nts ft**
28.5 per cent of the total as the basis for Britisn n
North and South America, the figures break down.
lotal rr°n j
From From Rest of . , <yondneD'
Year United States American Continent Am*
(billion) (billion)
1948 -$1.71 $0.92
1948 - 1.50 1.10
1950 - 1.36 1.08
1951 - 1.23 1.10
TOTALS ."$5.80 $4.20~ : ,vcatii^;
Because of price changes up or down, good ' ^ niay van
congressional cuts and world upheavals, final ‘ aS lo*v 85 *
considerably. They may be as high as $15 billion o •
biHion. . .right pf.
Part of the total will be on a loan basis, part an c 75
But it should be noted that repayment of the orig* ; s js ca* ,
loan is not due to begin until 1952. Repayment in y • (he d'
for, with interest at 2 per cent when the British *'<'■
lars When they can’t, interest is waived ,. 11 plan 1* |
Terms on repayment of loans under the M“:'10 1*
yet to be written and approved by Congress. ,ain ba''*,u_aD
In the best possible light, future advances to byy _ (he)
considered as investments to keep the British g0),’g
eventually pay off their debts by the year 2000 A. V.