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t mHortrittg #lar North Carolina's Oldest Daily Newspaper published Daily Except Sunday By The Wilmington Star News r, B. Page, Publisher -Telephone All Departments 2-3311 .'fStwed as Second Class Matter at Winning • Congress of March 3, 1879__ —sTfRdFKTPTION RATES BY CARRIER SUBIN NEW HANOVER COUNTY Payable Weekly or in Advanc^ombi. star News nation * .35 $ .30 $ 60 1 Week -* 1 50 1.30 2.40 1 Month - 2"ca on 7.20 3 Months —- q’qq 7*80 14.40 1 yea” 18 00 16.60 28.80 (Above "rates entitle subscriber to Sunday issue of Star-News)_ -SINGLE COPY 7 Wilmington News -—. Morning Star---,0 Sunday Star-News --- B Mail: payable Strictly in Advance Time Star News 3 Months::::::: 3:25 i K*8 ::::: itS ^ 'Ab^'r*t“ sTsSSSS)' “s Z WILMINGTON STAR (Daily Without Sunday) 3 Months $2.60—6 Months $5.20—Year $10 40 MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for repubhcation of ailI locsd news printed in this newspaper, as well as all Af news dispatches._ TUESDAY, DECEMBER 30, 1947 —1 Star Program State ports with Wilmington favored in proportion with its resources, to in clude public terminals, tobacco stor age warehouses, ship repair facilities, nearby sites for heavy industry and 35-foot Cape Fear river channel. City auditorium large enough to meet'needs for years to come. Development of Southeastern North Carolina agricultural and industrial resources through better markets and food processing, pulp wood production and factories. Emphasis on the region’s recrea tion advantages and improvement of resort accommodations. Improvement of Southeastern North Carolina’s farm-to-market and pri mary roads, with a paved highway from Topsail inlet to Bald Head is land. Continued effort to attract more in dustries. Proper utilization of BluethenthaJ airport for expanding air service. Development of Southeastern North Carolina’s health facilities, especially in counties lacking hospitals, and in cluding a Negro Health center. Encouragement of the growth of commercial fishing. Consolidation of City and County governments. 11 ,"11 GOOD MORNING Welcome evermore to gods and men is the self-helping man. —Emerson Local Option Fails North Carolina has demonstrated that fireworks control is better than local op tion. When the legislature enacted the law pro hibiting everything from the manufacture or importation to the discharging of all kinds of pyrotechnics anywhere within the state it took a step that well deserves adop tion by all other states. So far as the Star exchange in the siate reveal no person was seriously injured. The siuation was not so good, say, in Alabama, where some municipalities pro hibit fireworks and others do not. Mobile, for example, has and enforces a control ordinance, but Pritchard, which used to be a small suburb but has become tne sixth city in the state, has no such rule, nor does Chickasaw which borders Pritchard. Mobilians were thus able to drive five or six miles, waste all the money they wanted, make all the noise they wished, incur all the danger their whim. involved, without let or hindrance. The total of accidents in these two communities is not now known, but one case is sufficient to point the ad vantage of statewide fireworks control. One boy living in Mobile, persuaded his parents (both of them) to let him have his fun Christmas Eve in Chickasaw, chiefly with cannon crackers. Forgetting that he held one already alight, he lit another per haps a second before the first exploded in his hand. Dropping the second one, in fright and pain, it too went off, burned his ankel, set his pants afire. -He had to be rushed to a hospital for tetanus shots and must lie abed indefinitely while his wounds neal—if they do. Christmas was a dreary day for that fam%, as may well be imagined. Cities, or states, which lack laws prohib iting fireworks, or fail to enforce them if on the statute books, would do well to con sider whether the money they collect for licenses io make, import or sell pyrotech nics, is comparable with the preservation of human life axfe escape from personal injuries which can result from strictly en forced prohibitory statutes. Veterans Lot Improves b!nefits given American veterans of historv are the most extensive in the fustonr of this or any other country. A few ®Veriern°tably Canada’ gave their vets 1 g mount of cash on discharge But none went so far as the v ^ ™ attempting to provide ^ “ good send-off when he returns * • a life. Now, in the words of the United”^?11 »«*. "First pha* „ £«“« St.as W°rld W.r II vettr.n, ipp,„s 'to“r' ing. The readjustment programs ployment pay, job training, schooling!™ at or past their peaks.” 8 are In July of 1946, some 1,700,000 vet were members of the much-discussed”^ 20” club, drawing the $20 a week whit the government offered them for one year if they were unemployed. The figure i, around the 500,000 level now. That decline was to be expected—hundreds of thousands of the recipients have exhausted their aj. lotments, and relatively few healthy vet erans who want jobs have been unable to A - H_ find them. Again, the number of veterans drawing self-employment pay—which pro vides a maximum of $100 a month—hai declined 40 per cent in a year. There are probably two main reasons for that- many men who decided to go into business for themselves found the going too rough and took jobs, while others have put their en terprises on a paying basis and no longer need the government help. In addition, self employment is limited to a total of $1,040 for any veteran. It is an interesting fact, cited by the United States News, that 90 per cent of those still on the self-employ ment rolls are farmers. One of the major question marks in the veterans’ programs is home loans. At the beginning, it was believed that these would total an astronomical figure, as millions of ex-service men and women rushed home and began looking around for a place to live. However, it didn’t quite pan out that way. A great many home-seekers were staggered by the cost of bliilding or buying homes in the postwar market, and reluct antly decided to put off their purchasing until prices went down or their earning power increased. Even so, the Veterans Administration has guaranteed more than $2 500,000,000 worth of home loans outstand ing, plus over $150,000,000 of business and farm loans. That is a nice chunk of money in anybody’s language, and no one knows just what is g^jng to happen. So far, de faults on home loans have come to only $2,500,000. But they have increased sub stantially on a percentage basis. A good many people think that if construction costs ever do go down, thousands of vet erans will walk out of houses in which they have a very small investment of their own, but for which they must pay back-breaking monthly installments. One phase of the GI program which will cost billions a year after the temporary aids have ended is care of the disabled and the sick and their dependents. The tragic victims of the war are being given very good care now, and almost everyone has praised the work of General Bradley in reorganizing the moribund Veterans’ Ad ministration, which had been the scene of some disgraceful scandals in prewar years. Victor Emmanuel III Victor Emmanuel, m, the former little king of Italy who foolheartedly gave away the freedom of his people to ultimately re ceive exile in return, is dead. The end came in Egypt and what final glory there may be for him will not be directly from his former subjects but from the country of his sanctuary, whose ruler is anxious to pay an old debt to the House of Savoy. Many, many years ago, King Farouk’s grandfather, the former Khedive of Ismail, took refuge in Italy and the royal family there, then firmly on the throne, gave him all the dignities befitting his rank. The Egyptian king never has for gotten this obligation and carefully looked after the Italian royal family’s welfare on its arrival in Egypt in May, 1946. Already, the Egyptian court has begun a seven-day period of mourning. But it will be quite xcusable if the Italian people note the passing of their former king with scant ceremony. The moral of the life of Victor Emmanu el III involves them, and in a helpless, pitiful way, more than anyone else. They are the real victims of the tragedy of his appeasement of Mussolini. It was in October, 1922, that the great turn came. Mussolini and hs Black Shirts were gathering for their famous march on Rome. And instead of opposing or even re maining aloof, the latter certainly his privi lege in a monarchy, he defied his minis ters for the first time and refused to sign a decree of martial law that probably would have stopped Mussolini’s advance. Then, after extending the first helping hand, he followed through with an invita tion to the rising political leader to form a new government. Thus, having shattered a tradition of the throne, Victor Emmanuel III began what he thought would be a team with a ruthless man who had convinced him he could pull Italy to new heights. Few months passed before Italy realized that it was saddled with a totalitarian gov ernment answerable to but one man—Mus solini. Through decree by decree, there came a dictatorial restraint it had never known and made the once smiling Italy a land of dread and death for those who still thought individual freedom could oe re turned. Perhaps Mussolini thought he owed his patron, now as powerless as any other Italian in fascism, a debt. He sought to pay it with a false grandeur and a terri torial expansion program which, succeed for the moment, was destined for complete failure. Finally, the fortunes of the king and Mussolini waned to the point that there was nothing to do but turn Italy over to a man—Hitler—who had copied and im proved Mussolini’s methods with far great er success. With this came complete bank ruptcy which reached its climax in drama • with the shooting and hanging of 11 Duce and his mistress in a Milan square late in ' Anril. 1945. Italy was prosperous and reckoned as a world power when Victor Emmanuel III came to the throne in the summer of 1900. It weathered one great war but it.s feeble recovery brought Mussolini out and, through the king’s appeasement, on to power. This was a case of an individual’s ap peasement to a form of rule alien to most of his people. But it began a chain reaction which saw numerous other governments and coun tries collapse in compromise. And the others are no better off today than Italy, now accepting charity, practically all of it from the United States, as she begins the hard road back. Whether it will lead to restoration of freedom, peace and happi ness, no one knows. But there is the les son in the life of Victor Emmanuel III she can hardly ignore. The dreadful opportun ity for appeasement is here again — be tween communism and a form of democ racy wnh the dark past still vivid in mind 1 Ch01,Ce should not be. difficult. Whether 5 natirmfi11 v*11® ? made wiU decide « the » Slavnal Ufe ot three, distinct stages of s warden StniC and P°verty is Heading to ld n end Wlth the death of a 78-year - mt^rnore" th rCnted viUa in Alexandria » rent chapter! * paragraph “ «u> The Winning Ace The republican - sponsored ansi-inflation legislation enacted as the extra session of Congress drew to a close obviously pro vided President Truman with a potent campaign weapon. x Calling the law pitifully inadequate, Mr. Trnmai says he “would be shirking re sponsibility” if he failed to “protest the. . . insufficiency of this legislation. The President ’.an urged Congress to in stitute “stand-by authority” for such con trols as the administration deemed neces sary against inflation. Instead, Congress provided for voluntary agreements among industries to divide scarce materials and commodities to curb rising prices. In signing the bill “with a sense of deep disappointment” Mr. Truman declared the administration would use to the fuU the meager authority it provides, “but the puo lic must not be misled into believing that this bill will do the job.” The political advantage now lies with the President. Having been denied the author ity he sought, he will make the best of any failure of the republican act to curb infla tion. It cannot be foretold that the controls he wanted would have done “the job”. But it seems certain that voluntary agreements will not do it either. So far as mere politics goes, the repub licans appear to have dealt Mr. Truman the winning ace. As Pegler Sees It BY WESTBROOK PEGLER (Copyright, 1947, by Bang Features Syndicate, Inc.) In response to the clamor of those who would like to know more about Pegler, the man, something warmer and moister than the biographical data, I have persuaded myself to say a few words about my pets. First, however, I should like to dispose of a report now current which, like the facts of life, is quite wholesome considered prop erly, but capable of wicked or, at- best, highly unpleasant meaning to an evil mind. To face it frankly it seems to be quite true, that, though the West brooks, I am related to the Franklin D. Roosevelt family. Sev eral years ago this report was received in a leering, anonymous letter which charged further that Robert R. McCormick and Joseph Medill Patterson—the McCormick— Patterson axis, you know—also were related to that great, courageous leader, and to me. I couldn’t make up my mind whether the charge was intended to disparage the McC-P. Axis and me or Mr. Big and his loved one or to conjure a plague o’ both your houses, which incidentally is the cor rect Shakespearean form, as I am sure Gene Tunney will affirm, by contrast with that sloppy approximation that Mr. Big tossed off at his press conference that time when he estranged John L. Lewis. Mr. Lewis, who drips quotations, Biblical and Shakespearean, and dumbfounds the mus cleheaded clowns of the union racket who attempt to bandy memory-gems with him, probably was incensed as much at Franklin for this inexactness as for his own public belittlement and this is one of those days when I run out of time taking a long wind up and throwing to first and get called on account of darkness and have to finish up tomorrow. in a spirit oi jovial irony I sent this let ter to Captain Patterson, who was unpre dictable, and so, instead of scrawling across it “when you say that, smile,” and returning it to me, what did he do but hire a genealogist to run it all down? I had for gotten all about it until one day there dropped down on my desk a family tree such as you have seen in the end-papers of Henry the Eight and Louis the XIV., bear ing the professional cachet of a man learned in such research, which held that we were indeed all members of one great and occasionally illustrious family. We in clude among our kinnery George Washing ton and, by tenuous tracings, most of the presidents down to Lincoln and then, of course, after a jump, Theodore Roosevelt, and the Astors and Vanderbilts as well That precise honesty for which I am noted makes me admit that I take some comfort in the statement of Mrs. Roosevelt — my cousin, Eleanor, that is—that, although we are a lively and somewhat robustious fam ily. given to contrariness and quarreling, nevertheless, in the great crisis of life, we close up like a fist in a common defense. The occasion has never yet occurred, but this has given me to feel that in any swirl of ugly passion, in any swell cafe or low resort I could count on the help of Cousin Elliott, a handy man to have around, I have been told. More explicity, I was told one day of late by a man once invited to the White House for lunch that as he stood there in a little room amid the happy family, with Mr. Big at a desk and my cousins, Eleanor and Anna, chatting unconcernedly. Elliott and his uncle Hall, my cousin, too you see, were threshing enormously about the floor, knock ing over fern-stands and a Rand-McMally geographical globe in a friendly facsimile of Strangler 'Lewis and Chief Chewocki, in one fall to a finish in Memphis. Cousin Hall was a lot of man in a fight or frolic, my friend, the luncheon guest, reports that Elliott had just got his head under the rungs of a chair when Eleanor said, serene ly, “boys, lunch is served.” This and other chat about the home-life of my cousins put me in mind of the win some circle in a comedy called “you can’t take U with you” some years back. The luncheon guest said that throughout the meal the old man was trying to tell some story, but that the kids and Hall hollered him down with wild schemes for malrincr a ot money. He never could break through their service, although, when he went on the air, people by the million listened and some would hiss you if you sneezed. Make a lot of money. Can’t miss. Corner the mar ket on hose-nozzles; corner the market on umbrella-handles. Patent on pre-striped paint, red, white and blue, for patriotic occasions. White House brand martinis with pop s John Hancock on the label. Hyde Park brand hot dogs—the kind the king and queen ate. Hundred thousand shares, no par vaAue', Bond ussue. Barney Baruch. The salt, please. Thank you. In the play there was a girl who was studying toe-dancing and was always put ting her foot on the table and touching her forehead to her knee. And a boarder—Henry Hopkins to the life-popping in and out of the celler where he„ was inventing a sort of atomic firecracker for the Fourth Of July that blew up the house in the third act. And old gramp—that would be my cousin, Forbes Morgan the uncle of my cousin Eleanor— who fold the fellow from the Internal Rev fhat he, had never paid his income tax because he didn’t believe in it. Ole cousin Forbes was just like that. fdoo t _know, just how Captain Patterson ook it. His note was noncommittal. But afterward I got a note from Colo Westbrook—”Ck WhiCh began “Dear Cousin He has got no kids. Could he be fixing to ieave me the Chicago Tribune? Then I would have to mess around with that dizzy golden gloves and the all-star game and learn to spell freight-train “frate-trane.” As bad as being a cousin of Henry Luce and he leaves me Time when he dies and I have to learn to think backward and start se?<^f-n,ces in fhe middle like a Dam Kraut. oick yesterday mit a Katzenjammer al ready vos Leopold Schultz, beetling, Miald mg, oldmg— To hell with it. Drive you erazy. I don’t “YOU CAN’T TAKE IT WITH YOU!” s' Today And Tomorrow By WALTER LIPPMANN [ NOT FOR WAR BUT FOR PEACE Radio Moscow, commenting on the Marshall plan, says that it is a four-year program to re vive Germany’s war potential, that its “essence” is “war,” that “American billions are to be used to transform western Ger many into an arsenal of Amer ican expansion.” There are many people in Europe, and some Americans too, who think this is or might be t)ie purpose of the Marshall plan. They will not be convinced by our denials. But it is possible to demonstrate to any rational per son that if it were a war plan, it would be a very bad plan. For what could be more fool ish in preparing for war than to build up a great war potential within a day’s march of the Red Army? Yet that is what Moscow accuses us of wishing to do. The Russians must think that men like Marshall, Forrestal, Eisen hower and Bradley are military simpletons: capable of the inde scribable folly of building a great arsenal which could be captured in the first days of a war. For western Germany is just about the last place on the face of the globe that an American strategist would select to build up an arsenal. We would be spending billions of dollars on an arsenal that is undefended and undefendable, which would be lost to the Russian infantry before it could be used against the Russians, and would then have to be destroyed by Ameri can air power after the Ameri Labor And Politics BY PETER EDSON WASHINGTON, —Big political riddle of 1948 is how much weight labor unions will be able to throw around in the election. Beyond question, labor took an awful pasting in 1946. Instead of being a potent political force, labor leaders were shown up as a bunch of rank political ama teurs. But now the Taft-Hartley Act has stirred up the animals. There are a half-dozen political movements within organized labor today. Whether they are just noise, or whether they have some political substance, is what the wiseacres are trying to dope out. Oldest of the lot is Labor’s Non-Partisan League, whose front man is John T. Jones. In reality the head man is John L. Lewis of the United Mine Work ers. Lewis started the League when he was head man of CIO. It had some influence in 1936. But, when Lewis pulled away from Roosevelt, and the CIO pulled away from Lewis, the League began to decline, wnen Lewis switched to Wilkie in 1940, he failed to deliver the votes of his miners. Today the League is pretty much of a political dead duck. Next in line is the CIO’s Polit ical Action Committe, now headed by Jack Kroll. There is ample evidence that CIO-PAC learned a lesson from the beat ing it got in 1946. Since that time, licking its wounds, CIO - PAC has been working quietly but hard, out in the country, to build a real political organization from the bottom up. It has the making of a much more potent political force in 1948. A third political-labor move ment is backed by the big, powerful, conservative, indepen dent International Association of Machinists. Its new Machinists Non-Partisan Political League will, during January, hold a membership campaign and a drive to collect a million dollars. The money is to be used in edu cating its members on the prin ciples of good government. Primarily, the Machinists say they are interested in replac ing the present Taft-Hartley Con ess which, by its every action last year—on taxes, price and rent controls, as well as labor legislation — showed favoritism and obedience to employers. Eighteen of the railroad want to be any cousin to Henry Luce. Except, of course, that would make me a cousin to Clare. I will have to think that over. brotherhoods have formed the Railway ’Labors Political League, fourth i' the move ments now active. Its chairman is A. E. Lyon. Its objectives are to inform their million and a quarter members on the voting records and qualifications of candidates, from the labor point of view. Finally, there is the nev^AFL Labor’s Educational and Politi cal League, which is asking its eight million members for ‘vol untary” contrbutions of a dollar to finance operations. Half of the money will be spent nationally, half locally. Traditionally, ever since the days of Sam Gompers, AFL has stayed out of politics. This year the Federation’s 105 internation al unions are in. Their main aim is to defeat every congressman who voted for the Taft-Hartlev Act in 1947. Thus far, there is no central direction and very little co-oper ation of these five political movements. Definitely, they are not seeking to form a labor party. There is no truck with the American Labor Party of New York, which is the sixth of these movements. wcusiue oi asnington, How ever, there is apparently a lot more co-operation. In city central labor councils, AFL, CIO and - independent unions are get ting together for direct action. Potentially, there are some 20 million members of labor unions. That is enough balance of power to throw any national election—if it can be organized. The Republican attitude seems to be that it cannot be organized, and that labor’s po litical power has always been overemphasized. There is con siderable GOP sentiment that labor leaders can’t sell their membership on the idea that the Taft-Hartley Act is anti-labor. So the whole political crusade will flop. From the Democratic politic ians’ point of view, if labor is to be politically effective the union leaders must get over the idea that what they want has priority over every other in terest. What they must learn to look out for is the national in terest. If the union labor leaders can get over their idea of just run ning a big publicity campaign, and get down to working with county chairmen and precinct committeemen, then the Demo cratic political leaders say they I can 4o some good. can taxpayer had paid through the nose to reconstruct it. And what an arsenal! Why on earth should the United States, which has a war potential at least five times as great as Ger many as a whole before it was devastated and dismembered, which now has a war potential ten times greater than anything the Germans could achieve, be interested in developing the Ger man war potential? In case of war with Russia western Germany would not be a military asset but a danger ous liability. Not only would it be open to capture by the Red Army but it could easily be de livered to the Russians by the Germans who have so much more to gain by an alliance with Russia than by an alliance with the United States. An examination of the Mar shall plan will show conclusive ly why it is not a scheme for making of Germany an arsenal against the Soviet Union and its allies in eastern Europe. A car dinal feature of the plan is its recognition that western Ger many cannot be restored unless the imports of food and food stuffs from the Russian orbit are restored to the pre-war level. For in the calculations of the nations which are participating in the European recovery pro gram, it is western Germany which is most dependent upon the restoration of trade with the Russian orbit. The other six teen participating countries are primarily dependent upon the restroation of overseas, extra-Eu ropean, trade. But western Ger many cannot be restored at all, and must remain forever a dead weight upon the American tax payer, if it cannot export at least 30 per cent of its products and take at least 30 per cent of its imports from the Russian orbit. How then can western Ger many, dependent for its daily food upon the Russian orbit, be conceived as an arsenal against the Russian orbit? If western Germany is to be anyone’s ar senal, it will be the arsenal of the Russian orbit. lnese are the reasons why the Marshall plan is not a war plan, and not even a plan for waging a cold war. It is a peace plan. It depends for its success upon a settlement which reunites Germany and Europe. And it is designed by those who organ ized the project, and understand it, to accomplish that great con structive end. If it were something else, if it were a plan to harden the division of Germany and of Eu rope, it could not have as one of its cardinal assumptions that trade between eastern and western Europe must be restor ed in the course of four or tive years. A wholly different plan would have had to be in vented—one in which the west ern German food supply was to come permanently across the ocean, one in which German manufactures would not go to eastern Europe in payment for food. And if this plan were a plan of American imperialism to make Britain and France, and all of western Europe, satellites of the United States, then it would not propose, insist, and demand that our European friends make every conceivable sacrifice in order to become in dependent of our aid. The truth is that the object of ttie Marshall plan in western Europe i« the very opposite of surgery Re);' Harelip Victimj B a sTr***.»». soft tissues at theT *nd * «ht root o, ,hc „‘'Ji s'“ " .> 5 Palate. A few persons ^ 3 cl*« with this defect but ,are b°’> acpmred after birth “ Bev« Cleft palate result* f ure of the bone and Soft,Mn * ^ grow together as thev J, T** fore birth. It ,« J1 sbou'd b*. accompanied bv a ,p;,[’* a!wayl called harelip." ‘P upp« lip, The exact cause o' k , defective inheritance p^1’ * in some cases. lt mav KPossibly, by some injury H,.rf L'aus*<l growth period of thp ng > child. The recent studies man measles in th. B Ger‘ during the first three pregnancy and the an°nths <* of congenital defects TthT'* fant may have *omP * JJ* 'B‘ this. waring m >PfSc"”tt child, but also interferes ' the production of voice J ? and, therefore results in se,^' speech difficulties, ' r 0U| Treatment involves The first step is to decide £ operation should be used, and a what age it should be starL All of the operations are some what alike, since thev mvolvl bringing the separated'bones l gether. 10 A successful operation for cleft palate and harelip greatly improve the speech „ well as the appearance 1 boy who has had a successful opeiation can often completely ignore the past difficulty, smcj he has the additional advantan of ultimately being able to grow a mustache to cover whatever slight scar might remain. As it is unlikelv that anv pre ventive method will be found in the nesr future, it is a great com fort to know’ that many victims of this defect can be successful ly treated by surgery. B EDWIN P. JORDAN. M.D QUESTION: Is there any dan ger in having superfluous hair removed by the Roentgen Ray* f r. ANSWER: Yes. there is a dan ger in attempting to remove ex cessive hair by X-ray. Skin spe cialists say dosages of X-rav, which are enough to remove hair! can also damage the skin. imperialism. Its object is the in dependence of the nations of Eu rope and their unity—which, if we were imperialists, would be the very last thing we would be the ^ very last thing want. For empires art founded by dividing and con quering, not by uniting the m tions and helping them to be self-sustaining. The greatest obstacle to the plan, which has to be overcome abroad and at home, is the al most universal modern inability to believe that a great power can in fact have an enlightened policy. The degrading experi ence through which mankind has passed has left about almost all men with the feeling that if the policy of a nation is mag nanimous and constructive, it is probably foolish and soft headed; that if the policy is sa gacious, astute, and toughmind ed, then it must be selfish and brutal and sinister. That is why it is not easy to sell the Marshall plan to our generation for what it is: as a very enlightened, magnanimous and constructive project, astute ly and sagaciously conceived to promote the highest and the enduring interests of the Ameri can people. For so many who think it magnimous, too mag nanimous, will be sure it is not astute, and those who can act how it serves the American in terests will not easily believe that it serves also the jenare interest of mankind This was to be expected ^ a generation the world has see. great power used for evil pu" poses. It has seen that thos» who had good purposes wtr* weak. It will therefore time to convince the rest of world, and indeed ourselves that great power can be *•* Intelligently for good *n« WHEN IS A "MUST" * MT*U The United States has warn** the Greek Governmert mat **• tinued failure to mend iti PrM ent disastrous parliam*n,|' strife will “affect adversely »• consideration of furiher * Greece.” In other words,, *• Greek Government “must * form itself, or else-1Of * * what? Under the terms of man Doctrine, the United “must” oppose the extenilor Soviet influence to Greece. Greek reactionaries know ^ perfectly well. They areej!ard to feel that they can d s«* ^ American demands >o ' * ls this larger “must American aid anyhow -■>. wr, the Communist threat * ^ of international black r .a ■ ^jt can resist the very ref '!> would make American aiQ Effective. . ^ Here, on a small s”1*’ ' pr0 iilemma that confronts any r gram of aid to China. There tn_ problems are vastei, ther«ater, iarity of the Govern! eng reactionary resistance < defp. tive American control nioxr seated. The Greek cu> ■- ^.orn should prevent Amf'c jbPut laving any sunny >llu51 in th« :he role they “must p - istjan great Chinese tragedy.— Science Monitor.