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Teruin ot" I'uhlioution. " " 7 . , . f .
Turn WAYSKuana Itm-i-nut ax. Office In foyer' butldlnv, eoat of Die Court House, U pub- llahcd avury Wednesday morning, nt 8a per annum, m advari k, or 81 SO If nut paid with in thej-enr. Allaabaerlptlon account mist fcrarttlMl anauallr. No paper will be m ill out of Che State unlvu paid for in ADYAsrfc, ami nil hik-Ii ubnerlptloiiH will Inrurinbly be disc-on-tlmn-U nt the expiration of tlio time for which they are paid, I'liiiiniuiilcntl'mxnn anlijecta nt local or general liiterext are ivsn- -trully Ktllclta. To ensure attention fiivnrs or tills kind must lnvnrlnblv be aei-umintnied by tlie mime of the author, not for liublli-.itlon, but an Kiinmnty against imposition All letters pertaining to lmsiii..,ss"f ttig mike roiiHt lie nd'lri'iwt'd to the Ktlltor poetry. WHAT 151 lit I.H;l t Iait to go to clinrvli to-iay, To keep devout nnj seem to pny, And ere tu-morrow'a sun goes down Be den ling slander tlirotigli the town 1 Does cmy sanctimonious face, Denote llu certain reign of grace r Uocs not a puts which seowls ut sin Ofl veil hypocrisy within? Is It to Inkc our daily wnlk, And of our own good deeds to talk; Vet often, practice secret crime, And thus mis-spend our precious lime ? Is it for etc! and creed to fight, To call our zeal the rule of right, When what wo wish Is at the best, To see our Church excel tho rest ? Is it to wear the clnUi.-in dress. And love t ) all mankind profess. To treat with si ni the humble poor, And har ngainst thctn every door? Ob no ! religion means not Ibis, Its fruit more sweet find fairer is: lis prec pis this to others do As you would have them do to you. It grieves to hear an ill report, And scorns with lut.mn woes to sport j Of others deeds it speaks no ill. But tells of good or else keeps still. Political, . l-tttiiit:.Ts MtssiGt:. Frlloir-C'itlxm of tlie Senate and llovnt of HcpremnUitircH : Theoontiniicd disorganization of the Union, to which the President has so often called the attention of Congress, is yet n subject of profound political concern. We may, however, find some relief from that anxiety in the reflec tion that this painful political situ.i ' tion, although before untried by our selves, is not new in the experience of nations. Political science, perhaps as .highly perfected in our own time and "country as in any other, has not yet disclosed any means by which civil wars can be absolutely prevented. An enlightened nation, however, with a wise and benifieent constitution of free government, may diminish their fre quency nnd mitigate their severity by directing nil its proceedings in suvord nncs with its fundamental law. When clV4l war lias been brought to a elos , it is manifestly the first interest an 1 duty of the Shite to repair the injuries which the war has inflicted, and to se cure the benefit of the lessons it teach -s as fully and speedily us possible. This duty was, upon the termination of the rebellion, promptly accepted, not only by the Executive Department, but by the insurrectionary States them selves : and restoration in the first moments of nence was believed to be ns easy and certain as it was indispon-! sable. Expectations, however, then''1"' elkvt, directly or indirectly ,ol sepa o reasonably and confidently enter- tainod, were disappointed by legisla tion from which I felt constrained by iy obligations to tho Constitution to withhold my assent. It is, therefore, source of profound regret that, in complying with the obligation impos ed upon the President by the Constitu tion, to give the Congress from time to time, information of the suite of the Union. I ant unable to communicate any defumte adjustment, satisfactory to the American people, of questions, M-kirh, since the close of the rebellion, have agitntcd the mind. On the con trary, candor cornels me to declare, that all this time there is no Union, as our fitthers understood the term, aud as they meaut it to be understood by us. The Union wdiieh they estab lished, can exist only where all the States ait; represented in both Houses of Congress, and where one State Is as free as another to regulate its inter nal conecrns, according to itsownwill, and where the laws of the central gov ernment is strictly confined to matters of national jurisdiction, and apply with equal force to all people of every sec tion, nnd that such is not the present tatcol tlie union, it is a melancholy fact, and we nil must acnowledgc that the restointion of the States to their mroncr nnd legul relations with the Federal government, and with one an other, according to the terms of origi nal compact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which God iu his kindest Providence could bestow upon this nauan. It becomes our impera tive duty, to consider whoiher or not, it is impossible to effect this most de sirable consummation. The L monniid institution arc inseparable, ns long ns ono is obeyed by nil imrtiee, the other will be preserved, and if one is destroy ed, both must perish together. The lcstruction of the Constitution will be followed bv other and still greater ca lamities. It was orduined not only in form a more perfect Union between the States, but to establish justice and domestic tranquility, provide for the. common defeuse, promote the general welfare, and secure tho blessings of liberty to ourselves nnd our posterity. Nothing but implicit obedience to its requirements in all parts of the coun try will accomplish these great ends, and without that obedience we can look forward only to continued out rages upon individual rights and in cessant breaches of the public ncacc. national weakness, financial distress, total loss of our prosperity,vcncral cor ruption in our morals, and -the final extinction of popular freedom. To save oar country front evils so appal ling as these we should renew our ef forts again and again. " To me the process of reconstruction aeemt perfectly plain and simple. It consists merely tu a faithful applica- JA. hAMAiS, FIRMNESS IX THE RIGHT AS GOD GIVES US TO SEE THE KIG11 T. Lhwoln. VOL XI. turn of tho Constitution nnd laws, and ns the execution of the laws is not now olistructcd or npposed by physi cal force, there is no military or other necessity, real or pretended, which can prevent obedience to the Constitution, either Xortlt or South. AU rights and nil obligations of btatcs nnd nidi viduals etui be protected nnd enforced by means perfectly consistent with fundamental law. Courts may be everywhere open, nnd if open, their process would lie unimpeded, and crimes against the United Statesean be prevented or punished by proper judi cial authorities in n manner entirely practicable and legal. Tnere is, there fore, no reason why tho Constitution .-should not be obeyed, unless those who exercise its powers have determined that it shall be disrejiardcd and isolat ed as the mere naked will of the Gov ernment, or of some one or more of its branches, in any obstacle that can exist to perfect the I ,nion ot till the States on the momentous qutstion, nnd sonic of tlie measures growing out ot it, I had the minfortunc to differ from Congress, and have expressed mv conviction without reserve, though with becoming deference to opinions of the Legislative Department, those conviction were not only unchanged, but strengthened by subsequent events, and further re flections of transcendent importance to the subject. It will be a sutlieient ex cuse for calling vour attention to sonic of the reasons which have so strongly influenced my own judgment. I hope that we may nil finally concur in a mode of sett lenient, consistent at once with our true interests and with our sworn duties to the Constitution. It is too natural and too just to be easily relinquished. It is clear to my appre hension that the States lately in re bellion are s'ill members of the National Union. When did they cease to be so '.' Ordinances of seces sion adopted by a portion in most of them a very small portion of their citi zens were nullities. If we admit now that they were valid and effectual for purposes intended by their authorities, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which wo justified the war. Were tiiese States afterwards expelled from the Union by the war? Directly the contrary was averred by thistiovernment to be its purpose, and was so understood by all those who gave their blood and tro'isure !o aid in its prosecution. It rami"! be that t successful war waged for the preserva tion nt the L. moil, had the legal ellect . j- I ' . . 1 . . . . n't . n , i oi dissolving it. ine victory 01 tiie nation's arms was not a disgrace of her polity. The defeat of secession on the battle-field was nota triumphof its law less principle, nor could (mgrcs, with or without the consent of the hxecu- tiv(,i 1' anything which would hay '"'ting the States from each other, lo dissolve the Lnion, is lo repeal the Constitution which holds it together, and that is a power which does not be long to any part of this Government or to all of them united. This is so plain that it has beenaeknowletlgcd by all branches of the Federal Govern ment. My predecessor, as well ns my- selt and the heads ot nil the depart nients, have uniformly acted upon the principle that the Lnion is not only undissolved but iiidissol liable. Con gress sub.iiitte I a:i nniendment of the Constitution to be ratified by the Southern States, and accepted their acts of ratification as a necsssary nnd lawlul exercise of their highest func tion. 1 f they we're not States, or were States out of tho Union, their consent to a change in the fundamental law of the Union would have been nugatory and Congress, in asking it, committed political absurdity. Ihe Judiciary lias also given the solemn sanction of its authority to ttie same view of the ease. The Judges of the Supreme Court Have included the Southern States in their circles, nnd thev nre constantly.in bane and elsewhere exer cising jurisdiction which does not be long to them unless those States are States of the Union. If the Southern States nre component parts of the Union, the Constitution is supreme law for them ns well as for nil other States they nre bound to obey it and so nre we. Hight of Federal Government of which is clear nnd unquestionable to enforce the Constitution upon them and impliescorrellative obligations on our part to observe its limitations nnd execute its guarantees. Without the Constitution we are nothing. I5y, through and under the Constitution we arc what it makes us. We may doubt the wisdom of law, we may not approve of its provisions, but we can not violated merely because it seems to confine our powers within limits najower than we could wish. It is not a question of individual or class or sectional interest, much less of party forbearance, but of dutv, hip-h aud sa cred duty, which we are all sworn to perform. If we cannot support the Constitution with the cheerful alacrity of those who love and believe in it we must irive to it at least the fidelity of public servants who act under solemn obligations nnd commands which thev lure not disregard. Constitutional duty is not only one which requires Status to bo restored, but there is an other Constitution which though of minor importance is ret of great weight. On tlje 22d of July 1861, Congress declared by an almost unani mous vote of both Louses that the war should be conducted solely for the pur pose of preserving the Union and maintain the supremacy of the Feder al Constitution and laws without im-1 WAYMlSlSUtti, pairing the dignity and equality nnd rights of States or individuals, and that when this was done the war should cense. I do not say that this declara tion is personally binding on those who joined in making it, any more than individual members of Congress arc personally bound to pay a public debt created under a law for which they voted ; but it was a solemn pub lic official pledge of national honor. I cannot imagine upon what grounds re pudiation of it is to be qualified. If it be said that we nre not bound to keep faith with rebels, let it be under stood that this pledge was not made to rebels only ; thousands of true men in the South were drawn to our standard by it,andjhundreds of thousands in the North gave their lives, in the belief that it would be carried out. It was made on the day after the first great battle of the war had been fought and lost. All patriotic and intelligent men then saw the necessity of giving such an assurance, nnd believing that with out it the war would end in disaster to our cause. Having given that as surance in our extremity nnd peril, n violation of it now in the day of our power would be n ru do rendering of that good faith which holds the moral world together. Our country would cease to liave any claim upon the con fidence of men. It would make the war not only it failiu-e, but a fraud. ii-iii nun.in.-i :.im IIH-I U ih;ii lln-Sf views are correct, I would ho tinfiiitli- tul to my duty il 1 did not recommend toe repeal u inose -ei.s ot Longress which plaee ten of the Southern States tinder the domination of military mas ters. If calm reflection shall satisfy a majority of your honorable bodies thnt the acts referred to are not only a vio lation of national faith, but in direct conflict with the Constitution. I dare not permit myself to doubt that "you will immediately strike them from the statute book to dcmonstrutetlio Union, ami ns to the constitutional character of those acts, 1 need do no more than refer to their general provisions. It must be seen at once that they are not authorized to dictate what alterations shall bo made in the constitutions of the several States, to control the elec tions of State LcgislntiiresjSt ilc officer, and nvnibers of Congress, and elec tors of President nnd Vice-President, by authority declaring who shall vote and who shall be excluded from that privilege, to dissolve State Legisla tures or -prevent them from assembling, to dismiss Judges ami other civil func tionaries of States nnd appoint others without regard to State law, to organ ize and operate all political machinery of Slates, to regulate the whole admin istration of their domestic and local af fairs ncenrding to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agents sent among them for that purpose. These are powers not granted to the Federal Government or to any ono of its branches, and not being granted, we violate our trust by assuming them as palpably as we would by acting in the iiiec of a positive interdict, for the Constitution forbids us to do what ever it does not a-llirniativoly author ize, either by express words or by clear implication. If theauthority we. desire to use does not come to us through the Constitution, we can ex cuse it only by usurpation, and usur pation is the most dangerous of all po litical crimes, and by that crime the enemies of n free government, in all ages, have worked out their designs against public liberty nnd private right. It lends directly nnd immedi ately to the establishment of an abso lute rule for undelegated power, it is always unlimited and unrestrained. The acts of Congress in question, ire not only objectionable for their ns- sumption ot unpardonable power, but i many of their provisions are in con- Tho blacksin the South aro entitled to flict with direct provision of the be well governed, nnd to have tlie pro Constitution. The Constitution com- tection of just laws tor all their rights mands that a republican form ot (,ov-:ot eminent shall be guaranteed to all wind in; jii.i?uii i?uau iu infix ed of life, liliertyor property without duo process of law, or bo arrested O-f l.t 1..,11 l. .1 .. without a judicial warrant, or punish ed without a fair trial before an im partial jury, and that the priveleges of habeas corpus shall not be denied in times of pence, nnd that no bill ot at tainder shall be passed even against a single individual. Yet a system of measures established by these acts of Congress, does totally subvert nnd destroy this form, as well ns tho sub stance of a Republican government in the ten States to which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in nbsolutc slaven, nnd subject them to a strange and hostile power, niorc unlimited and more liUefy to be abused, than anv oth er now kuown among civilized men. It tramples down all those rights in which the essence of liberty consists. and which free government is always the most careful to protect. It denies mo Habeas corpus and trial by jury. Personal freedom of property and life if assaulted by passion, predudiec or or rapacity of a ruler, have no security whatever It has the effect of a bill of attainder or bill ofpainsand tienal ties, not upon a few individuals but upon the whole masses, including mil lions who inhabit and are suhioct to the States, und even their unborn chil dren. These wroiurs bcim exnrrsslv forbidden, cannot Ixsconstitutionally hi flicted upon nuy portion of our ncoule no matter how they have como within our jurisdiction, and no matter wheth er they live in States, territories or dis tricts. I have no desire to save from proper and just consequences of their great crime those who engaged iu the PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER II, 1867, rebellion against the government, but as a mode of punishment, the measures under the constitution are the most un reasonable that could bo invented. Many of those people are jn-rfeet Iv innocent; many were lovnl to the last: many were ineapable of any legal offense, a largo portion of persons, even capable of bearing iirins were forced into the rebellion against their will, and of those who tiro guilt with their own consent, degrees c guilt nre as various as the shades their character nnd temper. Dut these acts of Congress confound them alto getherin vengeance upon classes, sects and parties, or U)(fii whole communi ties, foroflense committed by a portion of them against the governments to which they owed obedience, was cum- mon iti the barbarous ages of the world; but Christianity and civilization have made such progress, that recourse to a punishment so cruel nnd unjust would meet with condemnation of nil unpre judiced nnd right minded men. Puni tive justice of this age, especially of tins country, does not consist in strip ping w hole Stales of their "liberties, and reducingall their people, without d f-tincii in, to the condition of slavery. It deaD separately with each individu al confines itself to forms of law, nnd vindicates its own purity by nn impar tial examinations of every enso be- fo.-c a competent indicia tribunal. If HUN liOCS llOt SailSlV till, ICC US COUSUiC ourselves by reflecting that a i'reeCon- stitution, triumphant in war. and un- iroketi in peace, is worth far more to us and our children, than gratifica tion of any present feeling. I am aware that it is assumed that this sys tem of government for the Southern States is not to be perpetual. 1 1 is true this military government is to be only provisional, but it is through this temporary evil thnt n greater evil is to be made perpetual. If guaranties of the Constitution can bo broken provisionally to secure a temporary pur pose, and in n part only of country, we cm destroy them every where, mid for nil time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they generally change for worse. It is tho cause of despotism that has no halting place. Intermit ted exercise of power brinas no sense of security to its subjects, for they can never know what more they will be culled to endure when its 'red right hand is tinned to plague them again ; nor is it possible to conjecture bow or why a pDiver unrestrained by law may seek its next victims in States that nre still ok may he enslaved at any moment for if tho Constitution does "not pro tect all, it protects none; it is mana fcstly nnd avowedly the object of these laws to confer upon negroes the privi lege of voting, and to disfranehi.'iesiich a number of white citizens as will give the lormer a clear majority at all elec tions in the Southern States. This to the minds of some persons is so impor tant that the violation of the Constitu tion is justified ns a means of bringing it abo.it. Morality is always false when it excuses it wrong, beniuse it proposes to accomplish a desirable end. H'c nre not permitted to do evil that good may come. Hut in this cisc the end itself is evil ns well ns a means of subjugation of the States to negro de nomination, which would bo worse than tho military despotism under which they nre now sull'eriii';. It was believed beforehand that the people would endure any amount of military oppression fbrnny length of timo rather than degrade themselves by subjection to the negro race; therefore they have been left without a choice. 'Xecro suffrage was established by mi act of Congress, and military officers were commanded to superintend the" process oi doming tne negro race with iiclto race with the political privileges to form white men. person and property. If it were practicable nt this time to give them a I . govcrnment exclusively for their own I under which they might manage their mauds is to degrade it and finally des own allliirs in their own way, it would j troy its power, lor it may be safely ns 'occome a grave qii.tion whether we'stnned that no political truth is better ought to do so or whether common hu manity would not require us to save them from thcmsslvcs but under the circumstances, this is only a specula tive point. It is not proposed merely that they shall govern themselves, but that they shall rule the whjte race, make and administer State laws, elect Presidents and members of Congress and shape to greater or less extent the of future destiny of tho whole country. ould such a trust of power be sale in such hands. Peculiar qualities which should characterize any wdio arc fit to decide upon the niana ;o:ncnt of public a (fairs for a great State, that have sel dom been combined. It is the glory of the white man to know that they have had these qualities in suffi cient m asurc3 to build upon this con tinent a great political fabric and to preserveitsstnbility formore than nine ty years, while inevi ry p irt of the world all similar experiment have failed, but if anything can be proved by these known facts, if all reasoning upon the evidence is not a'o tndoucd, it must be ac knowledged that in the progress of na tions, negroes have shown leseapacity for self-government than any other race of people. Xo independent gov ernment otany form have ever been successful in their bauds.' On the con trary, wherever they have been left to their own devi', they has shown a constant tmdeucy to relapse into bar barism. Iu the Southern States how ever, Congress has undertaken to con fer upon them the privilege of the bal-1 lot. Just released from slavery, it may be doubted whether as a class, they know more than their ancestors, or bow to organize nnd regulate civil so ciety. Indeed it is admitted that the blacks of the South arc not only re- gardless of the rights of property, but so utterly ignorant ot public ntluirs that their voting can consist in noth ing more than carrying a ballot to the place where they are directed to de posit it. I need not remind vou that the exercise of the elective finnchise is the highest attribute of an American citi zen, end that, when guarded by virtue, intelligence, pat riot ism, nnd proper ap preciation of our free institutions, it constitutes the trim basis of a demo cratic form of government, in which the sovereign power is lodged in the bodv of the people. A trust artifi cially created, not for its own sake, but solely as a means of promoting the general welfare, its influence for good must necessarily depend upon the ele vated character and true allegiance of the elector. It ought, therefore, to be reposed in none except those who arc fitted, morally and mentally, to ad minister it well; for, if conferred upon those who do not justly estimate its value, and w ho arc indifferent as to its results, it will only serve as a means of placing power in the bunds of the unprincipled and ambitious, and must eventuate in the complete destruction of that liberty of which it should bu the most powerful conservator. I have, therefore, heretofbro urged upon your attention the great danger to be appre hended trom an untimely extension ol the elective franchise to any new class in our country ; especially, when a largo majority of that class in wielding the power thus placed in their band cannot bo expected correctly to com prehend tho tin tics nnd responsibilities which pertain to suffrage, i esterday, as it were, tour millions persons, vere hold in n condition oi slavery that had existed for generations. To-day they are freemen, and nre assumed bv law to be citizens. It cannot bo presumed from their previous condition of servi tude thnt ns a class they are ns well in formed us to tho nature of our Gov ernment ns tho intelligent foreigner, who niaUes our loved homo his choice, In the case of tho latter, neither, a residence of five years nnd knowledge of our institutions which it gives, nor attachment to the principles of the Constitution aro tho only conditions upon w hich ho can bo admitted to citi zenship. Jio must prove, in addition, i it . i.i . a goon moral cnaracter, nnu tnus give reasonable ground lor belief that he will bo faithful to the obligations w hich ho assumes, as a citizen of the Kepiibbc. Where a people, the source ofall political power speak by their sniir.ige, inrougii mo instrumentality of the ballot-box, it must bo carefully guarded against the control of those who are corrupt in principle ami ene mies of free institutions, for it can only become to our political nnd socinl system a safe conductor of healthy public sentiment when kept free from demoralizing influences controlled through fraud and usurpation. An archy and despotism must inevitably follow. In the hands of the patriotic and worthy, our Government will lie preserved upon the principles of the Constitution inherited from our fath ers. It follows, therefore, that in ad mitting to the ballot-box a new class of voters not qualified for the exercise of tho elective franchise, wo weaken our system of Government instead of adding to its strength and durability. I yield to no one in the attachment to that rule of general suffrage which dis tinguishes our policy a nation, but there is a limit wisely observed hither to which makes the ballot a priviledcc and. trust, and which requires of some classes a time suitable for probation nnil preparation, and to give it iudis- criminately to new class, wholly tin- prepared bv previous habits and on- bortunities to lierfonn tlm trust it. L. . . . established than that such indiscrimi nate and all-embraoiug extension of popular suffrage must end nt last in its overthrow and destruction. I re peat tho expression of my willingness to join in any plan within the scope of our constitutional authority which promises to better the condition of the negroes in tlio South by encouraging them in industry, enlightening their minds, improving their morals and giving protection to all their just rights ns freedmcn, 'but to transfer our political inheritance to them would, in my opinion, be an abandonment of a duty which we owe alike to the mem ory of our fathers and tho rights of our eniiureii. , Tho plan of putting the Southern States wholly, and federal government partially, in the hands of negroes, is proposed at a time peculiarly unpro pitious. Tho foundations of so cicty have been broken up by ' civil war. Industry must bo rc-organized, Justice re-established, publio credit maintain ed mid order brought out of confusion. To accomplish these ends it would re quire all the wisdom and virtue of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe that their defendants will lx equal to the arduous' task before them, but it is worse than madness to expect that ne groes will perform it for ns. Certainly i . .i we ougm not to osk tneir assistance until we despair of our own compe tency. There is a great difference De tween tho races in phy8ical,mcntal and EDITOR AND PVBJJSIIER. i0. 25. moral characteristics. It will pt.weut an amalgamation or fusion oftLcm together iu one lionmgeous muss. Jf the inferi ir obtains the aseendctiev over 1 the other, it will govern with reference only to its own interests, for it will recognize no common interests, and will create such a tyranny as this con tinent m never yet witnessed. Al ready negroes are influenced by prom ises ofconfiscation and plunder. They aro taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect for the rights of his own race, if this continues it must become worse and worse until all order will be subvert ed, nil industry cease and the fertile fields of the South grow up into a wil derness. Of all tho dangers which our nation lins encountered, nono are equal to those ahead which must result from the success of an effort now making to Africanize half our country. I would not put tho considerations of money in competition with justico nnd rightbut the expenses incited to reconstruction, under tlio system adopted by Congress to aggravate what I rcgnril ns an in trinsic wrong of the measure itself. It has cost millions already, and if per sisted in, will add largely to tho weight of taxation already too oppressive to be borne without just c iinplnint, and may finally reduce tho treasury of the nation to a condition of bankruptcy. We must not delude ourselves. It will require a strong standing army j and probably more than two hundred mil lions of dollars per annum to main tain the supremacy of a negro govern ment after it is established. Tho sum thus thrown away would, if properly used, form a sinking fund large enough to pay the whole national debt in less than fifteen years. It is vain to hope that tho negroes will maintain their ascendency thenis-'lvcs without mili tary riowerj they nr wholly incapable of holding in subjection tho white peo ple of tho South. I submit to the judgement of Congress whether the public credit may not bo injuriously affected by a systcin of mensurcs like this. With ourdebt'nnd vast private interests, which aro complicated with it, wo cannot be too cautious of a poli cy which might by possibility impair tho ' confidence of tho world in our Government. That confidence can only lie retained by carefully inculca ting the principles of justice'and honor in tho popular mind, and by tiio most scrupulous fidelity to all our engage ments of tvory sett. Any serious breach of the organic law, if persisted in for it considerable time, cannot but create fears for tho stability of our in stitutions. Tlio hubit ial violation of tho prescribed rules which wo bin J ourselves to observe, must demoralize tho people; our only standard of civil duty would beset at naught, nnd (he sheet anchor of our political morality is lost ; public conscience swings from its moorings aud yields to every im pulse, passion and interest. If wo re pudiate the Constitution, we will not. bo expected to care much for mere oo- cunutry obligations. The violation of such a pledge as wo made on the 22d of July, 1861, Will assuredly diminish the market value of our other socu- ricties. Besides, if we now acknow ledge that the national debt was creat ed, not to hold the States in the Union, as tax payers were led to sup pose, bat to expel them from it and hand them over to be governed by ne groes, our moral duty to pny it may seem iiiuoli less clear. I say it may seem so, for I do not admit that it or any other argument in ivor of repu diation can bo entertained as sound, but its influence on sonic classes of minds may well be apprehendcj. me nnancial honor 0! this creat commercial nation is hrgq'.y indobteJ, ana wim a republican form of govern ment, aiiniir.istereu by agents ot a popular choice, is a thing of such delicate texture, and the destruction of it would bo followed by such an unspeakable calamity that eve y true patriot must desire to avoid whatever might oxposa it to the slightest danger, Hie great interests ot tho country require immediate roiict trom these enactments, Business in the South is paralyzed by a sense of general insecurity, bv the terror ol connseation and the dread ol negro supremacy. Tho Southern trade from which the JSortlt would have ucricu eo ureal a nront under n j : i . . government of law, slill languishes and can never be revived until it ceases to be fettered by arbitrary power which makes all its operations unsafe. That rich country, the richest in natural resources the world ever saw, is worse tl. in lost if it be not soon placed under tnu protection ot a trca Constitution. Instead of being its it ought to be, a source of wealth and power, it will become an intolerable burden upon the rest of the nation. ' Another reason for retracing our steps, will doubtless be seen by Congress in late manifesta tions ' of public ' opinion' upon that subject. . Ave live in a . country where popular will always enforces obedient to itself sooner or later. It is vain to think of opposing it with anything short of legal authority, ' backed by ovcnwhelming force. It cannot have escaped your attention that from the day on which Congress fairly and formally presented tne proposition to govern the Southern States by military iotcc, wim b view to - me aiumatc establishment of negro supremacy, every expression of general sentiment has' been more of' less adverse tu it. The affections of this generation cannot their ancestors, Their determination ' 'JLJ J-!" - J1.- ' W , Xormw ol" AUvcrtlslMur Af JAR WORK. AiivEitTiKME.NT liwrtftl at SI SO prt nor fur tlin-e lnm-rtloiia, ami 50 renin 'r wjiiar fkirtiiuhndililluuiil iiim-rtlon ; (ten lln orlnn cmmtL-tU Milium All trnwiUiitmlvia-UaciurnW to Ik paid tur liiailvanc-e. ' IH'sinkw K hicks m-t oftdur tlie lmaj or ItHUl nrwa will bo cli.iritud Invurialiljr IU crata a Una funnel) lusi'rtiuu. ., - A Itlx-rnl deduction mod to rn-rwitwuidvortla-ln hy the qnurU-r, half-year or yciir. Hpertal notice clmrtted one-half more Minn rennlnrad vnrtlar.mniitH. ' , , . Jou PrnxTisiinfcviTj-klnJ In Ploinnn-' eyeolnra; lliuid-Mtl', Hliiiik,trilM Tnu phl e ufi-vi-rv variety ami utj li-, prlntiil u( tli almrt-.-st nutlee. The H:?i triu.t.-AN "Ftr" lira liuit lieeii re-lltted, nii-1 every linns in U" Frio. Iii-.f Hue emt Ih executed in the luont urtlat:s muniiernuil nt the luu-eHt rntel. to prerve their inh'-ritanco ofnf'reo government in their own bunds, uiul transmit it undivided and Unimpaired to their own posterity, 's loo strong to IjesncwssfullyopposeJ. Every treakcr passion will disappear before the? love of liberty nnd law, for which tho American people nre distinguished above all others in the world. Hew far tho duty of tho President, "to pri serve, protect, and defend tho Constitution," requires him fo go in opposing an unconstitutional act of Congress, is a very serious and impor tant question, on which I have delibe rated much, and felt ox treuicly an xion to reach a proper conclusion. Whcro nn act has been passed according to the forms nf the Constitution hy tho supremo legislative authority, niid is regularly enrolled among the publio statutes of tho country, Executives re sistance to it, especially in times of high pnrtv excitement, would bo like ly to produce violent collision between the respective adherents of tho two branches of tho Government. This would be simply civil war; and civil war must bo re-tot 3d to only, a th-i last remedy for the worst of evils. Whatever might tend to provoke it should bo most carefully avoided. A faithful nnd conscientious Alatn.-trato will concede very much to honest error, nnd something even to perverse mal ice, before he will endanger the publio peat ; and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such ns might lead to force, ns long us those which are peace able remain open to him or to his con stituents. It is true that cases may oceur in which the Executive would be compelled to stand on his rights, and m lintum them, regardless of nil conse qiU'iiecs. If Congress should pass an net which is not only in palpable con flict with tho Constitution, but will certainly, il'cifrie.1 out, pr.Kluca im inedlat'.' un.r ii'i'qina'uiu injury to tho organic structure of tlie Government, and if there bo neither judicial remedy for tin wrongs it iniliets, nor power in the people to proleet themselves without the official aid of tiioir elected d.-feiider ; if, for instance, tho Legisla tive Department should pass nn act even through all tho forms of law to abolish a co-ordiiinto . depart ment of the Government in such a caso tho President must take tlio high responsibilities of his otliee, and save tlio lifj of tho nation nt nil hazards. Tho so called reconstruction nets, though as plainly unconstitutional as any that can bj imagined, were not believed to bo within tho class last mentioned. The people wero not wholly disarmed of the power of solf- dofenee. In all tho Northern States they still held iu thejr h indstho sacred right of tho ballot, and il was safe to beiicvo that iu duo tima they would como fo tho resenoof their institutions!. It gives mo plcnsuro to add t'.at tho appeal to our common constituents was not taken in vain, and that my confidence in their wisdom and virtue seems not to have been iiiis-iplaccd. It is well and publicly known that enormous frauds have been perpetrated on the Treasury, and that colossal fortunes have been made at the public expense. Ihisspeoics of corruption has increased, is increasins, nnd if not diminished will soon bring us into total ruin and disgrace. Tho public credi tors and tho tax payers arc alike interested in un honest administration sfthe finances, and neither class will endure the lanro-handcd robberies of tho recent w., yor this discreditable state Oi things there are several cartses. ' ome of the taxes arc so laid as to present an irresistible temptation to'' evadu payment. The great sums1 which oilijers may win by eiinniv'rtncc . ut fraud create a pressure which is ' more than the virtue of many can' withstand j and there can be no doubt that the ' open disrfgard of the constitutional obligations avowed by : some of the highest and most influential men in the country has greatly weakened tho moral Sense of those who servo in subordinate' places. Tho expenses of the United" States, including interest on the public debt are more than six times as much as they were seven years ago. To col-' Ixt and disburse this vast amount re quires careful supervision as well as systematic vigilance. The system,' iii'ver perfected, was much disorgan ized by tho "Tenure of Office. Bill," which has almost destroyed ollicial ac countability. Tho President may be thoroughly' convinced tliat nn officer is incapable, dishoucst, or unfaithful to the Constitution, put uuder the law' which I have named, the utmost he can do is to complain to the Senate, ami ask the privilege of supplying' his ' place with a better man. " Iff-" the Senate be regarded as persorrally1 or: politically hostile to tho President, it is natural; an 1 not " ftltowthot unreasonable, for" tNc officer to ' fjxpect' that it will ta'40 his part as1 far. aV possible reitr.ro him to his 'nhiiiil give him a '.riumph over hisExermrive superior. ThootHcerhasotherchances; Vj.,mP0 0lt7 ' arising from .aceidentnr defect, of evidonoo,' the -'mode of investigating it, and the secrecy of the hearing.1 It is ' no wonderful : that Official malfeasance' should : IW.ruii bold in prtrtiori'as tho; delinquent learn to think themselves safe,""! am entirely pesuM,'that under : snohr a) rale Ihe President eantiot perform Uau si""'j B-wigiicu to aim ot seeing thftlaws faithfully twecuted, and that it Kbles him' most es:i3cia.llv enfoHiii that ririd 0f the revenue iaws.