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THE UNION.
CITY or WASHINGTON.
WEDNESDAY NIGHT, MAY 7, 1845.
ICJ" The interesting letter of our regular correspondent
from Philadelphia, was received too late for
this evening's paper. It will appear to-morrow.
OREGON.
THE DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT.
In our paper of Monday, we noticed the care
with which the Briliah government aud writers suppress
all allusions to the voyages of the Spaniards
along the northwest coast of America ; and we remarked,
that statements from these sources were
unfortunately received with mush more reliance by
our own fellow-citizens than they deserved. A singular
confirmation of this remark is presented in
an article on Oregon, from the New "York Commer.
cial Advertiser," republished in the "National Intelligencer"
of Monday, in which the grounds of the
American title to that territory are carefully refined
away; and history and national law arc ingeniously
distorted, in order to exhibit the claims of the United
States as having no foundation in reason or jus
"tic?. The two moet important voyages of the
Spaniard^ (those in 1774 and 1775, in which they
minutaly examined the coasts from their settlement
at Monterey northward to the 58th parallel,) are not
;n any way noticed; and a claim is assumed for
Great Britain, which has been pointedly disavowed
by the official representatives of that power?namely,
that against all other nations except
Spain, Great Britain alleges that her rights
to the northwest coast are exclusive. The article,
thus endorsed by the approval of the "National
Intelligencer," is indeed a specious defence of the
British title, partially veiled by the assertion, that
neither of the claimant nations has any fair pretensions
to the possession of Oregon; and its views,
conclusions, and whole tone, are precisely such as
they should have been, if it had proceeded from an
organ of the British Ministry. We do not consider
ourselves bound, by what we have here said, to review
this article from the "Commercial Advertiser."
we nave aireauy, in our previous numoers on inia
subject, offered to our readers the means of judging
as to the correctness of some of its statements; and
the respect evidently paid by the writer to British
authorities, will doubtless prevent him from finding
fault with us, for preferring to continue our observations
on Lord John Russell's speech in Parliament,
which will answer the same purpose equally
well.
We come to transactions relative to the northwest
coasts of America, which rendered them for the first
time the subject of controversy between civilized
nations. Of these transactions, the following summary
is presented by Lord John Russell:
"In 1789, a question arose with regard to the settlement
of Nootka Sound, which was held by English
subjects, and which settlement was disturbed
and destroyed by the Spaniards, under Captain
Martinez. The English government, on that occasion,
demanded redress, and the result of that demand,
on the part of England, was, that the redress
which was demanded was given, the settlers were
restored to their possession at Nootka Sound, and a
treaty was agreed upon with regard to the future
occupation of that district. The claims of England
and Spain to settle in that district were defined and
agreed to by that treaty; and I find in Hirstlett's
Commercial Treaties, that the 5th article of the
treatv to which I am now referring, which was si<rn
ed at the Bacurial on the 28th of October, 1790, secured
those rights. By the fifth article of that treaty,
it was agreed that "in all other parts of the northwestern
coasts of North America, or of the islands
adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said
territory already occupied by Spain, wherever the
subjects of either of the two powers shall have made
settlements since the month of April, 1789, or shall
hereafter make any, the subjects of the other shall
have free access, and carry on their trading without
disturbance or molestation." Now, that article
chows clearly that all the part north of the part of
the coast occupied by Spain, was a part which was
subject to be settled by either power, and that no
separate jurisdiction was claimed by England or
Spain over the portion of the country to the north of
that part of the coast. Spain was allowed to carry
on trade in the district to the west of the British settlements;
but she was allowed no jurisdiction over
the subjects of England in those settlements, and the
only part which was left indefinite by the treaty was
the part of the coast occupied by Spain. It does
not appear that at the period of the treaty there were
any settlements to the north of latitude 40 in the occupation
of Spain, or at the Columbia river, orNootka
Sound, or in any of the districts adjacent to the
Columbia river. Such, then, is the state of the treaties
between Great Britain and Spain on that subject,
and it is manifest that it remained open to Great
Britain or Spain to perfect their discoveries on the
coast by making such settlements as they thought
proper [hear, hear.]"
As the transactions to which this paragraph refers
are most erroneously represented in the historical
works usually consulted with regard to them,
Wfi Jlhnll lw? nnrlpr ihft nsr^nnilv ltoro nf on tori r?ir Air.
ther into details than we should otherwise have desired.
We stated in a former number, that the observations
made by Cook and his successors on the
northwest coasts of America led to the fur trade between
those coasts where the furs were obtained,
and China, where those articles were much in demand;
and that the people of various nations soon
engaged in the business. The British trade in the
north Pacific was then exclusively vested by law in
the two great commercial monopolies, the East India
Company and the South Sea Company?without
the assent of one, and in some cases of both,
of which, no British vessel could legally navigate
the Pacific and Indian oceans. In order to obviate
the difficulties thus occasioned, British vessels not
belonging to the East India Company (which possessed
the exclusive privilege of the China trade)
were obliged to obtain licenses, at heavy costs, from
both the companies; and such licenses were carried
by all ships under the British flag in the north Pacific,
between 1785, when the fur trade was begun,
and 1795, when it was abandoned by the people of
that nation. This was the only mode in which the
fur trade could be conducted by British vessels,
without exposing them to confiscation, and their
owners and officers to heavy fines?in evasion ol
which penalties, however, some British subjects engaged
in the business in Portuguese vessels, from
the port of Macao, near Canton, belonging to that
nation, furnished with Portuguese papers, commanded
by Portuguese captains, and navigated by
crews composed almost entirely of Portuguese and
Chinese.
Two vessels were thus fitted out at Macao in
1787, under the direction of John Meares, a lieutenant
in the British navy, on half pay, who went
as supercargo in one of them. Their captains were,
however, Portuguese; and they carried instructions,
written only in Portuguese, authorizing their captains
to take and bring to Macao for trial, as pirates,
1 R-U"*t*n, English, or Spanish vessels, which
should attempt to interfere with them in their voyage.
Thus much for the national character of these
vessels. Mearea went to Nootka Sound, a harbor
in the largest island on the northwest coast of,America,
which was then a favorite place of resort for the
fur traders; and there, in the course of the summer,,
he built a small vessel, having (as he expressly
states in the narrative of his voyage, published in
London in 1790) hired fromthe chief of the Indians
in the vicinity a spot of ground for the accommodation
of his people while thus engaged. On this
spot, as he says, (though it is very doubtful,) he
built a house, and threw up a breast-work around
it, on which he planted a cannon; adding, however,
that he at the same time promised the Indian chief,
Ithat when "we finally left the coast, he should enter
into full possession of the house and all the goods
thereunto belonging." In the ensuing autumn,
Meares and hia vessels quitted the aound; and by
the evidence of the only peraon who pretenda to
have aeen any houae erected there, thia houae had
been entirely deatroyed before the ensuing spring.
Thua we aee that a piece of ground waa hired
from the Indiana at Nootka, who there demand pay
for everything, and will fight boldly if it be refuaed.
A house waa poasibly built on thia ground, and a
cannon ia said to have been planted in a ditch
dug around it; and, finally, all these transactions
took place, and could only have taken
p'ace, under the guaranty of the Portuguese flag.
.This ia the whole amount of "the settlement
of Mbotkm Sound held by British subjects," as
mentioned by Lord John Russell. This ia its
whole history from its foundation to its abandonment,
as proved uy abundant evidence, of
which u sufficiency is afforded by the narrative of
Mr. Meares, the pretended founder.
This norrofter of Meares is not to be confounded
with the memorial addressed by him to the British
government in 1790, in which the same circumstances
are, throughout, made to appear in different
forma.* The employment of the Portuguese flag
nad vessel is, in the memorial, represented us merely
the consequence of an arrangement with the Portuguese
authorities, to avoid the heavy duties exacted
by the Chinese on leaving the port of Macao; keep
II Ig UUl UI view cnmcij nit piuTiBivun ui mv utu* v/t
Parliament,agreeably to which the vessels would have
been seized and confiscated, and their officers severely
punished, if found navigating these seas under the
British flag. The temporary use of the ground obtained
from the Indians, becomes a purchase of territory,
on which a house was built, and the British
flag was hoisted; and other grants of ground and
trading privileges, in the vicinity of Nootka, are
mentioned in the memorial, of which nothing is said
in the tediously minute accounts of the transactions
at these places in the narrative. British historians,
improving upon Meares, convert the supposed house
and ditch into a fort and factory, under the' flag of
Qreat Britain; Lord John Russell has now raised it
to the dignity of a settlement; and some advocate of
the British claims among us will probably, in time,
represent it as a province, under a governor appointed
by his Britannic Majesty.
In the mean time, the Spanish Viceroy of Mexico
having reason to apprehend that the Russians were
about to occupy Nootka Sound, sent Captain Martinez
with two vessels to take possession of that
place in the name of his sovereign. The most
northern Spanish settlement on the Pacific side of
America was at the entrance of the Bay of Saint
Francisco, between which, and the vicinity of Nootka,
there is not a single good harbor; and Martinez
was selected for this establishment, as he had been
the second officer of the vessel by which Nootka
Sound was discovered in 1774, four years before
Cook entered it. Martinez arrived in the sound on
the 6th of May, 1789, when he immediately took
possession of the country in due form, and began
the erection of a fort upon an island commanding
the entrance of the harbor. He found there the
American ship Columbia and sloop Washington,
from Boston, which had apent the winter in the
sound, and one or the Portuguese vessels brought out
by Meares in the preceding year, as well as the one
built by him at Nootka, which had just entered together
from the Sandwich Islands. On examining
the papers of the Portuguese vessel, instructing
her captain to take any Spanish vessel which should
attempt to interfere with him, Martinez seized her,
and was about to send her to Mexico for trial. She
was, however, released, and was even furnished with
rigging and stores, of which she stood in need for
prosecuting her voyage to China.
Soon afterwards, two other vessels arrived, which
had been sent from Macao by Meares, really under
the British flag; as they came with licenses from
both the great companies, and under instructions to
form a settlement at Nootka Sound. Martinez
received them, but declared the place to be a
Spanish port. The captain of one of the British vessels
refused to consider it as such; whereupon,
{ Martinez aeized both the vessels, and sent them as
prizes to Mexico.
The conduct of the Spanish commander on this
occasion was, in many respects, most reprehensible;
and the claim for indemnification, addressed in consequence
by the British governmentto that of Spain,
seems to have been just and proper. But Mr. Pitt,
then at the head of the British government, determined
to take advantage of the circumstance, to bend
Spain to hia views, and at the same time to arm
Great Britain for the conflict which he anticipated
with revolutionary France. He therefore demanded
from Spain not only restoration of the British
vessels and reparation of the losses consequent upon
their seizure, but acknowledgment of the rights of
British subjects to sail and fish in any part of the
Pacific and to trade with the natives, and settle on
any of its vacant coasts. The Spanish government,
with the dread of British smugglers, and British
defiers of arbitrary power before it, refused to yield
to these demands; and war was on the point of
breaking out between the'two nations, when a compromise
was effected. Of the secret engagements
made on this occasion, we know nothing, except
the fact that a secret engagement wns made, to
resist the French revolutionists in certain contingencies.
The only stipulations communicated to the
world, are those of the well-known Nootka convention,
signed at the Escurial on the 28th of
October, 1790, by which it was agreed?that
Spain should restore to British subjects any lands,
buildings, or property, on the northwest coasts of
America, of which they had been dispossessed since
April, 1789, or make compensation for them; and that
both nations should hnve the right to navigate and
fish in any part of the Pacific, provided that no British
vessel should approach within ten leagues of any
Spanish settlement; that neither party should form
any settlement on the coasts of South America, or
the adjacent islands south of the southernmost Spanish
settlement; and that all parts of the northwest
coasts of America, north of the northernmost place
occupied by Spain in April, 1789, should be free and
open to the people of both notions, for trade and settlement;
except that, in all places so occupied by the
one party, the subjects of the other should have free
access and liberty to trade without hindrance or
molestation.
The British government endeavored to have these
latter provisions extended over all the dominion of
the continent, north of a line drawn from the Pacific
along the 40th parallel of latitude to the Missouri,
and down that river to the Mississippi; but the
Spanish government positively refused to acknowledge
any such privileges, except with regard to the
coasts north of the northernmost spot then occupied
by Spain, which was the Bay of St. Francisco.
In execution of the first part of this treaty, Capt.
Vancouver, who was then about to sail from England
on a voyage of discovery in the north Pacific,
was commissioned by his government to receive
possession of the lands and buildings of which
British subjects were said to have been dispossessed
by the Spaniards in 1789. He was, however, unable
to agree with the Spanish commissioner at
Nootka as to what they were, ami was, indeed, unable
to prove that any lands had been purchased, or
buildings erected, by the British, on any part of the
northwest coast. The matter was referred back to
their governments, and a new commissioner was appointed,
who, on arriving at Nootka in 1795, learn' J
: that the place had been surrendered to a Britu.i
The narrative of Mearea, with hia memorial, end documania
in proof, may he foilnd in the library of (ongreas
Among ih* masi of document! produced by him, comprehending
instructions, extracts from the jonmala of the vet
elt. depo?n|0nl on|j. allusion to the pnrrhai# of
ground, or the erection of buildings at Nootka. It contained
" declarution of one of hia lessen, taken ia London
| *fUr tkr prwiUofien t/lkt mt mortal
lieutenant in the preceding year. No further evi- t
dence of the surrender hoe ever been produced by 1
Ureal Britain; and the Spaniards assert that they on- a
ly evacuated the place because its occupation was t
no longer required. Certain it is, that neither party, >
nor any other people of a civilized nation, afterwards f
attempted to settle there, or at any other spot west f
of the Rocky mountains, between the 37th and the
56th parallelsof latitude, until 1806.
Upon this Nootka convention of 1790, the British
commissioners, in the negotiation with the Uni- *
ted States in 1827, rested all their claims with re- 11
spect to the countries west of the Rocky moun- F
tains; refusing to admit any on the part of the Uni- 1
ted States,'not derived from the convention through *
Snain. "Great Britain." sav thev in their stale- *
merit, "claim* no exclusive sovereignty over any c
part of that territory. Her present claim, not in
respect of any part, but of the whole, is limited to
a right of joint occupancy, in common with other
States, leaving the right of exclusive dominion in
abeyance." "It only remains for Great Britain
to maintain and uphold the qualified rights which
she now posesse* over the whole of the territories in
question. These rights are recorded and defined in
the convention of Noolka. They embrace the rights
to navigate the waters of these countries ; the right
to settle in and over any part of them; and the right
freely to trade with the inhabitants and occupiers
of the same." "The rights of Spain on that coast
were, by the treaty of Florida in 1819, conveyed by
Spain to the United States. With those rights the
United States necessarily succeeded to the limitations
by which they were defined, and the obligations
under which they were to be exercised. From
those obligations and limitations, as contracted
towards Great Britain, Great Britain cannot be ex
I v? gl UIWIIUUOIJ w .........
' ly because the rights of the party originally bound '
have been transferred to a third power." ?
This is distinct, and would be very reasonable
and effective, but for the circumstance that the
Nootka convention expired in 1796, when Spain declared
war against Great Britain, and has remained
defunct until this present day, agreeably not only to
all the recognised principles of national law, but to
the declaration and the invariable practice of Great
Britain herself in such cases. It will be unneces. ary
to present the argqments of writers on national
law, in proof of this assertion; that it is agreeable
to the usage of nations, is sufficiently confirmed by
the fact that, in all treaties of peace, great care is taken
to specify such treaties existing before the war
as are again to be observed, all others being supposed
to be extinct. As to the views of the British
government on the question, they are definitively
and positively set forth in a case now to be related.
In 1815, Mr. Adams claimed for the United States
the right of drying fish on the unoccupied coasts of
Newfoundland, which they had enjoyed before the
war of 1812, in virtue of the treaty of 1783; insisting
that this treaty, whereby Great Britain acknowledged
the independence of the United States,
was of a peculiar nature, and not subject, like many
others, to abrogation by war. Lord Bathurst, the
British minister, however, replied, that, "to a position
of this novel nature, Great Britain cannot accede.
She knotrs no excejtlion to the rule that all treaties are
put an end to by a subsequent war between the tame
parties; and she cannot, therefore, consent to give to
her diplomatic relations with one State, a different
degree of permanency from that on which her connection
with other States depends."* The British
minister maintained 'his position that a treaty, existing
before war, cannot be supposed to be renewed by
the mere fact of a restoration of peace; and it was
finally established, after an able discussion between
the two ministers, at the end of which a new and
special convention was signed on the subject. It is
needless to adduce any farther arguments to show '
that the Nootka convention expired in 1796, the as- I
sertion of Lord John Russell to the contrary notwithstanding;
and we are well persuaded that the
British government will not, if this issue should
ever be presented to it in n negotiation, venture to
dispute this old-established principle of political law,
at the risk of unsettling many of the relations with
other States. On this point, Lord John Russell
says :
"It has been stated by some, as an argument in
favor of the claims of the United States, that a war
had taken place since the convention, and that the
war had the effect of taking away the title of Great
Britain. That, however, is answered by the fact,
that in 1814, at the peace, there was an additional
article which gave effect to the convention between
this country and Spain; and any treaty with the
United States in 1819, would only succeed in giving
to the United Mtatea such a title as spam neta in
1814."
To this conclusion per se, we find no objection; but
we regard its meaning and its effects as very different
from those which Lord John Russell seems to
indicate by his previous statements.
The war between Spain and Great Britain continued,
with the short intermission following the peace
of Amiens, until 18A9, when the two nations were
again in alliance against France. No renewal of
any former engagements, however, was effected until
1614, when, in the additional articles to the treaty
of Madrid, it was "agreed that, pending the negotiation
of a new treaty of commerce, Great Britain
shall be permitted to trade with Spain upon the same
conditions as those which existed previously to
1796; all the treaties of commerce which at that period
subsisted between the two nations, being hereby ratified
and confirmed." The first part of this article could
have related only to the trade between the European
dominions of the two powers, as no trade had ever
been allowed between either party and the colonies
of the other, except the slave trade, which Great
Britain monopolized by the Jlsiento treaty, from 1713
to 1740; and because, also, it was agreed in another of
those articles, that if the trade of the Spanish American
colonies should be opened to foreign nations, it
would be allowed to Great Britain on the terms of the
most favored nation. Lord John Russell, however,
contends that this article would have renewed the
Nootka convention, if it had been abrogated by war.
In answer to this, we have only to ask, was the
Nootka convention, in any sense, a treaty of commerce
between Great Britain and Spain? Was the
provision for the restoration of places supposed to
have been taken by Great Britain from Spain, a
commercial stipulation? Were the recognition of the
right to make settlements in one part of America,
and the prohibition of settlements in another, commercial
stipulations? Might not any other treaty
between the two nations, anterior to 1796, have
been equally as well considered a treaty of commerce?
Many treaties qf commerce, so styled in their
own words, existed between Great Britain and
Spain anterior to the period last mentioned, and
they were of course renewed, fhe convention ol
1790 was in all respects a political convention,
identical in character with that of 1786, hy
which the right of cutting mahogany and other
Wivuli in Unndiiraa u'nn MPiiruft to Hrilftin
while the aovereignty of the territory remained with
Spain: yet will Lord John Ruaaell, or the Lord
Stanley, the Secretary for the Coloniea, admit that
thie latter convention wan renewed by the treaty ot
Madrid, or that Hondtirae in leaa an integral part ot
her empire, than Canada' Finally, if the Nootka
convention eubaiete, how can Great Britain hold
the Falkland lalande aa ahe doea, in defiance of
the atipulation that neither party ahould occupy
any part of the South American coaata or th<
lalanda adjacent, aouth of the parta then occupied
by Spain?
Lord John Ruaaell, moreover, doea not 'remark
that the changea which had taken place in the terri
toriea in queation, during the eighteen yeare between
1796 and *1814, were calculated materially i
*tre the corroeyondencr, at communicated to tnpwi
by Pretident Monroe, with hi* menage, December ?,lats
o affect the position of both the parties in the Noot- A
ta convention with regard to them. Theae cliangea,
ind the circumstance* which led to them, may be
he subject of a future number, unless the steamer, cal
vhich is daily expected from England, should bring in
urther accounts which may require our attention in no
ireference. hu
THE EXECUTIVE. ^
We have now been one week in Washington,
nd we have had some opportunity of seeing the ^
nachinery of executive power. It is rash to judge ^
tositively from first impressions; and Lord Chatham j,.f
ays, tha\ "confidence is a plant of slow growth in ^
in aged bosom." But we have seen much in the ea|
ihort lime that we have been in Washington; and (j0
lustiness of observation has, in some measure, sup- (||(
died the place of a more enlarged experience. We
lo not hesitate to say, then, as our first impressions, jyj
hat they are decidedly favorable as to the efficiency, je
mergy, and capacities of the present administration. yC
t is not our business to flatter the great?nor is it t||(
>ur pleasure?nor, we dare to hope, is it our charac- ^
er. We have some little opinion of our own?some 0f
idle respect for ourselves; and we have too much re;ard
to the people, to flatter the vanity or overcolor the an
lervices of their executive servants. The editor is too
dd, he hopes, in thai sense of the term, to exchange gP|
lis habit of independence for the livery of a parasite. ^
hie has been too long a freeman among freemen, to col
ihift his character at his time of life; and the mo- t0
, -v.. i,A fl?j. ,1.a* LI. I.,..IA. ur.Ai.:?
..out <"> of
on and hia independence are incompatible with each RO|
>ther, he will attempt to retrace hie atepe, recroes ou
he Potomac, and eeek once more the land of free- ou
ae?- bo
Let no man in Washington, therefore, mistake jj,
nir position. Let no one suppose that we are now ,|u
writing a puff upon the men in power; and that, in co
giving our first impressions of the Exeoutive, we are R0
surrying their favor or courting their patronage. an
Much as we may value their good opinion, we place pr,
t much higher value upon our otcn self-respect- M
We do not hesitate, therefore, to say, fearless of j,?
til misconstructions, that the present Executive ap- a8
iear to us to be both qualified and anxious, in no p(
sommon degree, to discharge their duties and co,
>romote the public service. We have seen ^
nuch more of them, and of their departnents,
than we have been able to see of Wash- ne
nglon and her citizens. We, too, have been ;CJ
slosely engaged in preparing for the task we have nii
indertaken, in acquiring more information on na- At
lional politics, and in adjusting the arrangements p0
which may be necessary to make the people bet- cb
er acquainted with the acts of their own officers tit!
snd with the condition of other countries. Our wi
tresent position enables us to collect both these m<
ipecies of information; and we intend to profit af na
hem, so as to make "the Union" the "Brief Abstract of
tnd Chronicle of the times." We mean to do so, g0,
it least, so far as it may be proper to publish the
novements of the government without injury to 0f
he public service, and so far as its agents will ena- 8u
pie us to collect the information. And we must say, 0f
hat, so far, we have met with every courtesy and 0f
svery facility in the several departments. These fol
irrangements have, of course, given us some in- jtj
iirht intn the rhnrnrlflM nf the. men. and into
he habits of their office; though, of course, ve
litre is a large portion of the machinery, which, an e,
yet, has escaped our observation. But we are sure wl
we express their opininion as well as our own, ou
hat there ought to be as few mysteries as possible nB
n a fiee government. We And the President, then, t0
sarly and late at his post, devoting himself coolly, th
issiduoualy, and anxiously to his duties; and, so far
is we can judge of him, making good the character ue
which his neighbors in Tennessee say he brought t(,
up with him, viz: clear tin his views, Arm in his pur- W1
poses, and vigilant in the discharge of his duties. He bj
is organizing the machinery of his administra- al]
tion, and getting through that important, that most ne
delicate and most difficult office of revising the nt
qualifications of the officers who are 10 co-operate na
with him injlhe public service. This task, so painful
to every man of sensibility, yet so important m
in itself, in substituting those who are in office by w
those whom he may deem better qualified or better
entitled to serve the country, is now going on with gt
all the circumspection which his own reflection and ol
the advice of his cabinet can enable him to exert. w
Much of the work is accomplished; and though some w
mistakes are inevitable, where ao many inducements
exist out of doors to mislead the judgment of the ex- p
ecutive, yet the appointments seem to have been, in m
almost every case, wise and acceptable. nj
His secretaries are faithfully engaged in their bu- ca
siness. It so far deserves the name, literally, of a jj
working cabinet. They have all very important du- at
ties to discharge, and they are all laboriously dis- jQ
charging them. But the Secretary of State espe- tei
cially, is met at once by various and complicated p|
questions, connected with our foreign relations. ^
Texas, Mexico, the Oregon, Brazil, Peru, &c., each jr
presents an occasion for displaying his vigilance, yy
and tasking all his powers. He has, in fact, great |ji
V ? ? ..v.. ar
of one of his officers, at a public dinner given him ar
in Philadelphia, after one of his splendid victories,)
to distinguish himself; and we doubt not Mr. Buchanan's
ability and anxiety to turn it to the best account.
He will at the same time best consult his
own reputation and the glory of his country. ne
The Secretary of the Treasury is proverbial for
his industry, and marked for his sagacity. He, too, ;lf
is constant in the execution of his duties; and it pi
gives us more pleasure to state, than we can well 811
express, that he is actively engaged in collecting J?
from all parts of the country every information that re
may be necessary to assist him in the management lit
of our finances. We have no doubt that he will be 8''
prepared to lay before Congress a large body of the po
most useful statistics, so as to enable them, without ao
loss of time and with the aid of the best materials,
to proceed in forming the best, and wisest, and ?'
moat nearly equal ayatem of revenue that can be
adopted. We have little dotibt that the eecretary th
will at leaat do hia part in bringing the treasury back M
to a fair, equal, and just revenue ulandnrd, and in
equalising the public burdens. The present tariff m
can scarcely stand aa the permanent ayatem of this r>l
great country. It is too unequal in itself?too oppressive
upon some interests, too partial to others? J,"
too favorable to the rich, too burdensome to the qi
poorer classes of the community. The sooner it is
reduced, the better for all. Iti* better even for the m
manufacturers themselves to understand on what or
they are to calculate. It is better for the rich capi- ih
talista to have moderate and stable duties, than those 'a
which are too high, and, on that account, never fixed,
but always unpopular and always fluctuating. M
It is better for the tranquillity of the administration
?better for the prosperity of the whole people. | '
A letter from Washington nji: "A part of the Glebe mi
contract has not vet appeereri in print. It was not in the W<
terms published by the parties, nor was it referred to in the jn
published letters of Mr. Van Duren and (Jen. Jackson, vis: .l
that tha senior editor of the Globe is to have the Russia '
mission. There is little doubt, however, of the fact."?Bull, "fl
PmlriKt, May 8. Ft
A fable It is ridiculous to suppose thst Dl
such an arrangement could form any part of the
contract. The thing is almost too trifling even to be iti
contradicted.?The Union. *?
de
We have no room, to-day, for a few reflection! Ei
which the last news from Mexico is calculated to ln
call forth. We hope the resolutions of hercommit- q]
tee, reported to Congress, will not be sdopted. We be
presume she will bluster a little; but she will not w!
jh
Contracts have already been made for the erection Z!
r>f three hundred houses in the burnt district of Pitts- .
tu
burgh. What can paralyse the energies of s thriving rh
American city? to
PROPOSITION TO CHANGE THE NAME in
OP OUR COUNTRY. n>?
We aay il with all due respect, that the Hiatori(Society
of New York could be better employed than the
devising a new name for the United States. It ia ?r
t the Bret time that a proposition of this character
s emanated from the mmm of the "Empire ?nc
its." We all?that ia to say, we ail of mature eg*? wo
s familiar with the suggestion of the celebrated i
'. Mitchell to call our country Fredonia?in which
e, we sliould all have enjoyed the honor of be- she
? called f\r*4oniam?. Our rivers would all have been tor
edonian; our mountaina Fredonian; everything
out ue would have borne, upon the lips and in (he tor
re of foreigners, the euphonious appellation of Fre- eig
nian. This proposition failed in the time of its au- aul
NT, and is not very likely to excite the attention of y"
9 present or of future generations. We wonder that kni
r. John Quincy Adams, when he poured fourth his as
cent and poetic lines upon Mr. Jefferson, some
ars ago, and when he vowed that "we will change "jJJ
:ir names, air,"has never tried his hand also instrik- 0ui
; out a new name for the whole country, instead sul
confining himself to the rivers of the Far West.
e seems to have declined the honor, however, ?c
d it has been reserved to the Historical Society ica
New York to have opened the mine again, and An
'iously proposed the name of Jtleghania and Jllltanions.
But why derive the name of this great
untry from one portion of il? Why not go fbrth eel
i.. ur..i ?_ .l. u:_u 1; '
vv vwt, vatiaa MV1IVW (lie iiigll-QUUllUlllg HtllUC
Jtyalacluani, or Rocky AJountoineert? Or why, ^
berly and aerioualy we inquire, ahould we change fle<
r name at all1 Why aboliah the name to which to i
r proud eara are familiar?the name which haa
me our to the battle field, and to the moat nu|
itaut quartern of the globe? Do we apprehend the
it any other country in the weatern continent will pot
nteat the honor of the appellation with us? Fearnot, *ce
long ea the Saxon blood fiowa in our veins, ]
d with it the high daring and the chivalrous enter- nai
lae which mark our character. Fear not, ao long ?n?
we are worthy of the free inatitutions which we
e ao magnificently erected for our own glory, and jn ,
the beacon-light of all the nationa of the earth, to t
ar not, ao long aa we preserve the Union of our P*|
untry, and ao long aa we present ourselves, in the
uncil of nationa, aa one great, fret, and willed eqi
ypl*. Let the other atatea of the weatern conti- itie
nt be content with the names of Canadiana. Mex
ins, Peruvians, Brazilians, Chilians, and Patago- ^
ins; but"give ua, and ua only, the proud name of fou
nericans! Ha tibi ewnt arUt! Thoae who pro- wa
se to carry us again to the baptismal font, to
unge the name of Americana for the diminutive jpj,'
le of Allcghanians, or Apalachians, have acted aw
thout due advisement. They forget for a mo:nt
the glories which are associated with our
me; and with that name, they partially lose sight
the distinction which is stamped upon the very
il on which we tread.
The "Articles of confederation," on the 8th "
July, 1778, announced, as its very first m
ip, and in its first article, that "the style
this confederacy shall be 'the United States dm
America.' " The constitution of the United States, ||j?
rmed by the wisdom of statesmen whom the sagac- *?
' of the men of the present day may in vain atr '
npt to surpass, or even to rival, pronounced in its to
ry preamble, upon the very threshold, that it was P*>
tablished "for the United States of America;" and
9 are unwilling to change the title given to us by the
ir revolutionary godfathers. Preserve the whole try
me for the whole confederacy. Let it go forth wh
the world, and "stand recorded" for future times, ?d?
at this is a confederacy of the States of America wl
iittdlogtlhtr. And thus let the theory of the constit- 'hi
nlStates,and the confederacy ofStates, (formed by Prl
em as sovereign States, and Superintended by the '
isdom of sovereign States, and instituted alone 'h?
r sovereign States, with certain limited powers, he
id to be administered as such,) go along with the Ci
ime of our people. Let it stand for ages to come as an
he Unxltd Statu of America," and let the proud ro<
ime of Amcricani stand along with it. w>
We did not intend to say so much when we
erely took up our pen to introduce the following
ell-written article nf a curreflnAnd#nL It h?? ?_
>wn over our paper with the feelings which have
tided it; and we ought, perhaps, to apologize so pal
ir readers or saying so much upon a proposition jJ*
hich has been recently discussed, indeed, but riu
hich will never be adopted. co!
8ince writing the above, we are indebted to Mr. { "
. Taylor, bookseller, of this city, for' the May vie
imber of the Southern Review. It has a commucation
from a contributor, proposing to call our w?
untry by the complex name of "Mltghania- tpo
rnmca," (which, of course, would soon be abbrevicd
in common parlance into the present "Amer- *
in.") We are happy to see the editor himself prosting
against the proposition, and prefering the aim- wii
e, proud name of "America." So do we, in spite of
e contributor of the "Review," and of Washington
ving to boot. We deserve the name of America, all
Te have earned it, as the "feudal barons" did, first
i our sword?next by our freedom?then by our tel
ts?end last of all, by our population, enterprise,
id improvements; and now "we will defend" it. f"
For the Union. ^
NATIONAL NOMENCLATURE. ?u,
pol
Under this title have lately appeared several c*>
iwspaper articles, recommending the adoption of
me new name for our republic, such as A pal a- Jf,
ha, Allegania, and so on. Those editori who wo
ive been silly enough to seriously approve of the
an, seem to think that "National Nomenclature" ^
mply means the name of a country, without the least the
ference to the thousand liill* things that are the mo
til of nationality. In three numbers of the most ia 1
apectable journal advocating a change, I notice
re paragraphs, in which the editors might have
lown their love of nationality, by introducing the ori
ime ot our own coin, instead of using a bastard
reign one. It is certainly as short as sensible, and th"
>unda as well to say, "A few dimes' worth," or end
arc will give a dime," as it does to make use of the grt
ridiculous for a man to prate loudly about the
iceisity of "distinctiveness in nationalities," at ear
e same time taking a dime from his purse, and *n<
Iliog out: "Here, my lad, is a irnpencs, go fetch
e a Herald and four pennies change?" Such small
alters are below the attention of these worthy
en; indeed, they remind one of the fellow in the tai
ay, who could not be prevailed upon to exercise g
s benevolence towards those with whom he came r
daily contact, but was ever forming plant for the "o
nelioration of the whole human family; and conse- mi
lently never accomplished anything. wa
So little has been done toward nationality in the
alter of coin, that I will lay a do'lar to a dime that w|
le may walk the entire length of Broadway with ?'
le of our smaller silver pieces in his hand, and of dil
e multitudes asked, not one shall give its Amer- r;(
in name: go through all our public and private
hoots, that ought to be nurseries for Americaning?or,
if you prefer, nationalizing?our y outh, the op
me answers will be returned. we
Why cannot these well-meaning gentlemen assist grj
itionalization by instituting some national games
r our children? Let not this be thought a tri vial Pr(
alter: the wisest of the ancients thought their lime ten
ell employed in giving a national character to the q0
nocent no lyday sports of children; and if .
eae reformer* could be induced to write nursery .
toks, or invent diversions adapted to our great 'rl<
ibruary and July holvdaya?Bibth-dat and In- is c
:fbndcmck-oav?4heir labors would be better apeciated
thirty years hence, than they ever can be 5
r attempting to change a name dear to every eitsn,
to one unconnected with a single national as- '
ciation. In national amusements, we are sadly jn
ficient. Those of our ancestors who came from
igland, of course brought English customs; and "
those portions settled chiefly by them, English nul
nusements predominate to this day; and so of the
ermany, Ireland, 4c. These pastimes may have OB
en common throughout the whole country from ,
inch they were brought, but never have obtained, abe
ily among their descendants here; nor have we any stg
at are common throughout the whole republic. 0f
One of the committee of the New York Historical (h
icietv, who recommended a change, whan be rented
from Europe a few years ago, attempted to '
ange his own name from Henry R. Schoolcraft pre
Henry R. ColcrofX- the no success he met with ma
that exceedingly small matter ought to ad- lai
niah htm not to meddle with others of infinitely th
aler magnitude. To change the name of a coun.
inhabited by seventeen millions of souls, from
t by which it has been known during the lifetime r
dl its citizens, and has connected with it ail its M
riotic associations, to one in itself diminutive,
etofore applied only to counties or liule rivers, II
I not carrying with it a single national association, M
uld be found to be no essy job. of
la an exempts of the difficulty of changing names er
which the vkuvls am partial, take the case of pt
Uing Wisconsin. Congress gravely declared it ni
mkl be written triUsM**; last winter the terri- is
ial legislature, with equal gravity, snacted that it Pi
mid be If ixonri*. 87
rbe famous committee of the New York His- fu
leal Society intimate that, when travelling in for- th
n countries, it is not enough toeay wa are Ameri- an
is, but must sdd from the United Slates, to pre- ft>
it being mietaken for Mexicans, Peruvians, or St
izilians. It would be Worth while just now to
aw how many of our citizens, when announced
Americans to any respectable circle, in any en. th<
lilened nation, have not been immediately rscog- cn
ed as from this republic. What little of confo. ^
n there may exist, might easily be obviated if
r government would adareaa ita minister and cons,
and require them to be addreeeed, as American lh
iiiater, American consul, Ac.; instead of United JV
ilea consul, Ac., instead of United States minister, ?!
So, too, of the army and navy; let it be Amern
army, American navy, and not United States
nay and United States Navy. True, at home, we Jf
by the constitution domestically the "United
ilea of America;" but abroad, we need only to be
own as "Americana," if we would but call ourvea
ao. p
rhese wiae notnrtulalort will have it there is no "
laic in "American;" auite aa much, one would ?
jpose, aa in "Legging;" besides, they ahould re- d(
it that the ancient poeta had aome namea of placea P1
deal with, aa deatitute of inuaic aa the ragman's
1; and to pronounce the namea of aome of their w
oes would almoat tear to pieeea even a Dutchn'a
mouth. But did they get mad and leave V
m unsung? Not a bit of it; they aubatituted a a<
tic for the real name, which poetic name baa de- ft
ndcd to ua, leaving the "constitutional" one w
ong the rubbiah of forgotten timea. hi
3ul if we muat throw away the comprehensive Q
nc of American for one more local, let ua have
i that loutuit well; one, the appropriateness of
ich ahall be manifeat to Iha "common people" gi
ing the proceaa of change. Let it be associated q
:he minda of every child from the St. Lawrence ..
he Del Norte with something truly national and
riotic, and not a name like Apalachia, unknown *<
y to the comparatively learned. For thia, what fo
re appropriate than that hallowed river, about _
li-diatant from the northern and southern extremis
of our Union, upon whose waves national vea9
can float on ocean's tide hundreds of miles in- "
d; whose waters, having their sources in various
itas, lave the walls of the "Immortal Citt,"
inded by "Our Father," whose much loved home
a on its banks; and flow,?vet slowly, as if to ('
lid disturbing the slumbera of the inightv one,? ef
it his last resting place,?Washington's river,
to Mia? Potomla, Potomians; in poetry, how
eet and sonoroua; but how flat and diminutive
alochia, Apalackiaw; or as an orator, in the heat of w
ne patriotic appeal, would perhaps pronounce it, II
re we not all kappy-lacky-aluns!! " p
AMERICAN. B
P
THE SPIRIT OP THE TIMES. A
There if no disposition that we know of among the J
Igs, to make a party issue out of the Oregon question. C
he administration will be equally careful not to make
ty capital out of the war spirit of the country, but apply
If to the managing of the difficulty in question with a
sere desire to bring abont an amicable settlement of it.
re would be every prospect of a speedy and satisfactory ]
nination of the whole affair.n?7h(s mcrm'ag's Ballimort ,
ericmn. u
I'he "American" append* the above remark *
an appeal which we addremed to the whig ^
-ty, in a late number of our paper. We ii
iuld respectfully adviae the "American," for
i aake of ita own party, as well a* of ita coun,
to adhere to it* position. We advise the g
tole whig party to carry it out. So far at we art a
risrd, we feel confident that the administration, *
lilst it i* desirous of an amicable settlement of f,
s or of any other difference, is more desirous of h
serving the rights and honor of the country. n
As to the determination of Mr. Polk to support 0
>ae rights and maintain that honor, there cannot g
a question with those who know him. The v
ncinnati "Daily Enquirer" has an excellent and 0
imated article upon this subject. We have no j
>m for all of it; and we must content ourselves t
th copying the following extracts: a
' RECANTATION FOR PEACE. J
'It was certainly not an unwarranted hope that the posi- j;
n of the President, and the just claims of the country,
respect to Oregon, would be sustained, not by the democ:y
merely as a party?for of that there never was any V
ration?but by all patriotic citizens without rugard to t
-ty. We yet feel abundant confidence in that hoi>c. The t
ht of this country is so clear and unquestionable, and the
portance of the Territory, both in respect to the equilib- c
m of the Union and the boundless trade of the East, so 0
idently great, that it seems to us the heart of the whole li
iintry must be with the President. 0
'Nevertheless, there are exceptions to this, remark. Parfeeling,
and, perhaps, other less creditablo'feeling, in the e
w of some, require a recantation by the President, and s U
tual abandonment of our claim by the country?and that, o
>, under stress of British threats. Thus, the Umxrttf of a
ntnesdar morning telle us, thet 'Mr. Polk acted unwisely
referring to Oregon in the manner he did supposes he "
ike thus merely to satisfy the West, as, in referenca to the U
iff, to appesse the South; and that, upon both subjects, he
y yet eat his own words.
* ??
'Now, prithee, why was it unwise in the President so to '
er to Oregon? Was not his language true??and is it un- P
e to speak, aye, and to insist upon, the truth? is there r
|ht in the truth itself, in the occasion or the manner ol r
utterance, or the character of the man who uttered it, to Jj
d a fair mind to the conclusion that it sprang tram moes
of paltry party expediency ? Was it not the time, of '
others, when the President elect, about to assume for p
i nation the high dignities and duties of hie office, was p
lied upon distinctly to avow his views and principles?to
I the truth, and the whole truth, to the American |?ople? 8
id because thia truth is somewhat unpalatable, and proses
sour looks and hlustaring words abroad, is he, thrrtv,
to unsay It?
a a
'There is one chord in the American heart that never
led to give back its response?love for our country anil
r whole country. Differ aa we may about measures of
licy or candidates for office, the iniegrity of the Ameri- jy
I soil, n rry foot of ft, and the preservation of the Amerii
government and character, are issues in which ail such
rty differences are instantly swallowed up and lost! True.
>w bitter partisans there may be, and are. to whom it
uld afford consolation if the head of the administration
mid ffnd himself unrustatned and betrayed; even srl>ugh,
aa a consequence, the country should also be un- p
itsuned and betrayed. 7bey, perhaps, ronld find it in *
ilr hearts to rejoice in his discomfiture, even though that
ist be the discomfiture and disgrace of the nation! Such
be issue to which the Octette would bring those who
iflde la its counsels; but such is not the feeling of the V
aa of the American people!
As for Mr. Polk, sil calculations based upon a recantation y
lis own avowal of the 'clear and unquestionable' rights
his reuntry?all anticipations that he will shrink from
duty to press that right, because, lorsooth, war may be C
consequence,?are formed in utter ignorance of the man,
I arc aa deroeatorv to him aa thev are intrinsicallv itis.
iceful: He h?? both the nerve nnJ the ability lo main- i
the trath he hee avowed, and to uphold the right* and \
iractsrof the nation, at mil hmxtrdt; the more firmly aad
etivcly became of tlie tlircuta end Muster of our ?rro- 6
it advenary! And In thia we rejoice to believe and g
>w,that, althntifh he may lack the aupport of the Cinrati
Odette, he will neverlheleaa, be 'auatained by every
riotic heart and hand in the country!'"
rhia ia the true apirit of an American. Cernly
it ia our own. We want peace with Great
itain?peace with all the world; but it muatbe an
norable peace. We hope that the preaent adnistration
will continue the negotiation which
ia unfinished by the laat. We truat that they
II calmly dtacuaaa the aubject with the Britiah
meter?hear what he haa to aay?and adjuat the
Ferencea, if it be poaaible, compatible with our
'hta and our honor. But it muat be with a due
rard to thoae categortea. Such are our own
iniona; and auch were our opiniona when, in 1611,
hoped that peace might be preaerved with Great
tain by her doing ua juatice; and in 1613, when we
aented and defended, to a full meeting of thecitila
of Richmond, decided reaolutiona calling upon
ngreaa for war measure*. Theae reaolutiona were Cl
ipted by the meeting?a fact which moat of our P
mda in Richmond may have forgotten, but which
in record in the joumala of that day. (
, h
SOME FAVORABLE SIGNS IN TEXAS. ?
di
'The National Regitlerprinted at Washington, in
Texas, ia generally supposed to bo a demi-oftcial
;an of President Jones. If this be the case, the
mber of the 17th April, now upon our table, from laat
southern mail, indicates some disposition "I
the part of the President and his counsellor* '?
tndon any apposition which they may hare da- _
ned, and to co-operate with the people in behalf T
annexation. The most prominent editorials in ^
i "Register," are those which follow:
'We learn that the President, on account of the
sent high waters and the poaaible failure of the fr
ila, occasioned thereby, has despatched his proc
maiion convening Congreaa, by apodal oxpreae to i
a eaatern and northern countiea."
"ThaHon. A. Yell, ex-govemor, and at prooonia
preeen (alive in Congreee, from the Stala of Arkana,
arrived in town on the Uth inatant."
The editor of the Telegraph, in hiepaper of the v "
kh inatant, intimatea that the Secretary of State,
r. Smith, haa yielded hie opiniona on the aubjeet
annexation, to the reaiatleaa current of popular
ithuaiaam note eweeping from one aide of the re blic
to the other. We ahould be glarfto be ftirahed
with the evidence from which the eoneluaion
drawn that he mr tree oppoaed to annexation,
irhapa the editor of the Telegraph ia in pnaaaa
mi or it. The filea of the State Department trill
rniah none; but, on the contrary, much to allow
at, aa our ininiater in Europe, he waa ever fluthful
id true to American principle and intoreau and
slings, and more recently, aa our Secretary of
ate, the friend qf annexation."
"Seeing the atatement which ia going the round of
e newsjwper prraa in thia country, calculated to
Mtte the itnpreeaion that the American miniater.
j. A. J- Donelaon, had not b??n received on hi*
wnt arrival at tbia place witb the courtesy due to
m, we are pleaaed to be authorised by him to my
at this impreaaion will be erroneoua. He inform*
i that he wae presented by the Hon. Aahbel Smith,
: ere tar y of State, the morning after hia arrival, to
m excellency the President, who, although contned
hia bed, received him kindly, and interchanged
ic civilities which are usual on such occasions. In
iat interview we are aJao informed that, to a ataleant
from Maj. Donelaon of lbs proposals respectg
annexation, which he was authorised to submit
> this government, he was frankly told by dim ' 1
resident that early etc pa would be taken to eubit
the whole subject to the people. The only
mbt then in the Presidents mind wee an to this
ropriety of celling Congiem he stating, hewrer,
hia impreaaion that this Map waa nacaaaary
id proper."
"The editor of the TeWranh asks the onaaiinn I
fhy our Congress cannot act upon the subject of
inexation 'by the middle of May aa wall aa on the
ret of June?* He had ahreudy romiabed himaelf
ith an anewer in his paper of the 8d inat., wherein
9 asserts 'it will require about sixty days fbr our
ongress to aaaemble.'"
[We eould hare wished that the "National Re ter"
had also Touched fbr President Jones and
eneral Houston being the /Wends tf mmtiam.
We could hare also wished that the "Naanal
Register" could have informed the country
r what Mr. Ashbel Smith has gone to England.
-Union.]
0 END TO THE TRIUMPH IN VIRGINIA !
We learn, by this evening's Richmond mail, that
e have carried a delegate in Fayette and Nicholas,
t gain,) making our majority in the House of Delfates
84 i Joint vote, 84 majority I
During the fourth weak of last month, there reech1
Albany, via the Erie and Champlain canals, 7,066,10
lbs. of merchandise, vis:
lour, bbls - 66,750 Barley, bushels - 804
leef " - 1,490 Butter, lbs. - 96,300
ork " - 650 Lard " - 36,800
shes " 3,170 Cheese " - 16,800
IT heat, bushels 9,084 Wool " 49,500
orn " - 1,996
Cenuaunlcsted.
Some generous friends of Mr. Clay have paid
tirty thousand dollars of late, towards relieving
lat gentleman from his pecuniary embarrassments,
rhich are represented by the press as being suthen
t to threaten him with bankruptcy. This would
e an awful calamity, now that the method of paytg
honest debte, fastened by himaelf on the coun y
for a time, is no longer the law of the land. If
le republican party had not succeeded in oblitaratig
that stain from our statute books, Mr. Clay's
onerous menus wouiu nui iwt? uwii iureou ui
raw ao heavily on their purees to relieve their idol,
lie law might have released hint, and thrown the
>aa upon honest and industrious men, who gave hie
rienda the use of their property upon the faith of
is guaranty. Federalism ia a wonder-working
machine. It not only endeavors to gain its objeet
f concentrating all power existing under the conlitution,
in every branch of the genital end Stata
overnmenta, in the hands of few wire-pullers, .
rho, according to the theory of the elder Adams, Ire
supposed to be supernaturally "qualified to govrn."
but, to hasten the time when the people of the
Jmted States shall have ao far advanced (M as freely
o barter the principles and practice of Mr. Jeffiralon
for its Utopia, it does not hesitate to aim a blow
it the inviolability of private contracts?at what we
nay almost term the keystone of the arch supportng
the constitution end securing to individual cittern
the full and free enjoy mentor ell worth living for
inder our iawa. While it thus marshes boldly up to
he work of destroying the beet features of our govrntnent,
ithas the unblushing effrontery to style itself
onservative. And this it does, too, while industriiusly
laboring to create an impression that the repubican
party are bent on pulling down the bulwarks
>f the constitution; which, but for their patriotic
xertions, would long since have been a mere noes
f wax, to be moulded to-day to suit the purposes
f those who covet political politioal power as a
tepping-atone to wealth; and to-morrow, by thoeu
rho long for wealth, but aa a mesne of acquiring
inconstitutional political power.
It strikes us tliet these friends of Mr. Clay ana
ither generous, kind-hearted souls, blessed with a
uperabundance of this world's goodn, or interested
lersons, who peroeive the necessity of sustaining
lim in his present position, lest a "bunt up" on his
art might strike his deluded followers as a blow up
if his peculiar system, on which they depend for
he privilege of making the labor of the country
>ay two dollars into their pockets, for every dollar
t is called on to contribute to sustain the general
overnment.
OFFICIAL.
APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT.
Hearer Ckafin Deputy Postmaster, Springfield,
ifaas., vice Gtalen Ames removed.
NAVY DEPARTMENT.?Own*., kc.
Mat 6.
First Assistant Engineer, detached from steamer
'oinsett, end waiting orders.
Mat 1.
Lieutenant Henry Morris, detached from rsndsxoua,
New York, and waiting orders.
Lieutenant Theodorue Bailey, to rendezvous, New
fork, oil 15th June.
Joseph S. Hubbard, appointed Pioftseor of Matitmaticj,
and to Hydrographies] Office.
CHARLES B. FOWLER, importer, Worn on
u seventh street, opposite the National, Intel lien
err office, is now opening afresh supply off*
oods, consisting, in part, of?
White and gold-band China dinner sets
Casseroles, compoliera, fruit baskets, and most
other kinds or dishes required to make laigw
and complete dinner seta, which ara sold aa
they am wanted
Rich China tea seta, plain white do.
Beautiful coffee and tea cups and sauoera, by the
dozen or singly. plain whita do.
Vases, allumet holders, cologne stand, Ac.
Flowing blue, white granite, end other Liverpool
dinner eeta and detached pieces
Toilet aeta and tea warea, Ac.
Rich decanters, various colors
Wine and champagne glasses, hock do. goblets
Cut and plain glaaa bowls and dishes, Ac.
Solar lamps, for lard or oil, girandoles, hall Ian
Elegant waiter*, plated baalreta, castor*
Britannia coffee and tea aata, looking glasses, Ac
Fnc ivory balance knives and forks, in aata of 61
piece*, pnd by the dozen; aUo, an inferior article
and silver-plated fork*
In atore, a large assortment of ware suitable for*
ommnn purpooea, which will be sold at reasonable
ricee, wholesale or retail.
May 7?9aw4w
RUMMER MEDICAL LECTURES.?Dr.
5 HOWARD'S earn mar course of lecturaa on
batetries, and the Diaeaae# of Woman and Chiiren,
will commence on the aeoond Monday even)fr
in May, and oontmua four month*.
Tor liekeia, apply to
P. HOWARD, M. D.,
May 7-?4teodif Comer of Pand 11th at.
3LUE LAWS OP CONNECTICUT.?One
small volume' price 19 cents.
May 7 P. TAYLOR.
TOOK BINDERS' LEATHER?French^adf
J and Turkey Morocco, of the moat rick and
illiant fancy colors, more beautiful poaaibly than
iv that has before been aeen in Washington.
A small supply this day opened, imported direct
.m Paris, by P.TAYLOR.
May 6

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