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The daily union. (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, January 09, 1847, Image 1

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<? "'in J_ ~ CfTY OF WASIII.NGTOy SATI RDAI NIGHT. JA.NTARY 9, 1?47. "" ' "|
i R1DAY, JANUARY 8,1847,
iioisk of h kpltede nt ati v k h.
[coxtixied from the "union" of tester day.]
Jlr. TIBBATTS then obtained ihe floor, ami thusadjiYjjtd
the committee: Unsaid that from the complex
character which the delate had assumed, he hardly expected
to he able to take (Kirt iu it now in a manner creditable
or satisfactory tii himself or to the subjects at issue.
Indeed the one hour rule precluded the possibility of con,ideriu|(
almost an\ subject in a manner deserving attenj,on.
lie had listened with a great deal of attention to
many of the speeches which had been delivered during
the present session of Congress, and some of them he
bod regarded as exhibiting very had taste on both sides of
the House, and were hardly proper to lie delivered in the
representative assembly of a great nation. He had also
witnessed with great regret the introduction of the question
of slavery, whieli was entirely out of place in the
discutsion ol a hill like that now before the House, and
(eculiarlv improper at that time. It was however necesnary
tun! he should allude to some of the remarks of
the gentleman from Now York, [Mr. crovku,} who had
accused the members from the slave States with having
abandoned the compromise made on the Missouri question
on some vote given on an Oregon bill. If the gentleman
from New Vork hail understood the facts in relation to that
matter,an 1 the feelings of the representatives from the
south on that floor, he would have seen that his charge was
an unjust one; and was a most insidious attempt to deceive
the |ieople of the north. The fact that certain members
irum the south on that occasion voted for the amendment
proposed, was no evidence that the members on that floor
irum the south were opposed to, or intended to abandon
the Missouri compromise. On the contrary, every act in
that Congress on the part of the members from the south,
when thai question came mi !er consideration, showed
that they stood tip by the compromise; and for the purIHise
of disabusing* the public mind on that subject he
would refer to one or two facts connected with the udmtsbion
of Texas. There w ere three propositions introduced
DV memnerrs irum m.ivc otuiei* un uiwi suijjrci?uxit: i#> m?
colleague on the left?one by the gentleman from Tennessee,
[Mr. M. Brown,] and one by himself. In all
these propositions this compromise was looked to particularly,
and especially provided for. In the proposition
ottered by himself, there was this provision:
"Sec. 2. Ami be it further (runted. That in nil that portion
of the territory win.'It lies north of thirty-six d.-Rret-s and
iliirtv minute- nortlt latitude, slavery and involuntary servitude
(otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereat
the parties Mailt tin v.* been duly convicted) shall he, and
u hereby, forever prohibited."
In the proposition of the gentleman from Tennessee
there was this provision: " And Fitch States as may be
iormetl out of tfiut portion of said territory lying south of
thirty-si \ degrees thirty minutes north 1 utitude, common-1
ly known as the Missouri coinprontise line, shall be admitted
into the I'nion, with or without slavery, as the
people of each Stale asking admission, may desireand
the same provision was contained in the proposition offered
l>\ his colleague, which finally passed the House,
and to ihat all the southern members, who voted in favor
of the annexation, gave their assent, lie knew very
well that the Missouri compromise provided only for the
territory ceded by France, but gentlemen must abide by !
the spirit of the compromise. As was remarked by the j
gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] to-day, the j
north, in agreeing to tlie compromise, yielded nothing,;
because it was the clear right ol the people of the southern i
States to settle any part of the territory of the country j
acquired by the common blood and treasure. It was
then a yielding of a clear and constitutional right on the
}?rt of "the sourthern States, and there was no concession
on the part of the north. He entirely denied the allegation
of the gentleman from New Vork, that the insertion
of a proviso, that slavery was to he prohibited, was no
interference with the rights of the south. It was n direct
interference with their constitutional right to share
equally with their northern brethren in any territory
that might he acquired by the government, by the common
Mood and treasure, as he had already said,"of all parties.
The charge that southern members on that floor desired
to evade the compromise, was most unjust. Not one, so |
tar as he knew, had (Iip slightest inclination to do so. i
It were not, he siipi>osed, at all necessary for him to rrjh?1 j
the charge of subserviency to thp Executive, as that was
one not likely to be urged against him, trorn the fact that
lie whs well known to have, on more than one occasion.
followed the dictates of his own judgment in op-1
position to the declared will of the Executive. His jh>- '
si lion on the river and harbor bill would, he apprehended, |
relieve him of the necessity of vindicating his indepen- |
dence of anything like a servile adherence to the Execu- j
tive. That position, he would take occasion to say, he i
intended to maintain. He designed to press the claims of I
the western people, until pressing them wits found to be i
altogether in vain. Again, in relation to the tax upon!
lea anil cotlee, he had opposed the recommendation of the '
Secretary of the Treasury. Whether he-had also, in i
that, opposed the wishes of the Executive, he did not
know, as the views of the Executive on the subject had '
not been proniulgeJ. Hut if the Executive ha 1 recotn- I
mended that tax.it would not have altered his (Mr. T.'s) I
opinion on the subject ; because he regarded such a tax !
as unjust. It was a tax on the laboring classes. It ini- j
posed a burden on the poor. And the gentleman from
tworgiu should have paused before he passed such a
rweeping censure on the bulk of his own party, us to
twit that side of the House for not imposing such a lax. j
Then, again, as to the appointment of a lieutenant gene- j
ral, it was not necessary that he sould say much, as ho j
supposed the question was settled.
Mr. JACOB THOMPSON was here understood to say j (
that the honorable gentleman was mistaken in supposing ,
that question to he settled.
Mr. T1BBATTS would ask the gentleman the reason j
tor his entertaining the opinion that such an officer was
necessary. J
Mr. '1HOMPSON would gladly do so, if the gentleman
)ie!ded the floor.
Mr. TIBBATTS feared that the gentleman would occupy
too much time in the effort. He (Mr. T.) saw no
reason for the appointment of a lieutenant general, ex- .
cept that the relationship between (fen. Scott and Gen. j
Taylor might he of such a delicate nature as to require (
-ome interposition. If so, why was Gen. Scott sent to Mexico
at all? Was Gen. Taylor incompetent to conduct the
war? Why, he had won every battle in which he
had engaged! Were they now to regard the victories
hi Texas and at Monterey as affording no evidence of 1
generalship: He (Mr. T.) then proceeded to say that, in I'
hit judgment, the introduction of the question of slavery ' J
rendered it neeessarv to terminate the war at once. To
that he meant to conn; presently; and, if that were the
policy, a lieutenant general would be rendered wholly
unnecessary. Notwithstanding nil the vague assertions
and loud clamor of the opposition, facts showed indisputably
that the charge against the Executive with recard
to the commencement of the war, was entirely
groundless. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr.
H'i.nthrop] had said that Congress alone had the power
to declare war. Well, where was the man that ever
contended that that power rested in any other quaricr
I Hud the President ever controverted that doctrine?
So far as there had heen a declaration of
war, had it not been innde by Congress? Hut would
the gentleman from Massachusetts produce any authority
from Mr. Madison, or ant other mini, whig or
democrat, to the effect that the President ha I not the
power to carry on a defensive war when ih? territory of
the country was invade I? There was the question
There the President had acted clearly in accordance with
his constitutional power and right. When Texas was
about to tie invaled, he did Ins duty in de'ending the
boundary as claimed by her. What right had he then
to say to Texas, "Defend your boundary ?" Congress
had reserved to itself the right to settle the question of
i'oundarv, and if the President, as its executive otticer,
had not defended the line as claimed bv Texas he would
have heen shamefully recreant to his duty. Could any
man deceive the American people into the beliel that the
Mexicans had collected tficir forces and munitions of
war at Matamoros, for the mere purpose of inva ling and
occupying the territory between the Nueces and the Kio
' ramie ' No. It was quite clear that the design of Me\- |
iro was to reconquer the territory to the Sabine. It'
*as, then, a defensive war; and the question, "W ho
"imuicnced the xvarwas not to he addressed to the
Wwiient of theCnitr 1 Slates Congress was to answer
dial question. It the war was unjust, let not gentlemen
imagine ihat they could clear their skirts of the response
hility. So long as Congress gave supplies the President
v*? bound to go on in the prosecution of the war, conquering
every hamlet, village, town, and citv, in Mexico
-aye, even every hut, till Mewco were compelled to sue
'or peace. He was bound to go on?
?? "even unlit
The g*iej of mercy shall be ?U shut up.
Aii'l i||t. rt '.bed soldier, rough and lisrd of heart,
Inlilieny of bloody liind, shall nuig'.* '
? itH eiinwicitce xvide in bell: mowing like g iss t
their fresh, fair virgins, and flowering infants." |
If evea to those awful lengths the war proceeded, th
blood was on their hands, not on the hands of the I'res
dent. How long, then, was the war to continue f Hoi
long did gentlemen on that floor intend to order the Prei
ident to prosecute the war If it was to go on, he (M
T.) was in favor of prosecuting it with the utmost vigo
But how was it to be terminated That was a questio
of great and obvious importance. It was the questio
which lie had presented to the House in the resolutio
which he had the honor to offer the other day. As t
abandoning the country, he looked upon that as entirel
out of the question. He would he opposed to any tei
ruination of the war that would not secure to their citi
/ens the |>ayinent of their indemnities and indemnifies
tion foi* the expense of the war. They were then t
make war in one or other of the two modes, either bv in
vading Mexico by Vera Cruz and marching to the hall
of the Monte/uinos, or by retaining possession of win
the> had already acquired by garrisoning it with thei
troops. In either case men were needed, and they coul
not expect to do it with a handful of men. Nine or te
regiments of infantry and dragoons of the regular serviei
and the same number of volupteer regiments, could nc
do it. The people of Mexico were not to be suppose
void of patriotism. They were eight millions of peopl
fighting tor their country?their homes?their religioi
and liliertics, and they would resist to the last gasp. A
adequate force was therefore needed. As to the descrip
tion of force, he (Mr. T.) was willing to coincide wit
the President. On him was the re-qionsibility undo
Congress of prosecuting the war, and it was but just tha
he should have the sort of materials which he liimsel
desired. On this point it would be, therefore, seen tha
he differed with some of his friends on that side of th
House, who wished the troops to be all volunteers, an
who desired to take out of the hands of the President th
appointment of the officers?some fifty in all. Well, h
(Mr. T.) was not afraid to entrust in the hands of th
President of the United States the appointment of sorn
fifty officers of the army. And, indeed, he was not pre
jiared altogether to see such a proposition coming fron
that side of the House. It seemed to imply a want o
faith in the President which he (Mr. T.) did not suspee
in such a quarter. If it was intended to garrison th
country, the regular soldier was the best adapted for th
service. The volunteer would not like to he cooped u
in a garrison. He was thus led again to speak of th
character and object of the war. It was begun as a de
tensive war against an attempted invasion of the countr)
So far as the repulsion of that invasion was concerned
the end of the war had been accomplished. Thev ha
ilrivpti flip Mpvimn t'nrces frnm nnmvhiripa tip ,fi
not suppose that now a single Mexican soldier could b
found within two hundred miles of the American force
in Mexico. Hut what other objects were there? The in
demnification of American citizens for Mexican outrages
so fur as that indemnification could he procured, as wel
as for the expense of the war, so unjustly brought upoi
then) by Mexico. Did they expect by a further invasioi
of Mexico to compel her to make peace ? They ha
seized upon her territories already. Tnev had enough ti
indemnify them. They had the California's, New Mexico
Chihuahua, and Tamaulipas. They had abundant of tha
territory in their possession now to indemnify them. Hi
held war to be entirely un justifiable, except as an act o
necessity. The war was not necessary to defend our terri
tory. There was no danger of further invasion, nor wa
their any necessity for seizing ii|K?n more territory, as in
demnification for their citizens who had been plundered
on the country which had been put to the expenses of th
war. Why not then stand as tliev were? Why no
stop the effusion of blood, by fortifying the possession
already acquired, ami declaring to Mexico, " Wehav
now expelled you from our territory, we have seized upoi
your territory, enough to indemnify usfor the expenses o
the war w liich you have thrust upon us, and now we ar
ready to treat with you for an honorable peace. We an
ready to surrender this territory if you will give us se
curity for the indemnification of our citizens and govern
ment, and if you do not, we are prepared to hold the ter
ritor\, until yon make a treaty ot peace. We will block
ade your ports." If that course were taken, these addi
tional regiments were necessary. He was not one o
those willing to prosecute the war for the acquisition of ter
Ivi.. ,w?r ,1.1 I,,. t.?l;?v? Ili it llwrp was n mnnl
her on his side ol' the House wilting to do so. He dii
not speak of the President, because, as he had a 1 read
rcmnrked, he Was entirely under their orders, and wa
obliged to prosecute the war'under their direction. 11
(Mr. T.) would not take one foot of Mexico without payin;
a fair equivalent. Nor was it desirable that they shouli
possess any of that territory in view of the slave ques
tion, which gentlemen were now raising up in thn
House, lie knew very well that there was not a south
em member who would violate the Missouri compromise
in order to acquire territory* ami he would lie ver
much surprised if the people of the north?if an;
one of them, would lie willing to violate thn
compromise for the sake of ucquirintr additiona
territory. If the question of slavery were to he insep
arably bound up with that of the acquisition of terri'tor;
it would not lie desirable to have anv more territory
U|ion the subject of boundary, it would be desirable I'd
them to tlx it by adopting tile ureal mountain barrier. Hi
did not think that the Rio Grande was a projier boundarv o
a nation, hut he would not lake a foot of land beyond i
without just comjienHation. Hut if the slave Slates wen
to be surrounded by a cordon of free States?if the soutl
were to be told tiiat in acquiring territory for which thei
blood was to be spilled and their treasure expended, the;
were realizing benefits in which they were to have ni
share. He was opposed'to carrying oil the war on an;
sitch terms. Where, he Hsked,Was the justice in evclu
ding the south from territory for which they were now
lighting shoulder to shoulder with their northern breth
ren, and to w hich it was not probable that any inai
would ever take slaves. If they were to be surrounilet
by a wall, shutting out every avenue, of escape, then, ht
for one said, the sooner their armies retired, the better
He had thus a Iverled in a very desultory manner to thesi
|ioints, an I if he wrote out bis speerh ncconling to tin
ustoin of many there, though he did not know that lib
remarks were worthy of that trouble, he might go iht<
these various questions at length, lie hail one word t<
say before he sat down, to the gentleman from Georgia
who was so anxious to tax tea nod coffee. He (Mr. T.
was not afraid to tax the people of this country upon an;
just principle, hut he regarded a tax upon tea and cotfc*
a* unjust, lie would make a proposition and ask th<
Clerk to read it?expressive of his view of the best policy
with regard to taxation at this time. The Clerk thei
rea l the following amendment to the hill, which he proposed
lo ofFer when it should he in order:
".Ih'I he it further Huietnl, That front and after the pnssngt
if tins net. mill until the conclusion of tin* war witn Mexi
o, there shall he*levied, collected, and paid, on nil goods
litres, ami merchandise subject to tit pnyinent of dntieiy
lji<- act entitlnd 'An act reducing the duly on imports,
irid fur other purposes,' approved 1 nly 30:ht H Ifl, 11 dut)
I tiv-* p *rc 'ntuni nil valoreni, in arldifio i to the duties Im
oseil by said net."
That would bring in five millions; and if that were not
mough. let them tax the vices of the country. The
Manufacture and sale of liquors by the tarill of lMfl war
irotected one hundred |ter cent. Instead of putting that
urge amount of protection into lite pockets of the mant
fact ii re is and retailers. Let them past a direct tax upon
hi'se spiritous and vinous liquors, and not tax tea and
toffee?the labor, in fact, of the poor women an 1 chilIrrn
of the country. Let them tax the pleasure-carriager
tnd their gold and silver plate. [A voice: "That'sdenigogueism."']
Gentlemen said that that was demagogiiesin.
Well, what was it to tax ihe jtoor an I let fhe rich
,/s (eon > l(o Jiurlaimarl nil mnr?li fli ii..- ni 11 eIT!ZVTO*_rIIH
8(11. It wan well known that it wan his (Mr. TV?*) partow
lo retire into private life at the close of tlie present
dongress. and he saw nothing to change hi* determinaion.
What ground, then, tvan there for such a charge
igainst hnn ! if that tax which he ha ! pro(>ose 1 wan not
nilficient, an 1 llie chancellor of the oxcnequ ?r, [Mr. Mci.tv.J
near him, could not get money enough, whv, then,
el tin-in tax the money-lenders themselves. [A laugh.]
Let them pay the money to carry on the war. Those
ivere his sentiments.
Mr. I.KiON then said: I ri*:\ Mr. Chairman, not
*o much with an intention to discuss the merits of the hill
tow under consideration, ns to make a few rem irks in
relation to the war now existing between this country anil
ihe military government of Mexico. Hy so doing, while
I nifty not hope to change the deliberate action conteinjilate
l to la* taken by others, I yet do hone to vindicate
lie vote-1 have g, veil, un l which 1 may hereafter give,
i|Min hills to limnsli man and means with which to car's
on the war into which the I nited States have been
orcel hy Mexico. It this war is, s<i far as the United
states are concerned, just, right, and proper, my vote
night to be given for all well-digMte I and jn licious hills
hat provide for con I acting it to a spee Iv mid satisfactory
tonclusion. If, on the contrary, the war is not just?i?
lot right nor proper, my vote ought to he given for measires
that would at once terminate hostilities, and make
imple reparation ton wronged and injured neighbor; fot
o no right, nn I to avoid wrong, is as much the duty of
States ns of individuals. I have found it difficult.'Mr
Jhnirman, to obtain mv own consent to trespass upon the
ime and conrles\ of the House. But, sir, believing it tc
>e due to myself, as well ns to those who have honorci
le me with a seat upon thin floor, to state the facts which is*i
i- have influenced my judgment, and to state them here. Not
i? where alone they am be officially controverted, it erro- 5
i- neous, I shall proceed, with an unaffected distrust of my and
r. ability to do justice to the subject, to discharge what I of tl
r. have conceived to be my duty, in as brief a manner as five
n possible consistent with the importance of the subjects to wai
n be investigated. I was not surprised to hear at thie ope- rein
n ning of this session severe criticisms upon the princi- peu>
o pies and measures of the President's message, and upon of !
y the financial |iolicy of the |iresent administration. For umi
such criticism events had prepared me, the s|ieech of a 01
i- distinguished member of Congress at the other end of the lige
i- C'anitol,in whieh tlieexpens?s(>foiirgovcrnment,civilaiid Am
o military, were estimated at the enormous sum of half a brer
- million a day, the eloquent predictions so often made up- the
s on this floor of the pecuniary disasters and commercial ply
it revulsions that would surely befsil this country and par- aim
ir alyze its energies, till having their origin and cause in the 7'
d revenue measures adopted by Congress during its last sue,
n session, had led me to suppose that a rigid and severe ex- lara
', animation into subjects ot this character would at an rep<
it early day, occupy the attention of this body. Such a pp.
d course of debate could not have occasioned either sur- St
e prise or regret on the part of the friends of the uiiminis- had
n tnition here or elsewhere. A severe scrutiny is rather to cum
n be courted than shunned by all honest governments, and itic>
r- es|ieciully when a new financial era had commencetf, and nwi
h its workings, present and prospective, were just causes of fore
r anxiety, fair subjects of inquiry-, of discussion, and of day
,t difference of opinion. But, sir, t must he jiermitted to troo
f express my surprise at the tone and spirit which lias into
t characterized the debates of this House upon the Mexi- my,
e can war, and more es|ieciallv the declaration of a mem- The
d her from Massachusetts, [Mr. Hudson,] that "if tiny of mai
e our revolutionary patriots were upon this floor; if they i't
e stood here representing any portion of the people north, ture
e or south, nnu my friend over the way, the chairman of of 1
e the Committee oil Military Affairs, should come forward, ranj.
- in the name of the President, and ask for an increase of war
a the army, or a new levy of volunteers to prosecute such a ranj
f war as this, any one of them would say to him as the Poii
t stern old Roman said to the emissary of "Cesar," Mee
"Bid hiin disband his legions,' A-e. man
? This language, sir, so far as 1 am informed, has met with Wa
p no favor.ihle response from any member of this House, Cap
e or from anv portion of the country. Persons there may in si
- be who subscribe to the opinion and approve the senti- on
'. timcnt, but with such 1 have not met. On the contrary, first
I, 1 believe the great body of the people of this country rc- drav
d pudiate both. To -ay, sir, that the old revolutionary at'te
d juitriots, if raised from the dead and sent by their coun- the
e trvmen to this hall, if called unon hv the President of the Pali
s United States to Supply him with an increased force to It
- prosecute the war against Mexico to a happy conclusion, agai
i, would withhold supplies; would bid him disband the tS-tf
I army until they could discuss the justice and propriety of gres
it the war?to suppose that such men as Washington, T
n and Greene, and Putnam, and Marion, and Sumpter, and yom
I Howard, and the thousands of gallant and chivalrous he- com
> roes that grace our revolutionary annals, would be found first
i, at a time like this, embarrassing the military arm of that grot
t country for which they perilled "their lives, their for- that
i> tunes, and their sacred honor," is to do the most flagrant com
f injustice to the memory of the dead, and to trifle with issir
our most sacred and patriotic recollections, (.'an any one mad
believe, sir, that if any of those illustrious men were now Cap
alive, and in this hall, they would either speak or vote Befr
in favor of withholding supplies of either men or money, the
"to prosecute such a war as this," or that they would ad- aftei
vise the government to halt in their (Hisitiou, and recall ties;
our army ? On the contrary, they would both speak and poin
vote in favor of liberally and promptly giving both ; and Unit
instead of embarrassing the military operations of the the <
government, they would rather seek soldiers' graves amid tne |
the rhapparals and mour^iin fastnesses of Mexico. Sir, 1 y, t
whilst I greatly admire that courage which boldly holds I'erri
every administration of our government to a just and se- sion
vere responsibility for till its acts, 1 believe that in a time his i
like this, when oiir strength must consist in united coun- "J
sels and vigorous action, I cannot too strongly reprobate from
that whole class of opinions of which the declaration of '">-i
the gentleman from Massachusetts is a specimen. They u'ni'
arc based uihui the sands of party, not on the rock of pa- II<
triotism. Their aim tends rather to the success of a pre- orde
vailing faction than the elevation of a commonwealth. I'oil
They look for the overthrow of an administration, in- for a
stead of the promotion of the honor and glory of a repub- "ties
lican people. Before entering, as I propose to do, upon a was
brief historical analysis of the relations heretofore and had
d now existing between the United States and Mexico, I fans
- feel it incumbent on mc to say that, after having listened lore
t with some attention to most of the speeehes that have Kio 1
- been delivered on both sides of this hall, and read or onlc
' glanced at the contents of the documents and reports tory
y made to the House upon the subject of the war with that
y Mexico, from its very commencement, 1 must sav, with pus
i all sincerity, that if this war is unjust, wrong, wicVed, or Texi
I unnrovoked. I have failed utterly and most unacconnta- orde
My to find the evidence of the fact. On the contrary, I I com
y do firmly and most honestly believe our cause is just, imtl i havi
. our country in the right; and before I take my seat, ijGnu
r will endeavor to demonstrate, to the wMisfaction'of even my 1
<* gentleman who shall pay me the compliment of an ntten- Tayl
I tive listenimr, that my opinions have not hern formed Mar
t without u considerate reference to the facts of the case, ordc
e as shown by the diplomatic records of our government, seve
i Sir, as one of the representatives of Maryland upon this sidci
r floor, when I reflect upon the achievements of nor sons thcrr
f upon the battle-lields of Mexico, I am free to admit that attic
i nothing could he more painful to me than to lie made to scry
f believe, by some new, strange, and unexpected revela- notic
lions, that our country was in the wrong?that the brave I new
t and accomphshe.l Ringgold?the intrepid and impetuous Mat;
- Watson?the chivalric kidgely, the Murat of the army? ! been
i the young, hut heroic Thomas, and many others, less orde
1 prominent, but not less brave, had generously of- 121th
fere.1 up their lives, not to advance the honor lev
and glory, not to promote the interests, or to j at Al
per|>etuate the power of their country, but to advance the Gen.
1 i interests of a faction, or to render successful an intrigue or a knot
? speculation. It it were true "that our country was in the the!
' wrong." I would hold him mine enemy who would thus sir, I
? teach me; who would not only thus teach me, but teach vers;
, the widows and orphans of the gallant slain, that they war,
) were the widows and orphans not of heroes to he honor- by ll
r' e.l while time endures, but the deluded victims of an aJ- auth
' ministration devoid alike of honor and of remorse. No, that
i sir; nothing but evidence the most conclusive should now, first
- ! at this late day, be permitted to so change my opinions a* all r<
i to render their services less valuable. Never will any were
true son of hers allow the bright lustre of her jewels to be, upon
by their neglect or action, less clear, hut will labor to pre- of th
, serve thein ils fresh, as uniimmel an J sparkling as the yoke
. "valley of diamonds." J thank God, sir, that thus far there is a
is neitfierspoi nor blemish to tnar her beautiful and time- oluti
\ honored escutcheon. She has done her whole duty, but ing r
. is not wearied. Her losses have been greater than those A w
' sustained by any other State: but she complains not. to s
' True, the knell of her lost ones upon the bloody banks of Pros
the Rio Grande has reached her ear, and fallen heavily bly
t upon her heart, hut there remains to Iter other gallant wror
spirits, lired bv a love of country and filled with a noble :lt,d i
i spirit of emulation, ready and burning to take the places beim
[ of those who fell. Call upon them, sir, thev are anxious ditfei
for service ; the terrors of the chapparal and of atone for.
tresses shall not alarm, nor shall tlie horrors of the inoun- j "ion.
! tain pass, or of the scorching deserts of California, appal j hope
them. Rut, sir, to proe.ee I: How iiid it ?!>\ W
i whose fault was it that the United States are now at war j V'"1
with Mexico.' Was it the fault (if fault it is)of the IJni- 's>tn"'
ted States .' Mexico declared war against the United ; <'omi
States, and commenced war against the U States, before Too;
our government declared war. and before it commenced , tor.n
hostilities The lirst blow was bv the republic oi
Mexico. Mexicu declared war against the United States ; clare
several weeks before the United Slates declared^ war ( best
i against Mexico. .Mexico declared war against the United | oie c
State* before her own troops commenced actual nostiii-i""""
tics, utile** the murdering of Col. Crow and Lieut. Porter n 11:1
may be so considered ; whereas the United States <li:l riot 1 c?""
| declare war until after Mexico laid commenced regulai i rn:,J"
: hostilities. But, Mr. Chairman, as in this matter facts art
better than assertions, nnd a* dates ha\e become irnpor-j *l,ve
I.int to a correct understanding of this subject, I will cite, i the i
from the public documcntsof ourcountry, certain facts and ! with
dates, which to m> min i, arc entirely determinative oi j after
the i|Ucstion, an to the responsibility of this war. Ami I with
invite any gentleman to correct me if I make an error, aw j sane
I aim to be strictly and exactly correct: for the lam ot ! r,lir
the dead and the honor of the living nr: alike involved i ordet
in the inquiries 1 have pursued, and the results which 'out
I am about to state. To proceed w ith the order of events ?' 'v
1st. The iM.'xicHn Miaister of Uoreign Affairs, on tii" ir"t
Ith of October, I * l.*?, agreed to "receive an envoy from PJ"PV!
the United Stales, intrust" j with full power* to a ljust nil Mini
the on-stions in dispute between the two governments." j l<'|"
?f.Src II) ite Dorumrnt 1D?*>, u.'l, I?< sewmu, i.'lh Con ' '
i ff/eu. ! ''
3d. On thr* loth of November, 1*15, Mr. John S'idell
was commissioned as such envoy, and arrive.] at Vera Mt.u,
Cruz on the 30th of the same month.?[S* mihi Docu- ?,
went, p. 3. . j tijiis
3.1. "On the 31st of December, IMS," Mexico "refused <lire,
to accredit Mr. SliJell upon the most frivolous pretexts." etvc
> ?[Stt .^ime Doc., p.'i. enlii
1 4th. "On the 13th of January, 1S40, instructions were die s
icd to Gen. Taylor to occupy the left bank of the 1
:'te.saint Doc. p. 4.
th. "The army moved on the nth of March, 18
on the 28 th of that month, arrived on the left ba
he Del Norte, opposite to Matamoroe"?"under pc
instructions to abstain from all aggressive ucts
d? Mexico, or Mexican citizens ; and to regard I
tions between that republic and the United States
unless she should declare war, or commit a
inutility indicative of a state of war."?[.Ste House D
nt toti, p. 4,1st session '"d/A Congress.
th. "The Mexican forces at Matamoros assumed a b
rent attitude, and, on the 12th of April, 1840, Gene
pudia, then in command, nrtified General Tayloi
?k tip his camp within 21 hours, and to retire beyc
Nueces river; and, in the event of his failure to co
with these demands, announced that arms, and ar
ie, must decide the question."?[8ft same Doc. p. 1.
:h. On the 23d of April, 1810, President Puredes
1 ut the national palace, in Mexico, the Mexican d<
tion of \vat icrainst the United States.?[.Sec Hot
>rt of the Committer, on Foreign Affairs, No. 7 18
Quit .70, vol. 1, 18' j.V-'6.
:h. On the 24th day of April, 1840, "Gen. Arista, w
succeeded to the command of the Mexican forci
mufticated to Gen. Ta\ lor that he considered host
i*tt>mmeoced, and should prosecute them."?[-1
iW^Doe.'tini, p. i.] Up to this dale the Americ
es had committed no hostile act. Yet, on that sai
that that notice was given, a large body of Mcxic
ips, which hail previously crossed over the Rio Gran
Texas, attacked a detachment of Gen Taylor's ;
consisting of 62 dragoons, commanded by CapU
irnton, killed and wounded 16, and captured the i
ndcr.?[See House Doc. 106, pp. land').
h. Two or four days after tne attack upon, and ca
of Captain Thorton's command, to wit: on the 28
Vpril, 1816, Captain Walker, and twenty-four Tex
;ers, killed the first Mexicans that were slain in tl
. On that day, Captain Walker and the twenty-fo
;ers were attacked uv thechanparal, on their way frc
tt Isabel to the camp of General Taylor, by 1.5
cicans, the result of which was, that, after "killi
iv Mexicans, and losing six of his own men, Capta
Iker and the remainder of his slender force escape
tain Walker's party slew the first Mexicans, and th
elf-defence. In proof of this, see report of Commit!
Foreign Affairs, No. 752, House of Representative
session, 20th Congress. Mexican blood was ne
vn nt Palo Alto, May 8, 1846, by the America!
r the Mexicans began to cannonade General Taylc
bleeding was continued the-next day at Resaca de
ith The President recommended a declaration of w
net Mexico in a message to Congress, dated May 1
!; and war was accordingly declared by the Co
s of the United States to exist by the act of Mexic
he above are the leading facts. They establish I
ilthe power of successful controversy, that Mexi
mitted the first acts of hostility, that Mexico struck t
blow, ami that that Mow was struck upon A merit
mil: the documents also prove most conclusive
Mexico declared war before hostilities had be<
menced by either party?the Mexican declaration w
ed 011 the 23d of April, 18 lo, and the attack was n
e upon the detachment of the American army, and
tain Thornton, until the '21th of the same monl
ire leaving this branch of my subject, I wish to sti
fact, Mr. Chairman, that the Mexican uuthoritii
agreeing to receive an envoy to adjust all diffict
, anil after refusing to receive such envoy when a
ted, deliberately resolved on levying war upon t
ed States; and that resolution was formed prior
"ommission of any hostile act by either party. L
irove this very important fact so plainly and so cle;
hat no man shall be able to elude its force. By t
ng to page 5ft of Mouse Report, No. 75'2, tirst sc
'2'Jtli Congress. [ learn that President Paredes
nanifesto of April 23, to the Mexican nation, says:
linvc * 'in orders to the general-in-chlef on-tlie nortlu:
dor to net in hostility against the iiruiy which is
ility against us?lo oppose war to the enemy whi
upon us.'*
nw did General (Arista act when he received the
rs of the Mexican President ? Why, sir. Preside
c tells us, that on the 24th of April, General Arista i
ted General Taylor that " no considered host
commenced, and should prosecute them!" Tl;
before a blow hal been struck; before a li
lreeri lost bv either party; before the Amc
< had crossed the Rio Grande into Mexico; and 1
it was known that the Mexicans had crossed t
Grande into Texas. And that same day. Gen. Aris
red the attack upon Cant. Thornton within the ler
of Texas. Now, sir, f am one of those who belie
Paredes, having reached power through vain-trio
promises of expelling the North Americans i're
us, :tr?:i driving mum across tne cwmne, issued r
ra ty Ampudia anil Arista to invade Texas, and
mence hostilities upon the United States, prior to 1
ng heard of Gen. Taylor's arrival noon the II
ide. If ever those orders see the liirlit they will,
tumble opinion, justify this supposition. For Ge
lor only reached the Rio Grande on the 2'dh
ch. Gen. Arista evidently received from Paredes h
rs to cross the river, nnd to attack the America
nil days before he notified Gen. Taylor that "he co
ed hostilities commenced, and should prosecu
ifor he had crossed and stationed his troops, ai
ked Thornton, at the very time his courier w
ing his notification upon Gen. Taylor. Now, t!
e wassent to (den. Taylor on the 21th April?tl
s of Gen. Taylor's arrival opposite to the town
amoroson the 28th of Marcn, could scarcely ha
conveyed to Mexico, been deliberated upon, ai
rs sent back to Matamoros several days before tl
of April! No, sir, no. Those orders to march in
isanu levy war, in all human probability, were issui
lexico sometime before the ne\ys of the arrival i
Taylor upon the western confines of Texas w,
,vn in that city. I have no doubt that time will atte
ruth of what is now hut supposition. And no\
et me inquire, after having; proved beyond contr
y that even if the United States hud conimenced th
, they were provoked thereto, and justified therei
ie ru le rejection of an envoy whom the Mexic;
orities liad promised to receive; after having provi
the war was first proclaimed, and actual hostility
commenced by Mexico, and that, too, according
sasonable probability before the Mexican authoriti
) officially informed of the arrival of Gen. Tayh
i the north bank of the Rio Grande, what becoini
ose charges that this war was commenced, or pre
d, or designedly brought on by the President?that th
President's war?a war of such a character, that re
onary patriots would demand an immediate disban
>f our armies if they were alive and in Coagresf
;ir for the acquisition of territory, an aggressive w;
observe slave interests? The charge against tl
ident, atid-against Congress, is evidently and palp
unjust?oui country, thank God, is not "in tl
ig, but our cause Is just, our conduct defcnsibl
uur honor unsullied. And, sir, I am most happy
r able to say to you, that in Maryland there is i
ence of opinion as to the propriety of vigorous
. cutin; this war to an honorable and early conch
In this, at least, all agree. All would supply, as
and believe, both men and means to any rci
ble an! pinner amount, and at an early da
itling that Mexico declared war against the Uniti
s, and commence 1 actual hostilities prior to tl
nission of any aggressive net U|ion the part of tl
? < of the Unite 1 States, as it appears to me every ii
ed an I candid mind must a lmit.and the next and in
int inquiry" that arises is. What caused Mexico to di
war, and levy it, upon the United States ? This
answered b\ reference to M ;.xican documents, an
orresixmdence of our diplomatic agents. The a
ion of Texas into the Union, though as in lependei
tion as Mexico itself, was protested against as
e of war, by Mexico, in advance: upon its consun
3n, it was protested against by Almonte, their niii
r at Washington, as a cause of war. The suprem
rament of Mexico, before aud after the |Rissagu (
ict of annexation, denounced the union of Text
tin" I into l Mulct ai a runs:" oi wur. iminc'iiari'
the annexation look plan*. thi- Mexican miniati
lrew from tht* country ; thin step was dictate 1 ar
tione l by his novernment, and all diplomatic into
between the two countries was suspended by i
is in March, IS 13. In September, the Pres
if the United States sought, through our consul i
icn. to re-establish a frien lly intercourse with Me?
the transactions which grew out of this effort t
nt war ar" th is d tailed by Mr. Castillo y Lanza
ster of Foreign Relations, in his letter of March I
. to Mr. SliJell :
lie consul of the T'niti'ii .Slates, in this enpitnl, a<
eil on III l.tili ot October, to the tlien minister ol fo
r, l itions n eontid 'nlinl noie, wherein, referring
. he h nl previously stated to ill." minister in nu lute
of the same character, he s ty* i
At the time of the suspension of the diplomatic rol
between the two countries, (ien-rsl Almonte was n
1 of the tlesiss felt l?y tlie President to adjust niniesti
f esn io of complaint balwe-n th governments, nnd
rate the kiidest nnd most frienilly relations ImOwci
tster republics. Ho still continues to bo tun muled 1
Del the -Kline setbuents. fie desires that nil existing dilfervii'
-honld In- tcrmmulod amicably, by negotiation, und not
q,3 the .-word.
ink' *" 'Actuated by these sentiments, th.i President has
tfertal me to instruct von, in the absence of nny di|ilottiti
Htnl in Mexico, to ascertain t'niiii the Mexican gove
inent whether th^V would receive an envoy from theUnit
the Ktun-e, iiitrii-ieil with lull |Miwer to adjiut all die que-tn
as iu dispute between the two governments. Should tho ?
cts swer te- iu tin- atlirmative, -uch an envoy will be nnn
VC- dintely dv.-piitclied to Mexico.*
"To thii the ministry now in the charge of tfte arid
el_ signed, replied on the IBth of the -nine month, 'that,
though the nation is gravely offended by that of the Unit
I Stale*, by reason of the nets commirted by tlie latter
I w ariL- the department of Texas, the pro|>erty of the form
'hi ipy government is disposed to receive the ooutinissioi
m- who niuy eoiuo from the Tnited States to this capital, w
HIS full powers from his government to arrange, in a pacil
reasonable, and dfcorous manner, the present controvert
is- thereby giving a daw proof that, even tit the midst of in.
>c. ries, linrf ol'its firm determination to exact the nilequf
reparation, it does not repel nor AsspKt the part of reus
und of peace to which it is invited by its adversary."
[Nrr Ho. Hoc. No. IflU, p. M, 1st ttuiom 'J8th Vongrtu
jj0 And yet the same minister, in the same letter, says:
fs "So soon as the said communication [from Mr. Slide
,11' was received by tUw undersigned, he proceeded tocomn
! nioate it to his excellency the President ad interim; and I
alter deliberately considering its contents, and tnaluri
au meditating upou the bursites*. )ia? wren til to order tbe t
Tie tiersigncd to make known hi Mr. Slidcll, In reply, as
an now has the honor of doing, that the Mexican govcruim
dc cannot receive him us envoy extraordinary und minis
ir- [Aenipotentinry to reside near it.
,:n "And here liiight the undersigned terminate his note,
reasons of great weight did not convince him of the ueci
rc" sity of making some reflections in this place ; not throu
leur of the ooueequciM.es which niuy result from this dec
P* ivtt resolve, hut through the respect which he owes to re
th Mm mid to ju?t?ce.M
H8 Thf following are some of the "reflections," and co
t'8 sequence* of the acts, which occured to the minister, a
ur were stated in the above-quoted letter written by him:
>m "The vehement desire of the government of the Unit
W Slates to extend its already immense territory, at the i
ng pernio of that Mexico, htvs been manifest for many yeni
tin and it is beyond Sll doubt that, iu regard to Texas at leu
id. this has been their firm and constant determination ; foi
1(lj has been ao declared categorically and olficially by an n
?. thorlzed representative of the Union, whose ussertii
strange and injurious as wa? its frankness, lias nevertheli
;s' not been lieliod bv the United States."
"Considering the time as having come lor carrying ii
etfect the annexation ol Texas, the United States, in iiui
r; and by agreement with their nuturnl allies and adhcret
la in that territory, concerted the means for the purpose. T
project was introduced into the American Congress.
ar was at first frustrated, thanks to the prudential cottsidei
tions, tlio circumspection, aod the wisdom with which t
' Senate of the Union then proceeded. Nevertheless, t
n" project was reproduced in the following session, and w
0. t lit-ii approved and sanctioned in the ibrm and terms knot
"S- to i|r- wliole world.
Co "A fact such us this, or, to speak with greater cxuctne
he so notable un net of usurpation, creutcd mi imperious r
an cessity that Mexico, lor her own honor, should repel it wi
,j. proper tinnness and dignity. Tho supreme governine
j! had betbrehuud declared that it would look upon such i
net as a ruatu belli ; and, us u consequence of this declai
,ls tton, negotiation was by its very nature at un end, uud w
was the only recourse of the Mexican government."
Here, then, in the alleged reason, "the why," Pared
, declared war against the United States; another, behi
_ it, was that Ife hat reached power by promising to \va
'?* war against the United States ; nnd his predecessor w
made to give place to Paredes because he had proinis
to treat with "the North American usurpers" instead
, "driving them across the Sabine." He was ma le Pre
dent to prevent the renewal of a good understanding?
prevent the making of a treaty?to force the United Stat
|r" to evacuate Texas, and dismiss it from the Union or fiijl
e" This appears to have been so understood by Mr. Slide
'?* for he savs, in reply:
"Mr. S/ti/rll In Mr. Cattilh).
"J*i.apa, March 17, 1816.
j? "The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and ininiai
eh plenipotentiary of the United States of Ameriea, lias t
honor tnneknowledg'' the receipt of tlie note ofyourexe
Icncy of the 12th instant, hy wlucli la- is informed that t
? Mexican governiuent cuiuiot receive litm in his capacity
'n' envoy cxlruorilinary noil minister plenipotentiary, to resi
n- ncur lliut governiuent.
il- "As it is the intention of the undersigned, in conform
lis with his iiiHtruetions, to return to the United Stales wi
fc tit" leant possible delay, embarking at Vera Cruz, lie h
rj_ now to request tlmt lie may be furnished with the neccs:
passports, which he will await at this place.
, 4 * ? ?
"The undersigned leys already exceeded the limits whi
lie nail pitiserinuii 10 iiungeii tor repiy. l lie question n
11" now reached a point where words must (five plane to ae
ve While lie deeply regret* a result su Intle eontemplut
ri when lie eomineticeu the duties of his mission of peace,
>tn is consoled by the reflection that no honorable efforts
,jrt overt the calamities of war liavb been spared by his gc
,() crnment, and that these el forts cannot fail to he propci
appreciated, not only hy the people of the United Stati
).ls hut hy the world.
ilO "pj|.. niitlersiirned bei> leave to renew to Ids exeellein
in Don J. M. de Castillo y Lanza* the assurances of his dish
n. enished consideration.
lis "His Excellency Don .1. M. nr C.iSTfU.o v Lanzas,
,)s "Ministcrof Foreign Kclntions and Government
u- Tn this view the Mexican government evidently co
ite curred, as in its official reply it was not disclaimed or d
ad precated. On the contrary, Generals Ampudiaand Aris
as were ordered to (he frontier with troops to reinforce Ge
lie Mejia; and on the UUd of April, IS hi, (but little mo
lie tlian a month after,) Parcdes issued a declaration of \va
of M was most probably resolved on when the letter to A1
vp Slidell was written ; for Gen. Arista, tit the distant city
id Matanioros, on the 2lth of April, (the day he arriv
ic there and took command,) notified Gen. Taylor "that 1
to considered .hostilities commenced, and should prosccu
ed them." On the same day he uttacked and captured a d
of tachment of (!en. Taylor's army. [Nee Gen. Taylor's o
us final letter, Ho. Dor. No. 1 '.iti, p. I j.l, 1 $t ses*. >'.lth Cot
Ht yr?t,] 1'aredes, it thus seems, held back his declamtir
,v, of war until he thought Gen. Arista had arrived at Matt
0- tnoros. It is dated but one day earlier than Gen. Arista
is notice to Gen. Taylor. 1 have thus given the Mexics
n, view of the causes of this war. With Ihetn it is not
in boundary question?il is not whether the Nueces or tl
ed Rio Grande is the boundary between Texas and Me.xict
ps but the grievance is "the annexation of Texas. The si
lo premc government had beforehand declared that it wou
ps look u|ton such an act as a casu-i belli; and, as a consi
or quencc of this declaration, negotiation was, by its vci
;s nature, at an end, and war was the only recourse of tl
)- Mexican government." This is their own language?tl:
is language of the Mexican government?not mine. Tl
v- motives that have actuated the Mexican government ai
1- of a character that will not admit of justification. Me:
i > ico had no just cause of war against the United State
ir Texas wils, and for ten years had been, as free, as indt
in pendent, and as able to maintain its freedom and indt
a- pendenr.e as Mexico was to maintain her's. The natior
ic ality of Texas ha l been fully admitted by all the leadin
e, nations of the earth And I hold it to be a self-evidct
in ! proposition, that if two nations of similar laws, manner:
to customs, language, and religion rhoose to unite under on
ly form of government to improve their respective cond
il- tions, it is their undoubted right and privilege to fori
i such union?and no other nations have a right to tak
a- offence at such union of interests, or to levy war on a n;t
\. tion (thus formed of two) on account thereof. Is thei
id anything wrong in this doctrine Is it repulsive to th
le dictates of justice,or conflict with the rights of nations!
le of men, or war upon the enlarging interests of human iti
l- Unless it is wrong for independent men or communitic
l- peaceably to unite to form a government for the promt
p- tion of happiness, and the diffusion of knowledge, an
is the iierneliiiti ill' their liberties, then wis il riirhl Inr tli
id United States and Texan to unite their destinies. And
I- Mexico, Guatemala, and Buenos Aynes were each or a
it to ask to he admitte 1 into the United State*, and the Into
a should agree to receive them, no nation could justly tak
i- exception ; for all nations have an inalienable right t
l- form such governments, and live under such laws, an
i2 unite willi such communities in the formation of sue
>f governments and laws as they see fit to form, so thi
is they trespass not upon the rights of others. In wha
ly then, has the United Slates wronged Mexico by a
er milling Texas into the Union?Texas being free, ir
id dependent, and, by Mexico, unconquerable ? But wh
r- can number the outrages that Mexico, during a ten
ts of more than twenty years, committed against the Unit"
i- Slate*?outrages scarcely parallele I in modern times f<
u atrocity, nqiaciouaness, an I frequency*?outrages so eros
i- so revolting, so iinhliishingly audarions, that (Jen. Jacl
to son (who so much renrobntri attacks from the strong ii|
s, on the weak) was at length fairly provoked into a recon
2, mendation, ten years ago, to Congress to authorize tl
making of reprisals! Even Mr. Van Buren, celehrat*
1. for his diplomatic accomplishments, finally acknowledgi
r- that his art was incompetent to the task of obtaining jm
i" tice from Mexico, an 1 submitted their ease to Congre*
r with a recommendation to discover a mode and measu
of redress that would accomplish what diplomacy coal
not. The Mexican* admitte I spoliations upon America
? commerce to the large amount of Hi,MO, 139, and gai
'|n their bonds in pavmcnt thereof. They have dishonor*
those bonds, an 1 the claimants remain unpaid. Besidi
ity these claims, it should be recollected that claims to tl
| - . I???**?*?
I amount of jM,2G3,4<>4 were presented to the Attarican
by ; ami Mexican commissioners. but were not acted upon
forwent of time. Since then, additional daima to the
1' amount of more titan $4 ,'400,030 have been presented to
[n. the Department of State. It in thus seen that depreda,.j
tions upon American commerce have been committed to
>ii!^ the enormous amount of 88,ltU,tloJ.?[Sre Hotut Doc.
in .Yd. laii ,pp. 33 unit .'i|, 1st Sesi. j'Jlh Cong.] The char ie
. acter of these Mexican outrages is well summed up in a
i letter addressed by Mr. Forsyth, Secretary of State, to
| the Mexican Minister of Foreign Atlairs, under date Oi
*(j ; May 47th, 1837. In that letter Mr. Forsyth says:
to- i "These wrong* nu of a character which cannot bs tolor(,r>
, ated by any government imbued with a just self-respect,
with u proper regard for the opinions of other nations, or
ill, I with an enlightened concern for the |K*riukuottt welfare of
]Ci j those portions of it* lnuiple who may he lut'-rosied iu fory
\ I sign commerce. Treasure belonging to citizen* of the
|U. | United Slab" lis* been seized by Mexican olfiefTS. in its
Hp transit front the capital to the const. Vessels of the United
on States have been captured, detained, and condemned upon
tlte most Irivolous pretexts. Unties have been exacted from
I others, notoriously against law, or without law. Others
have been employed, und ip some instances ruined, in the
Mexican some , without compensation to the owners.
"] Citizens of the United Slates have boon imprisoned for long
,u" iieriisls of time, without being Informed of the offences
1 with which thev Were charged. Others ltnvebeon mttrder'ly
| erl and robbed by Mexican officer*. on the high sea*, withll1'
| out any attempt to bring the guilty to just led.
,?"t' And it was in reference to cases of outrage Illce these,
t,,r as ascertained and stated in the letter of Mr. Forsyth, that
(Jeneral Jackson, in 1837, in his message, used the fol.
if lowing remarkable and emphatic language:
I, "Thuttlie length of liuiu since some of the injuries Itsvo
be -n ooininlttcif, the repent il anil unavailing application!
Irrr redress, the wanton character of some of tile outrages upon
the property and persons of our citizens, upon the officers
and ling of the United Slates, independent of recent inn"
suits to this government and people by the lute extraordinand
ry Mexicau iitiniagiir, would justify, in the eyes of all na- '
nous, iitnneiliate war."
?d But when and under what circumstances were these
;x" disgraceful outrages committed ! Why, sir, as the Union
of last night truly said: "One Portion of these robbe"i!
ries was committed upon us in tne very year in which
,ii> we took the lead among all nations in acknowledging the
mi, independence of Mexico, and in procuring its acknowl.'ss
edgment from England. Another portion of these crimes
was committed against us just after our treaty of amity,
1,0 commerce, and navigation had been concluded with
Mexico, in 1831. The same rourse of violence and
lie wrong-doing against us was kept up through the year
It is:i7, in which our government rejected the nrwt overture
rn- of Texas towards annexation." And now, sir, instead
he of making reparation for wrongs like these, Mexico
he makes a pretext of the annexation of Texas to the Unin<
ted States to exense herself for attacking our forces, and
vn for murdering our citizens. The wrongs of our citizens,
and the blood of the murdered Cross, and of Porter, and
of many other worthy American citizens cry aloud for
il, vengeance. And knowing, as we do, that Texas was
in truly free and independent, and that when under Spanish,
?ii French, American, an 1 Mexican rule its territories ex's
tended to the banks of the Rio Grande, let us not allow
ar ourselves to be diverted from our purpose of exacting
ample justice and reparation by insensate rant about the
08 j boundaries of Texas. But nit her let us rush forward?
"d | let us charge home upon these robbers and murderers of
S(: | our fellow-citizens, and teach them that if our forbearI
ance is great, our justice when aroused is swift, terrie'J
i ble, and complete. Believing it to be our duty, an I
01 i the best policy to push this war rapidly forward
I to an early anil to an honorable conclusion, I vow
1? ! my readiness to vote ample supplies of men and of money
ps to effect this object. My people expect this, my consinhj
ence tells me that it is right, and the impulses of my
'"> heart render the duty a pleasing one to perform. Tn.xes
will be cheerfully paid and men readily furnished, if we
will but do our duty: for the country seems to have
erected a higher slamkird, to be more eager for forward,
icr consecutive, and vigorous movements ujion the enemy
lie than the majority of their representatives. 1, for one,
el- |ain ready, anil am'anxious to terminate this incongruous
'u* state of things, to termimite this delay in supplying the
y' j President with all of the sinews of war. I am "not only
! ready to vote men, but I am ready to vote means, with
j,., which to piiy those men who nobly jeopard their livevior
iifi llieir country. All men cannot iro to Mexico; but all can,
at and most men gladly will contribute of their means to
si- nay those who no go to that country with arms in their
hands to fight, and, if. needs be, to die. The |>eoplc will
, pay, cheerfully pay, all needful expenses: not only to
'a' maintain fleetsand armies, making aggressive movements
intended " to conquer a peace," but also to hold in safety
,.(j and in subordination, such cities as may be captured, anil
l,(; such provinces as may be overrun. For, without the
to power to retain, control, and govern occupied cities and
iv- provinces during the continuance of a war, war could not
ly he successfully, certainly not safely waged against any
country with territories as extensive, and as sparsely populated
as those of the republic of Mexico. The power
is indispensable, its exercise universal, and the objections
made to both arc not more novel than they arc unworthy of
an attempt at a serious refutation. It has been with feelings
of deep regret, that 1 have listened to the remarks
" which have been made upon the subject of slavery, in
n- connexion with the question of acquiring additional tere
ritory in payment of spoliations committed upon our com ,ta
merce. The agitation of this subject is premature. FirHt
n. obtain the territory; then the question of what Us orre
gonic laws shall lie, will, with propriety, come up for disir.
cuss ion and for final decision. Still, as the question has
r. been forced into this debate, 1 neither fear, nor shall I
of shun it. Thus far in advance, then, my opiniRns upon
"I , this improperly introduced subject are, that the wishes
ie of the majority of the people of each Territory, and of
te each Shite, now organized, or hereafter to be organized,
e- Ought to lie religiously respectedi If the |ieople of any
f. Terrritory or of any State desire to allow citizens to own
i- slaves, not my will, but theirs should prevail. If the
m people of any territory or of any state desire to exclude
r- slavery from within their own borders, (not their neigh's
burs.) by all means allow them to do so. When the |ieom
pie of u new Territory or State, ordain slavery, or antia
slavery, I shall be satisfied, perfectly satisfied i for, Mr.
ic Chairman, I make it a |K>int contentedly to allow my
); neighbors to manage their own affairs their own .way?
i- I never distress myself?my sort of philanthropy
Id does not prompt ine t3 distress myself?because peie
sons a thousand miles oil' will ' not manage their
ry business in a manner that f might think would best
ie promote their interests. Fndoubtedly they lose much by
ie not following good advice; but as they allow me to
ie manage my affairs ns I please, they may do the same :
re the new Siates inay have slaves, banks, and huge State
i- i debts, if they want them ; they may have either one of
s. ! those "luxuries," or neither, or all three?they shall, so
i far as 1 am Concerned, he as free as freedom. My de1
mocracy tenches perfect non-interference with other
I- 1 men's business, until they ask for my assistance ; to inig
' terfere with another man's business, unasked, is as thankit
less an occupation as any champion of equal rights ever
s, I followed. As it 'is with individuals, so it is with Slates.
!< Let each one manage its own internal concerns as it may
i- please the people inhabiting it in their wisdom to direct,
n If they are pleased, certainly those living at a distance
e can afford to he pleased. But suppose we, the people
i- of the old States, determine to interfere with the business
e of the |>eople of the new States and Territories, whether
,e they wish our assistance or not, can we achieve any
>r other practical result beyond that of making ourselves
,? ridiculous? I fear it will do diliicult if those to be taught
>s by us should disregard our instructions. There can be
?. tint nnn L'in I <if Stnlna til,. niniSlliil'inn nnnlomtilgln.
I but one class One Stale is no free, a* indept-n lent, ns
le sovereign, [tosvssed of no many constitutional rights and
if privileges, ivs any other. Exclusive privileges nre not
II granted to one State ami withheld from the other*. New
r States way be admitted, but the power to make theni a
;e secondary class?to make them n species of attache* to
o the original Slates, or to some one of them, is not cond
ferred. The State of Ohio is equal every way in it*
h rights with the State of Pennsylvania?Iowa and Texas,
it as Massachusetts and Virginia. The new States are
t, ejal in power, privileges, and rights with the old Stales.
I- They are not an inferior class?the old Stales are not a
t- superior class of States. New York, when the consti10
tution was aloptel, was a slaveholdinz State; and so
it were most of the oil thirteen States. New York abol11
ishel slavery?the constitution did not forbid that act;
>r it can re-establish slavery, foi the constitution does not
s. forbid that act. Maryland can abolish slavery this year,[
it can reconsider the art an I re-establish it next year,
>- if it chooses to do so. Congress may refuse to admit a
i- State until it consents to have a conslitniion in wftich
te nothing is sail about slavery; but in jwissing through
d the constitutional gate into the Union, justice. With tne
>d sword of State rights, cuts every humiliating fetter, an I
?. the Stale enters, with a countenance erect, as tree, as sovs,
-reign, a* independent, as anv other State. If any Slate
re ran establish slavery, so can tin-new one. If any can
Id ibcdish slavery, so can the new Stats abolish slavery,
in If this is not so, then has Constiese the power to create
"e in inferior order of States, winch is a proposition o
kI which I cannot subscribe. The American States ire,
5s in verity, equal; there are no superiors and inferi?e
ors?no principals and secondaries. Congress cannot,

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