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<^L ' V I B B^ , B B y I / K / B fl I B I I B IB B fl on which will be paid by ua, uul *11 risk esauaaed by uuraelvea in ila \VSU : : :*S8 lW J ^^^<1 <f "^oT'^vMK.*.*,*. one eon* ? o# V jw V ^ S siona of Congress. and semi-weekly dining the recess. TRJ WtbKLi, ? five honies - - 'JO U0 Subscribe!* will be notified some days ui advauce ol the time when ten conies . - - ?4 DO A their subscriptions wiiloaplre. oue couv . ! 00 *x Subscriptions for e period leu then* yesr will be received on teraie gtHid live codTss Hi ?proportioned to the above annuel retee. " teu conies 14 (Ml 3 A postmaster's certificate of remittance in payment for suberrip(?v'ilU?sK>M< REOiSTBR, one copy foMhe?..ion H VOLUME 11. - LIBERTY, TUB UNION, AND THE CONSTITUTION^ NUMBER SIS. ?t? Un^wiUuff^vZ?'''1 **"*" Th* ..... . ,.v. ni ' ' OOP-PuaTMiattaa are authorized to act aa our agents; end by sendi<?K AU? KMTiniriue ^ , r? u? Ave yearly lubtcribtv*. * ith th? subscription money. for ?ith<*r , ' UWBrUBBB ' , ~ ~ ? tbo IMf, or W'rtklu, \% ill l>? untitled lo oiu* copy of the. CITY OF WASHINGTON, MONDAY NIGHT, JANUARY 11, 1847, ajfeeasMtBSMnam. - - ~ I'llMililiSSroNAI,. ~ TWICSTI-HHTU lOAKitlUM, AVit Sicunil Mt-sxlou. SiU >n I [)i I erred debate. con Tlin^DAV, JANUARY 7, tst7. JK Sta IIOI HE (?'' UKPUKSKNTATIVES. 0f Mr. Stl'lH'a said: Mt. Chairman, I have, on be- P',a hull of in> >otf, ami, as 1 doubt not, 01 ever} southern ii'iiie.-eiiiativt on this lloor, to make to in, friend from ,l Alabama. IMi. I'tKOAN,J who ha* iust taken his seat, ?| "ratelul acknowledgments fot llie ability and wisdom i with which he bus exposed the dangers which menace us all from the state o! allairs induced by the. reckless ugi- cof' ution "1 the gentleman from New Yoik. Sir, ho has ?[? discharged in fart a duty wliich 1 feel to be incumbent on :,'s< me likewise. When, two day s since, the extraordinary f?" sentiment which, under the subtrfl'iige of a ticrsonal ex- has el,matron, tin.' gentleman from New York, [Mr. prcstom vya Kim;,] avowed, in a formal, elaborate argument, prepared will! n'l the skill and sophistry he could command, s!,r were heard by ine, my first impulse was at once to rise "u" and demand, of the courtesy and justice of the House, an I*1 oMKirtuuity, instantly, and on tile snot, to meet and repel H* 1 Ins insidious summit, not less on the constitution of the '|lM country and the union ol these States, than on the insti unions and rights of tny own section. That I restrained 'V| this strong impulse was ascrihable not to any conviction r'^' <if its impinpriety, but because there were prc-cnt older 111 and abler members from the south, from whom I thought as might more appropriately and potentially come the rebuke !'0' the gentleman so richly merited, and the vindication !u!' el the lights ami interests of oui section. When, under die circumstances, lliey held silence, I full il must be from hopelessness i>l oeijig then heard, and that it ill !''? became me to obtrude myself needlessly forward. But, t: sir, 1 only stayed my iiniwtieiicc until 1 could legitimately, !uo muler the rules of the llouse, obtain the opportunity of ''i> rctilv: mid after some striiing, I must congratulate inysell that liberty of speech is now accorded me. Sir, per- re8 sonally, I know myself to be one of the humblest of the i111' members of this House; but however unworthy, 1 have '.',v the honor to represent one of the most enlightened and ' 91 influential constituencies in the leading southern State of 9r" the Union. 1 run too, sir, (and it is my pride to be,) a southern man?southern by birth and education, in feel- a'u ins and in interest; and 1 should be craven to my high 1"? representative duties, and dead to all the emotions that animate the purest pulsations of my heart, if 1 did not (.)r \varrrily maintain the assaulted institutions and interests lro of the soutji, and indignantly repel the glaring injustice ; meditated against them. But, Mr. Chairman, before 1 "I* proceed to my main purpose, it may be well to be guarded lls against the possibility of niisconcejition or misrepresentstion in a matter in reference to which prejudice and clamor 'i:i' hut too often usurp the place of justice and sound judg- rei' inent. 1 wish to state the estimate which 1?and may I not sav we, of the south, for all I believe accord in this mat- '!" ter?place upon the Union of these States. I regard and venerate it as the noble work of the heroic ancestry who achieved and established our liberties. As tlve result, sir, 1?. nf providental necessities of the time, stamping it, in its consequent adaptation to the circumstances and feelings C01 of ihe jieople for whom it was framed, with more of a *u< llivir e than human wisdom, as the system under which, "?'! for si xty years, cur fathers and ourselves have prospered f'kl mid flourished, enjoying a government of laws, and the institutions of freedom. But the high and patriotic asso- . riations which hallow it to our feelings, no less than a . wise appreciation of all the blessings it has conferred, jr" imperatively demand that it should lie valued and revered, not for its name nor its semblance, but for its spirit w" and its realities?for the constitution on which it rests? lor the solemn compromises of that sacred instrument, 'V and the guarantees it affords to our liberties and our . lights. That constitution was designed to maintain the v,c I leedoin, to guard the jieace, and guarantee the rights of CP,' the people of all the Suites equally and impartially. . 1 While it so operates, it is beyond all price. But, sir, let SIS it be perverted fn>m its just ends of equal government, j1/'1 and be made the pretext and instrument of gross iuequali- ^ ty and favoritism?of direct attack on the institutions and ? |ieace of one-half of 1 he States of the Union?of insult and injury, outrage and wrong on them and theirs, it be- '" comes of less worth than the scroll on which it is writ- n;u lea, qnd, like everx symbol of tyranny, should be rent J',01 and scattered to the winds. The crisis, Mr. Chairman, J," which the rash and ill-advised course of the gentleman ,f from New Vork has developed, is grave and momentous, indeed. 1 urofoundlv feel it to be so. In it, sir, 1, and 1 1111 believe every southern representative here has taken his ou position; and we mean to hold it, not from timidity or H"' weakness, but from prudence and choice. We plant our- ou selves on the constitution and its solemn compromises; "?? and, occupying even its outermost works, we stand on the defensive, resolved to resist any, the least encroach- an' ment, at the hazard of all future consequences. The ul- ,w< tiinate issue of the conflict may involve the dissolution of ,p 1 the Union ; and the consequences of that great disaster? of the subversion of the whole fabric of our federative r,r institutions?no human vision is extended' enough to dis- |'r< cern?no mortal ken wise enough to predict. In my own l? opinion?as, had 1 tiine,l woulu endeavor to show?these consequences would he of infinitely greater disaster to r.ec the north than to the south, lie they, however,of whatcv- "lf er frightful aspect, if coming from our position and ac- nH tion in defence of the constitution and our guarantied f?' rights, not on us be the responsibility. We are hut in the simple line of obvious uuty, and may well leave "re- j11" suits to time and God. . Ills "Si Invetus lllahltur orhis, erj Nos nnparidos tenant ruinie." j And when, sir, from the crave of the present, then the nir past, shall emerge sad visions of the bright prospects of jm this great republic, as a whole, forever blasted?of its ov glorious auguries of future grandeur and utility Ionian, no forever unhillillcd and gone?when from that tomb ;ini shall emerge the pale spectre of a mangled constitution nai and a dismembered union, not for us will it he to stnrt dm or quake, hut for the instigators and movers in the wan- the ton attacks now made upon us, to have their eyeballs ty seared,and to shrink cowering and aghast. Vain for pij them the coward plea of Macbeth, "Shake not thy gorv on locks at me, 'twas not I that did it." Conscience will pt.| point home to them the fearful apparition ; and the e\o- the ( rations ol their countrymen will pronounce them guilty am of "the deep damnation of that taking off." I come stc now, Mr. Chairman, to an examination of the gross and sla offensive proposition imbodied in the hill thrust upon us clu by the gentleman from New York. What is it ? Why, eri briefly to ordain as a permanent fundamental law of the evi Union, that no acquisitions of territory to be made by sin the United Staten, whether in the present war or here- for after, by conquest, by purchase, or in any manner what- the ever, shall ever he open to slavery, or, in other words, grc to the slaveholding population of one-half of this con- mo lederacy, with their pro|>erty. This proposition, as often- ter sive as it is grossly unconstitutional, is sustained cor by a long nrguinent smuggled into the House, not less ar- so rogant and presumptuous than fallacious and untrue. I am say, sir, the proposition is grossly unconstitutional. It ma more than violates a single specific clause of that instru- cor ment. It outrages its whole scope and spirit, and sub- ent verts the very hash* of its being. The fun lamental prin- tio ciple of the constitution is the |ierfect equality and entire ma reciprocity of privileges and immunities whicn it secures oui to the people of the several Slates. At the inception of tor the constitution, nny other principle of its formation would be have been utterly inadmissible; and it would have been tioi as vain a task to have woven a rope from the sands of oth the sen as to have hound in union the States of this con- oui federacy on the least principle of admitted inferiority and rigl inequality as to the people of any of the States. |( never les would have been endured that the rights or property of ger one section were of less worth and less to In- protected ie* than those of another. Our fathers, sir, had just emerged dar with heroism and with glory from all the trials and )>erils ? $ if the revolutionary struggle, m which, from restst- |llr ance to a principle mainly, though of trivial practi- I lab cal oppression, their far-seeing wisdom discovered a | u>r concession of inferiority to fellow-subjects of the llrit- i rai ish isles, an 1 the consequent facilities of future ex- wl actions to their utter ruin. They had, ^ though in | in colonial infancy, hraveu the mistress or ine seas prf and the most |?>tent power of Christendom. They ma "ere fresh from such recollections. The philoso- Vo ph> of history had taught them, as it now bids us heed,, me hat the least concession of inferiority in position or cln rights?the -mallest provision in the framing, or action tru in the working of a government, by which the interests me or property of one |iart of the |M>ople are to be less con- du ^erved or more prejudicially operated upon than those of sol another, in the course of events, sis time and occasion am allowed, at the instigation of selfish interests or am- no hitiou* lust of (tower weald afford the opening, and to of make the pretext and means of encroaehments and in- gal roads, nntil superiority, riches, and domination would Ar "croni" ihe arrogated possession of the favored portion, thr and degradation, impoverishment, and subjection the poi latter lot of the other. Our ancestors, the heroes and mil 'he sue- of tin1 south, who won immortal renown m di\ 'he revolution, would have scouted inequalities in the mi ion, in reference to the persons or piti|?erty of thei lion, On the subject of slavery esitecially, whicl * tell to be a sensitive and delicate interest, one of tin red compromises of the constitution was exacted, am careful were they to nr,ovide fur the stability of tint nestii institution, thai one of the provisions of fin stitution, impliedly at least, recognises it, and provide means of the summary enforcement of the master* its over his slaves, when fugitives in any of the frei les. In another of the most iinitortant compromise, the constitution, slavery, though not by name, ii inly referred to, and recognised, and male I lie basi conciliatory arrangement as to suffrage. Nor \vn t arrangement in the least m conflict with that eqalit; privilege and protection, demauded for the rights o for its slaves were even by the laws of the slave ding Mates m some lights . regarded as persons, am tributed to substitute the labor and resources, whicl t't population would have afforded; while they wen j, and morn essentially pro|>erty, they were felt am ceded to he proper subjects to constitute a mixei is of representation. The end and purpose of thi s to attain the indispensable equality of rights in ed on, and at the north, at least, it litis never been re ded as any concession of inequality 011 the part o south, but rather been matter of complaint as a su ior ntiviltge of the slaveholders. Ate we not; then onclude, that under the constitution, and in the ac I of this government the people and institutions 0 south are to he full as much respected and regarded the people and institutions of the north, and that th its to property whether to slaves or any other cliatteh the one section of the confederacy, are to b much conserved, and to he as little debarre 111 full enjoyment by their owners, and as little pre iced by invidious legislation as those of th er. Strange, indeed, would it be under a con ution expressly framed for general defence and com II welfare, with a view to firmer Union and more sta peace, if property in slaves, which constitutes th st important possessions of one-half the States, and i far the most valuable item of personal property in th ion, is not to he the subject of equal protection an aid, but is to he viewed with hostility and suspicion 1 to be discountenanced and sunken in value and util by the legislation of the government of this Union t, sir, by the odious provision of the bill I am consid ig, the slaveholders, with their property, are to b vvned on and condemned. They are to be proscribe I invidiously excluded from the common territories o Union?the joint jiossession of the States of the con er.icy acquired or to be acquired by the joint sword common treasure of the people of the States. Sii m the establishment of this government the slavehold ind the citizen of the north have constantly co-worke m equal footing in effecting its ends and discliargin: functions. In the national councils they have (>arti aled, and held like places of trust and honor. I11 th lu n?,r?r,onl,l,A? ft,., .....I ,k.. re sen tat i ve have and do sit down together, and to her deliberate and mature the measures of legisla 11 for a common country. The collective wisdom < 1 north and the south has together watched over an ided our glorious republic on her advancing cours the fulfilment, so far, of noble destinies. In the feni conflicts of arms (and we, since our Union, iiuvc en intered once again the power before which all Europ ;cumbs) the slaveholder of the south and the norther n have stood gallantly side by side, now under th lful lead of a slaveholder, a Jackson Or a Taylor, no\ iler that of a champion from the north, a Brown or orth, jointly braving the battle and the breese, dyin i same sod or deck with their blood?sharing the sain imph, and receiving the same meed of a grateful coun 's praise; and 1 trust 1 may Ik; permitted, without as nption, to say, that of the wisdom that has guided th mcilsof our republic?of the statesmanship which ha ninistered her affairs, at home and abroad?of the mat I genius, which on land and by sea has cotnmande tory for her banners, the slavenolding portion of th lfederacy have furnished at least (heir due proportior hat the great achievement of peace or war that ha nalized our annals in which slaveholders |>artiripate t ? Is there a sod of soil, a strip of territory won b unaided valor, or purchased by the separate treasur the northern men f II so, there may be some pretenc their appropriating and engrossing it to utir e.vclusior ere is none. Well, sir, has it come now to this, an light else is the meaning or effect of the provision I (If iince, that the whole slaveholding population of th ion, who own one-half, and that in soil and clim < fairest and most favored half of the Union, who con lute the people of half the States, and amount to nes half of the whole population of the Union, are" wit r guarantied property, and because of it, to be debarrc d excluded from all the future common acquisitions c r joint blood and joint treasure. Sir, the proposition i mstrous?too gross and too ulain to he argued agains R of the south?1 say it plainly and firmly?never ca I never will submit to such a principle. To do sr mi Id be to argue us unworthy of our ancestry and thei ritage of farm; and freedom, and would exhibit us a I too ready to he degraded and oppressed, meritin lily the dishonor and exactions we would by slow d< ;es but soon inevitably realize. Nor, sir, can it ti riely allowed that the legislation and influence of th end government shall be politically and morally d ted to discountenance the institutions and prejudic ; property of the south, both of which it is under th ist solemn obligations to conserve and maintain. Th irse of truth and justice in ibis matter is too plain t mistaken. The common acquisitions of the blwi I treasure of the I iiion must be open and frr the slaveholder, with his property and domesti ititutions, as to the northern man with his pro) y and his familiar household privileges. Th lislation and the influence of our common goverr nt must be directed to the injury of no section?to th pairment and depression of the rights of property, th crthrow of peace and the stability of institutions i portion of the confederacy, hut to the like protectio rl security, and to the equal conservation and maint< nee of the institutions, the rights of property, and tli mestic relations of all sections of the Union. We ( south place ourselves securely on the basis of equal and mutual privilege. We seek not exclusive apprr ation, nor peculiar immunities. We ask not toexclu I r fellow-citizens of the north, nor proscribe their pn rty. But, sir, to test the right and constitutionality c proposed invidious distinction against us and ours, li (logons action on our part he summsed. Suppose, it ad of a provision by fundamental law to exclude th veholdcr with his property, we should propose to e> ide from the common territory of the Union the north i man with any kind of Ins property?/or instunci ;ry man from the north, who should bring with him gle article of northern manufacture for aid and cotr t in his new home in the wilderness,?how else eoul proposal be characterized than as monstrous an issly unconstitutional. Or, that the illustration may h re pointed and come directly home to the present ma , w it not plain that if the exclusion of slaves in sue nmon territory may be proscribed by fundamental law with parity ol power may their admission be require I enforced, and if all slave-holders coining with slnvr y be prohibited and excluded, all freemen of the nort ning without them inay with equal right he debarre ranee and residence. "Vet were the latter our propos n, as the former is theirs, how loud and with wh: nilest justice would be the outcry ot tne nortu again.' r rapacity au.l our gross outrage on llie common chai of our confederacy. Of a verity then, sir, there ca rightfully no prohibition and exclusion to neither set i?its people or its property. We ask it not againt ers; neither, sir, ought we or will we, permit it as t selves. We plant ourselves on sheer justice?simpl lit?asking no more an 1 fully resolved to receive n s. I have said, Mr. Chairman, the reasoning of th itleinan from New Vork'in support of his views was n< s extraordinary than his proposition itself. His fur nental position I give in his own language, lie say; hall the territory now free, which shall come to ou isdiction, he free territory open to settlement by th oring man of the free States, or shall it be slave terr y given up to slave labor One or other it must be; mot lie both and the reason assigned is that fre lite labor cannot tolerate the presence of the slave; 01 his words, "if slavery is not excluded by law, th sence of the slave will exclude the laboring whit in " Now, sir, even if true, this disposition in Ives an arrogant assumption of superiority in norther in, ajid affords not a decent pretext for the claim of ev isive appropriations; bill in reality it is glaringly nr le, and, moreover, a libel not merely on all the whit n of the south, but likewise on not a few of the in strious freemen of the gentleman's own section il f. Supposing it true that Mm freemen of th nort d the slaveholder of the south with his property coui t together occupy and possess the common acquisition the Union. On what ground should the former arrr le superiority, and claim exclusive appropriation of all e they better men, wiser, purer, or greater? ldav V accomplished more, fought more, or pnid more pr, rtionallj for the Union than we of the south." ght furnish some ground for equitable allotment r ision of the territory to be acquired ; but all cotnpri se, even on the basis of the great pacific settlement i r the Missouri question, which in now regarded in the 1 mind of tlie people ae assimilated to fundatftental law, is i' denied anil scouted at by them. And on no better |>rinci|de I that I can perceive than that of the Highland Cateran : t " That lie should take who has the |iower, e And Ueshould keep w ho can." s They claim to seize and engross the whole joint acquiB silions of the Union to themselves. lit the application of II that principle thev, unless I mistake much, would find 8 themselves wofully deceived. But, sir, we are debating 8 of right not might, and the pharisaieal pretension that they 8 are not as other men can be only the subject of rebuke and derision. But how notoriously untrue Die assumption that the free laborer is not to be found and cannot endure to exist within the bounds of the slave State. Does the gentleman mean to libel the whole white population of the slaveholding States as slothful drones, and to maintain that they are not laborers too? Why,sir,the whites of the slave States are industrious and energetic to the full, as much so, in tny opinion, as any people of the north, or any other country. They labor themselves in their different vocations. Many manually ami in the severest kinds of toil. They honor labor as the proudest evidence of manly independence, and give to it all befitting rewards in even larger measure than is bestowed at the north. It is utterly unfounded to pretend that the free white labor, even of the north, cannot endure the presence or tolerate the existence of slaves within the same territory with itself. Nut merely will all ' southern white men prove the contrary?the laborers c from the north who nave been allured to the south b by its more genial cliinc, or its larger rewards to lae bor, (and Hitch exist and thrive among us in num' hers,) will re|?el with indignation the gentleman's ' slur upon them and us. The northern freemen not e able to endure the contamination of slavery in the " same Slate with them, indeed! I/et the gentleman - from New York come to tny own city, arid I will show him not a few freemen of the north?Yankees, if he e chooses?worthy, industrious, useful citizens, applying 8 their characteristic enterprise and shrewdness to every e department of gainful labor. 1 mean no reproach to the d freemen of the north, whose energy and steadiness in all legitimate pursuits I admire, hut 1 thought it was their - own boast that true-blooded Yankees w'ould go anyi. where?to the uttermost islesof the ocean?to the arid de serts of Africa, or the frozen shores of the Arctic?to the e wilds of the savage, or the marts of the inost civilized? d whenever they could earn an honest |ienny, or secure a f comfortable livelihood. The gentleman may safely dis miss his idle apprehensions on this score. s In this connexion, Mr. Chairman, it is somewhat amusing to note how the pretences on which the gentle i.? _i.? , i.i . ?i ; " man uoo ciiuacu iu rem ni? Buwuge |iicu;iiotini? in ucimu ui <1 the northern freemen, of aversion on their part to the S negro's presence, and of contamination to them in his ad mission even to the same territory with themselves, come ports with the philanthropic sympathies and clamorous n outcries gentlemen of his school are so wont to affect for ' the equality of the two races. YVhy have the northern freemen all at once become of such imperious port and '1 delicate sensibility, that the taint of a negro, even d within the limits of a broad territory, cannot he allowed e to COON hi'twocn ' the wind ;md their nohilitv."' lias thp " eye of covelousneas been so enlightened try visions of i* the fair lands of the southwest that are to he exclusively c appropriated, as to discern radical infirmities and Mill herent deformities in a lace with which good neighe horhood to their fellow-citizens of the south and v constitutional obligations cctulil scarcely before reu strain them from fraternization and amalgamation. Surcg Iv, the gentleman's ally in his present notable scheme, the e honorable member from Ohio, [Mr. UinniNus,] whose - sym|?thies seem so engrossed, and imagination so beset i- by visions of inanacleu and struggling negroes, thnt he e has neither feeling nor fancy for his own race and color, .s will rise up and rebuke such mawkish sensibilities and sudden auti|mthies. He, at least, will not be contaminad tod by the presence or association of the negro slave, but e must desire that he shall be near to his freemen of the i- north, that he mav receive their commiseration and soi* lace. Perhaps, Mr. Chairman, I have already dwelt too d long on that part of the argument of the gentleman from y New York, to which I have referred; hut, before I pass e to another, I cannot forbear to notice his vaunt of the e achievements of the freemen of the north, in subduing the ' wilderness and ushering into being the thriving States of d the northwest. There is the more reason to do so, bccause, in such achievements, he seems to rest some e sort of claim for the exclusive privilege to the freemen c from the same quarter, alone, to do like good works in i- the wilds of the southwest, now or hereafter to he acir quired by the Union. Why, sir, it is perfectly true that, h in an almost incredible brief space of time, the stout d liosiru unit sinpwv limbs of the freemen of the north, have >f won from the wilderness of forest and prairie, and subjuis gated to culture and civilization the broad e\|ianse of the t. States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Iowa, n For such bloodless conquests they deserve honor even j. more than the rich rewards, of land and wealth the)' ir so plenteously enjoy. But, sir, is it not no less true, thai is in near about the same time, to the south, and within e; the limits of the slaveholding regions, the wide domains and flourishing sovereignties ol Kentucky, Tennessee, ? Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas is have been with gallantry and vigor, at least equal i- snatched from the wilderness and morass, and establish e ed to illustrate the beneficence of man's tillage of the ie earth, and his capabilities of advance in freedom, pro.te |H*rity and happiness. And although in these latter migh0 ty works, the labor of slaves, certainly, to a considerable id extent, co-oneruted, yet even in greater measure the heads ;e and hands of white freemen were active and vigorous in tin ic attainment of the ginn-l and peaceful resiiils. When then, sir, any reason in the giant strides our Union ha? ie has inade over the wilderness and the forest, for preferi ence to the freemen of the north over the slaveholdinn ie population of the south. Let it be, and it ought to be, ir e the future acquisitions of the Union, as in those region? u 1 have last alluded to, which were open equally to tin n citizens of all sections w ith their property. Let the whiti !- men of the north and of the south, each with privilege ie if it so pleases him, of taking slaves or any other property if that may aid his enterprise or facilitate his comfortable i- settlement, he free to go forth together, occupy and sub )- due whatever wide spread wilderness or rugged fores le you may now or hereafter acquire, and having cut out an >- filled up territories till they have grown to the maturit) >f befitting sovereign States. Let tnem determine for them ;t selves according to their circumstances and necessities i- whether they will be free or slave States. As they deie termine. in such character admit them to full communior in the Union, conqxtsed alike of slaveholding and frei I- States. According, sir, to the established principle of tha' liberty, "baptized American in the blood of the revolna lion," which proclaims that sovereignty resides alone ii i- the people, you can rightfully do no more. While tcrrid tories are in their chrysalis state, during their pupillage d you may watch over and protect them, but what right ie have you to debar these people from the admission antl I- enjoyment of the property recognised as theirs by the conh stitution of the country, and which on the settlement and culture of a new country is of peculiar and special add vantage. To the people alone, when from a territor) 's they have grown into a sovereign State, does it belong to h determine the domestic institutions they will establish 1 and the character they will assign to property among i- them; and their arbitrament can he no more rightfully init tercepted than appealed from. Such is the demand of the st fundamental principle of American law, no less than as I r- have, 1 trust, heretofore demonstrated, the clear omigatior n of the constitution and of the equal right of the people ol ' all the States to participate in the acquisitions of the 't common sword and the common Ireasure of tht o Union. Another of the pretext* of the gentlemar e from New York for the exclusive appropriation of the fu0 ture acquisitions of the Union to tne people of the fret ie States, is still more extraordinary than any yet noticed >t It is tliat such exclusive appropriation is "due to thi i- white men who tight our nattle* and constitute oui s: strength." This forces into immediate consideration tht r present \.'.rwith Mexico, through which alone is there e indeed, any present prospect of the acquisition of territor) 1 to the Union, and the composition of the forces engagei it in its prosecution. I have heretofore. Mr. Chairman e had occasion to exhibit the share which the slaveholdin; r. population of the south have ever borne in forming th< e armies and braving the hardships and perils of our nae tional conflicts; and had I sought the most apposite ex i* ample to prove it, I could not have selected a better thar n the one the gentleman has so strangely forced upon me There have certainly heen brave and gallant men furi nishe 1 to our armies in Mexico from the northwest, am e I doubt not in en lurance and valor they have not beer i- surpassed, though surely equalled by forces from othei - quarters. Hilt it so happens that much the larger propor li turn, especially of our volunteer army, has been contribd jle.l from the slaveholding States. In that series of glo is rious achievements which has wrested province nfle >- province from Mexican rule, and added to the lustre o: ' our arm* by triumph upon triumph, and in that vet hardei e service which ban to endure the sufferings of the camp and the pestilential exhalations of llie doleful Ru I' Grande, tne volunteers from the slaveholding States o )r IxNiisiana, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Missouri, Ar ' kansas, and Texas, from their superuir numbers, havi >1 mainly borne the orunt of battle and disease. Kvei now, sir, from other southern States, slaveholders, or gallant sons of slaveholders, aie thronging, with |*itri ic ardor, to swell the ranks of their country's armii and should the American banner he destined to final | triumph oyer another tiehl of (lory, I doubt not to h | that unfading laurels have crowned the brows of inr I of the gallant sons of my native State; for never, in I I (Slimiest days, has the Old Dominion sent forth a hi with irtirids more tired to noble deeds, and souls infull of lofty daring, limit that regiment which is to ht the honor of hearing her proud banifef against the sh< of the foe, or up the "imminent deadly irtrac While such is the composition of our armies the field, is it not strange?passing strange?tl the gentleman from New York should select si incentives to present theniWhy, the larger number them know the peace of their homes arid the safety tbeirfatnilies to be wound up with the institution of < inestid slavery. They are pledged by all aaaociatii feeling, and interest to favor whatever measures ma lain and conserve it?to discountenance end oppose to uttermost whatever may assail or prejudice the stabil of the institution, or the fullest enjoyment, by the mas] of hie rights of property. When, to them, in their f offcamps, strturglW with waefinsj disease, or, on the < of bloody conflict, shall come the intelligence of the pr ositioo here gravely entertained, to wrest from them : thews the least participation in whatever may he acqui bjf Iwar suffering or their bloo.l; when they shall know t tnerreomfttests are lint to be the signal of insidious winIts, and the array of all the |Krtential influence of federal government against the institutions of their fath and themselves, and that this is done itnijer the nretei of what is due to them, how bitterly must thev feel t mockery and insult are added to the wrong and injust nei|ietrated against them. Sir, the position in which hilly carried out as the gentleman proposes, would pi the gallant sons of the south, whether in your army navy, would be positively Cruel. It would he utterly i possible they could light with ardor and zeal, if at all. the very face of the foe their liearts would he beaut ed, their arms paralyzed, and their indignation diver from their enemies on the field to their betrayers in councils of their country. They would know the c pouring of their blood to be hut a wasteful sacrifice ; t success to their arms was to their Suites and their hot less dangerous than disaster; that conquests, achieved their valor, and purchased, Perhaps, with their lives, co never pertain to them or tneirs( but would only con tute the direct means of attack on the rights of (lieh p tion, the peace 6f their homes, and the security of tli families and friends. In this view, as well as othi how strange and inop]iortune the lime selected by the g tleniun from New York, his instigators and supporters, their reckless agitation. Much discussion has hi wasted here in determining whether any party in country is lending "aid and comfort" to the. public c my. The phrase is net of my selection, for I like not impute moral treason to any; hut it doubt existed bef< the problem is now solved; if reckless agitation?if advised propositions here of direct tendency to courage our enemies and depress our friends constit moral treason and give aid and comfort to Mexico, \\ then, truly, in my opinion, has the guilt been incurred the gentleman from New York and his supporters. nugnt to nuve known?inc teasi inquiry wouiii nave b isheJ hiin?that the south never could and never wo prosecute conquests which were to he made the iiist inent of direct attack on her institutions?that she ne would acquiesce in the acquisition of territory fr which her sons, with their property, were to he whe excluded. We must believe him sincere, when he tun tains that on no other terms than such exclusion will north prosecute the war, or make acquisitions. W sir, if this he the true state of things^ it would have he in time of profound peace, humiliating enough to hi almost crushed an American heart, to have made m? fest to the country and the world the mortifying fact t this great republic was the only nation on the globe tl neither in peace or war, could make an acquisition of' ritory?that such was the jealousy of the north town the south, and the unfraternal and invidious hostilitj the people of the free States to the domestic institute of the slave States, that the former would acquire no 1 ritory without excluding the latter, with their propo from equal participation in it; and that the latter both the strength and resolution not to permit such inj tice. But, sir, was it not folly iu its prime to devc such latent weakness, if, indeed, it exists in our fedc tive svstetn, in the midst of war with a jierverse and tractable enemy, whose main reliance must he in the j traction of the contest, and the distracting strugc among our parties and sections; as it seems to many, most the sole means possessed by us of coercing stubborn foe to aif honorable peace, were the seizure her territories, and the apprehensions we might exciti her permanent dismemberment! This, sir, is the \ juncture the gentleman selects as peculiarly appropr i to exhibit to Mexico and the world that no danger wl ever need he apprehended of the (itial retention of t provinces, and the dismemberment of her empire, cause, forsooth, however many may be wrested from i by war, the north will not retain them without excluc the southern people; and the south will not consen i that. What could more, than dissensions ou s , questions, brintr on our councils "the repute of f ishness" in the estimate of the civilized world ? 1 could hope be more surelj infused in the count and animation he imparted to the courage of the M( can nation ? The Virect tendency must he not lest : inspirit the Mexican soldiery than, ;is 1 have hereto i ] shown, to depress, and almost disarm, the larger por ! of our own armies; thus rendering the war of interm : hie duration, if not of ultimate disaster and defeat, t such reckless agitation he not giving "aid and comfoi the enemy," then certainly none on this floor, not e ; j the gentleman from Ohio, can be justly charged wit! i 1 only trust in God it may not so prove, and to our i ter cost. In this connexion, Mr. Chairmain, I wis! i address some observations to that portion of the nortl ? representatives on this floor, who avow their purposi , sustain the odious bill of the gentleman from New V r and seem induced thereto, in part, by their repugnant ; the war as one for southern acquisition, and tneir I that through the disgust which the bill will inspiri t that quarter, the war may he terminated and our fo 1 lie withdrawn. My course at the last session has shi ' that, personally, I was anxious to avoid rather tha induce, much Iosj precipitate, this war?when, i , hostilics hail commenced on the Rio Grande, and wex informed of the perilous straits in which our gallant i my, surrounded ny double its number of active foes, placed, I was, indeed, most solicitous to give the proi I est and most efficient relief; but even then I still cl to the hope of pacific settlement of all our differs i with Mexico, and on the hill for the relief of the nr voted against the amendment which recognised ami ; clared war. When, however, that amendment prevr t by a decisive majority, no alternative remained hut ei I to deny all succor fo our endangered army, or to vote the war. I then did not hesitate to vote for it. I die I the more readily, because I honestly believed that years before, and until our magnanimity was likelj > ne mistaken for timidity, we had endured griex i wrongs from the Mexican nation, and that but rece , we had been subjected to repetition of insult and in ; from her; and, although personally I would have ferred to have forborne, yet awhile, I did not doubt > national honor and the law of nations at least authori ou our part, a declaration of war. Against my i therefore, and no inconsiderable number of so f ern democrats, xvho voted with me on that occas the charge so frequently made here that this war instigated and precipitated from a lust of actpusition with a view to the extension of slavery and the agg dizemcnt of the south, falls hurtless and pointless. I iher than may result from the rightful s?ttlement of boundaries of Texas, as an individual, I have no str desire for the acquisition of territory in the present i I have been inclined, however, to think that, in the tlement of an honorable peace, indemnities would 1 rightfully and of necessity to be accorded u.s; and I 1 I not seen how else they could be rendered except bv I | cession of territory on the part of Mexico. I have! , j wise been disposed to believe that the extensive va r territories between us and the settled parts ol Me ; must ultimately, in despite of the most honest effort! the part of our government to avert it, attract and be . cupied by our pioneering population of the west i south I feared, therefore, these vacant territories wo hereafter, prove the source of interminable difScu l and wrangles between us and Mexico. They are at I same time so far removed from the central governn i of Mexico, and must, under her rule, so long be ur tied or distracted by adventurers and savages, that I lieve their loss would add to rather than diminish real power and resources of Mexico. With these vii I was and stiil am disposed to think it would be wise r best for all parties, that in settling the existing war b; f honorable treaty, arrangements nail best be made for r retention by us, on liberal terms to Mexico, howevei , the sparselv populate 1 or wholly unsettled territorie j New Mexico and California. In my opinion, neithe f these acquisitions could result in any special advanti . to the southern States of the Union, since their occi tion as American territory and reduction to cul i would but furnish rival products to reduce, in the mar r I ' 'r ihe of the world, Ihe grain ami g#eat stajrles <if the soutl ot- To the republic <Lt large, and especially to the uianitiii: cs; and manufacturing interest <rf the north, I had suppose : in both would prove valuable acaui.-dfions, and that Ca! car fornia in particular, from her Days and harbors on th my Pacific, would afford invaluable facilities for our partic her pation in, and perhaps engrossment of, the lucrative coir mil merce of that ocean. The gentleman to whom ! am rt ore feirim: will see, Mr. Chairman, how widely variant the? ive views are from those of mere sectional aggraiulizamei ?ck or the mere extension of slave territory. But, 1 repeat, h." certainly am not, nor do 1 believe the iieople of the sout in generally ere, specially solicitous for those acquisitions i tat all; and whiie Ihey have no uni'raternal jealousies whic ich would deny their acquirement, because to result in supt of rior benefit to another section of the Union, they woul of cheerfully see them all foregone in the attainment of lo- stable peace on terms satisfying the real grievances w fin, hiive endured and the honor of the republic. Now, in- would My to the gentleman to whom I refer. I see in the how, by bussing the offensive bill of the gentleman froi ity New York, they would approximate to the attainment < ter, an honorable peace. 1 have heretofore shown?salisfai ar- torily, I trust?that the course of that gentleman and a ;ve acting with him inusi animate the Mexicans, inspire thei op- with new hopes, and increase their stubborn intractabil md ty. By voting for that odious bill, gentlemen may indee red succeed in precluding the acquisition of further territi hat ries. Certainly, in n/y opinion, they will; for 1 see n as- bow,' with that bill a law, tile south can possibly vote the dollar or a mail to effect conquests in Which her peop ers are not merely refused all share, but which are to I nee made the immediate means of attack on their institulior hat and property. But, sir. I entreat gentlemen who may ii ice tend to vote for that hill wholly or in part from that viev the not to delude themselves with the belief that the effects i ace such a law are to end there. Most wretchedly will the or be deceived. In contrast with the effects of that law, tli im- question of the prosecution of the War?of the acquisitin In of the most extensive territories?shrinks into insignit nb- cnnce. It is to involve, sir, the momentum issue of tl ted union of these States. Let gentlemen only pause ana ri the tlect on the character of the proposed bill. Let them r< >ut- metnher i 'proposes a prospective, permanent, fundament; hat law for the action of this government in all time?that i nes clear aim is lo diiect the legislation and enlist the who1 by influence moral and political Of this common Union I uld discountenance the institutions of the south, and to in sti- pair and restrict the rights of her people to their mo ec- valuable pro|ierty?that under the pretext of seeking i ieir Jesuitical jihraseology to " elevate and dignify the cond >rs, tion and character (if labor," these northern gentlemc en- make it one of the chief objects of this government I for stigmatize the institutions and depreciate and inqia sen the labor and projierty of the people of one-half tl the States of the confederacy. That they wholly deny t ne- that people the equality ou which is based the constili to tion itself, and exclude them, with their projierty, froi ire, all participation in the acquisition of the common bloc ill- anil treasure of the Union; and that, instead of inakin en- their institutions and jircrjierty the objects of the equi ute protection and conservation of the federal government, a rhy its practicable agencies are to be invoked to discounti by nance and insidiously subvert them. The gentlenia He from New York does, indeed, venture the assurance?? ..... ?...i ? i i.. lUl- lUC c,\ 11*ill ui iuc ' ",IU mcivy iu uc |^ini iiM<oi y iuuvi ultl safed to the people of the south?that this federal got nt- eminent will not overthrow and subvert the institutic ver of slavery in the States where it exists. That is, in e oin feet, (and how gracious, indeed!) our common feder. illy government will not openly plunder the people of oie liii- half the States of their most valuable property. It wi the only, by its whole intluence and all the insidious agei hy, cies its legislature can command, undermine their ii eh, stitutions and filch away, by slow degrees, their rights < ivc property and the value of their labor. How far it mi- fear or scruple that deters from more open and direct a/ hat saults, I leave to the casuist who, from the character i mt, men, may detect their motives. Mr. Chairman, \i ter- have had agitations and wrongs more than enough, fi irds twelve years past, to bear from our northern l'ellov r of citizens on this subject of slavery. Numerous societii ins have been tolerated among them, whose sole vocation ter- was to defame the character and assail the peace ai rty, property of the slaveholders of the south. Sovereic hail States of the north,and those the most influential, amoi |us- them Massachusetts and New York, have passed resol slop tions insulting to the feelings, and have enacted laws :ra- direct conflict with the guarantied rights of the people in- the South. The courts of the Union?nay of your o\\ iro- States, have in vain pronounced your laws to be uncons ;les tutional. You repeal thein not, and inobs enforce the. al- until it has come to such pass, that the slaveholders our the south, having their property enticed or stolen to tl of north, must forego the plain remedies of an acknow : of edged law of the Union, enacted in conformity to asolen ery provision of the constitution, and forfeit their proper) iatie rather than encounter the peril of a foul death or di liat- graceful imprisonment as felons. But, sir, these wrong her gross as they are, have been all the acts of individuals be- of separate States. Hard to endure as they were, v her have forborne, because they could be measurably m ling and repelled by the associated action of our people, or I t to the energies of the slaveholding States. On one inatti uch heretofore, this unfraternal and hostile agitation h ool- even crept into and infected this Hall?a |>ortion low one of the co-ordinate departments of this gover :ils, ment?and then; sir, for a time, as all must but ti ?xi- solemnly remember, the Union trembled. But i to was cloaked under the guise of an alleged c.o fore nexion with the right, so sacred in the minds of t tiou people, of petition, and in consideration of the delusii ina- which, most erroneously, as 1 think, carried away mai If from that cause, it after a while ceased to startle and e rt to cite, as it ought, the southern people. But, sir, not nc ven have we to despise the insane ravings of associated f 1 it. natics or the disgraceful violences of mobs, neither hit- view with indignation the invidious resolutions and u i to constitutional enactments of northern States, nor yet tern lie startled at the unbecoming action of one of the parts 5 to the national legislature. But should the offensive hill nrk, the gentleman trom New York pass, as from the sen :e to inents of northern representatives seems but too likel lope we shall he aroused indeed, and by a widely differt j in spectacle. The combined action of all the departmci rccs of this government?the government of the confedet iwn tion itself, with nil its agencies of moral and political i n to fluencc will have been enlisted in a direct attempt to sn ifter vert the fundamental equality of the constitution, in vere insidious design to undermine the institutions of one-h ar- of the States, and to stigmatize and depreciate their pr< was erty and their labor. The palpable exclusion of slai npt- holders, with their property, from the joint acquisitui lung of common treasure and blood, would alone have sit: nces ced, but the indirect influences and potent moral agenc my, thus, by the legislation of the republic, arrayed agaii de- our property and our peace, immeasurably exceed e\ tiled that direct wrong. Tlie jieople of the south never coi ther and never would endure it. The heritage of their fath i for would be at stake?their own honor would be at hazari 1 so the peace of their homes?the loves and the affectic for that cluster around the hearth-stones?the security f to their .State and their friends?the fortunes and the ir rous of their wives and their families, would all he wrecked ntly the finnl issues of such agencies, unresisted and unrepe jury ed hy them. The Union would and must be first sacr pre- ced. 1 utter this in no spirit of bravado or menacethat know the |>eople of the south, and 1 believe it. Neith zed, sir, do 1 mean to found upon it any entreaty or supplit self, tion to the people of the north, or their representatir uth- here?I have none to present?and if, in the admira ion, speech of my friend from Alabama, I had any, the le was fault to find, it was that his tone was somewhat I and deprecatory. For the north I have warning, inde ran- while it is yet tune?remonstrance, too, if it woi Fur- avail, and even appeal, if it would be he the ed?not, however, to feeling: or sympathy. 1 ong to their sense of justice add equal rights. Sir, as I h:i var. said, we plant ourselves on the constitution. We dema set- only equality of light?full communion and parti lave pation in the privileges of our common Union. Vve r lave on that which is more immutable even than the most i the crcil intruments of man's framing?on the eternal prin ike pies of sheer justice and equality, and then, sir, if dim cant ion be forced upon us, let it come. Not on us of t xico south, 1 am satisfied, would its disasters mainly f? s on Far from it; and 1 most heartily wish my time would oc- low me, as I had intended, to demonstrate of how ir and nitely greater weight would be the calamities resulting uld. the north. I admonish the representatives of tliat sect llies to be wise in time. If not, you will see the sources the your prosperity drying up at the fountain heads. 1 lent great staple* of southern production, which have iset- your commerce, built up your cities, and sustained y< be- trade the world over, will have been transferred to i the fleets and marts of other nations. The evcr-increas wis. demands ot the agriculturists of the south for the p and ducts of manufacture and mechanical labor, the sup v an of which, under the peculiar privileges of the Unf the reared your factories and fillet! your workshops, w r, of have been answered by a rival nation of skill and capi s of surpassing yours. Your lords of the loom and shuttle r of your merchant prince#?your wealthy mechanics a ages thriving laborers, will all have felt the gloom of a ro ii|>a- mon ' cloud come athwart the sunshine of their prospe ture tv." And when half your ships lie rotting on the whs kets ?your factories are crumbling stone by stone?yr l. workshop rewound no longer with] the busy hum of iule ilustry, and your cities are dwindling to half their aije, 1 you will mourn tlie desolation that has overtaken you, i- and in sackcloth und ashes re|>ent the "inadneas that e ruled this hour." You may then remember, ami ! all the i- bitterness of irretrievable loss, the a|>|ieul this day made ?- in vain to your wisdom and justice, and the represents - live of the south, who, while avoidance of the coining; * danger was yet easy, with candor and fearlessness told >t you only the konut truth. h tty I. It*. BOTBLKM, Jr., ./ui tiowrr. it rpRUSTEE'S iSAI,E t>F A VALUABLE STOCK OF h X staple und limey dry goods.?By virtue of a deed ol trust to me, executed mid delivered t?y Richard C. Washd urgton, hearing date tic 31st of March, 1846, and duly rea corded, I shall -ell, on Wednesday, the 20th day of Januaty instant, at 10 o'clock, a. in., itt the store lately occupied by B.C. Washington, in tins city, tit public auction to the ' highest bidders, upon the terms Itereinnlter mentioned, nil '* and singular the stuck in trade, dry goods, fancy goods, iner n chaitdisc, goods and chattels <>t every name and nature if whatsoever in and uboiil the said store anil premises. Terms: All suina ol and under $75, cash ; over $75 to II $150, 80 days : over $150 to $300, two und four months ; U over $300, monthly payments from one to six months ; notes : bearing interest with approved security. , , J. M. CARLISLE, Trustee. ' Jan 6?eoHls W. BOTKLEH, Jr., Auctioneer. > * ? u| rilKlXTIlK'S sale, of a valuable twontory Brick a X House.?By virtue of ti deed of trust, executed hy i- Brooke M. Berry, of record in Liber W. 11., No. Of, folios 121, -122, and 423, one of the hind records of Wnshingle ton county, the undersigned will offer lor sale, at public nttel ,s tion, to the highest bidder, on Saturday, the UOlh dtty o1 laimary, A. 0. 1817, at the hour of l'A o'clock, nt., tor the V, purposes ill saiil deed ntentioneil, a lot of ground, with its if appurtenances, situated in the eily of Washington, 1). C., .y ana designated on the plan of the said city as lot No. 16, lit square No. 686, subject to the widow's dower. This property is eligibly and beautifully situated on Cap. itol llill, fronting on the west side of 1st street oust, between }' B and G streets north, containing a comfortable and weli-tinle islied two-story brick house, with out-houses, garil u, iVc., J- being tlio same which was occupied by the Hon.Mr. Holun-s, B- of South Carolina, during the last session of Congress, and is rl now in the possession oi the said Brooke M. Berry. The ts title is indisputable ; but the undersigned will convey to |(. tlie purchaser only such title as is vested in him by the deed , . of trust ulbresaid. Terms of sale cash The safe to take. place in front of tho premises. ?" JOHN B. MAGRUDER, Trustee. R' Dee 28?3taw4wads A. GREEN, Auctioneer. in i- I \R. UOBK11T ARTHUR, Burgeon Dentist, having ,n I / determined to make Washington ids permanent resi' dence, respectfully offers his professional services to the r public. Dr. Arthur believes it will not be improper to state thnt he has taken go-at pains to quality himself thorie ougldy liir the practice of his profession. He is a regular 0 graduate of six years' standing of the Baltimore College ol I- ?)ontal Surgery, and a member of the American Society of in Dental Surgeons. id Oil loo Pennsylvania uvenue, between 11111 mm tutu ir streets. il Jan 2?3t* ^ 11 OOAHDITO M rs. JEFFERS, on Missouri avenue, he5 AJ tweon 3d ami 44 street, has two or three tarnished n rooms to lot, either with or without board. Jan. 8?8i J8 tTSASflS for Party.?\ beautiful assortment of elegant fiinsJ? received at Onion's llaniar, corner of 14 street and lVnn, r' sylvania avenue, consisting of l.ouis XlV and Kli/.abeth 'n style'1?ivory and mother of tvarl sticks; beautiful white and 1- colored silk, and silver embroidered leather, kid, and paper ll painted?all of the latest Parisian fashion?to be sold at low e- prices, from Union's Batumi. Jan 9?3ti f '' A CI.OA1C boat.?Taken from the Jackson Hall, on the _r\.8th of January, amidst the confusion occasioned by tile 1- .ilorm ni flrn ,i I,luck cloak?nrettv much worn?-With II red ?f plaid lining. Any person who may have found it, willcoiii? 1'er a favor upon the owner by leaving it at Jiick.sou Hull, s- JanU?3t TTTANTEII?A situation iii tlio country by a single mnu re yy jVoui Scotland, who has a knowledge of fanning and 'r live stock, can keep accounts, and do all out-door work. As it- the advertiser wants employment, he will be contented with >s u moderate salary. lie can give security as to his responsiit bility. Address "J. B. S.," Union office. Jan 9* id ? VKYVKY'8 Sermons, Mew Volume.?Sermons, articles 5n U from reviews, and occasional discourses, by Orville lg Dewey, D. 1)., on human nature, human life, and the na- ^ U- ture of religion; 1 vol., 1817. in .lust published, and this day received, for sale by 0f F. TAYLOR. rll Also, Chtutning's complete works, 6 volumes. Jim 9 li- TTlIlliE Evening Fans, Wliltf Kid Uloves, die.?J. ||, 11, J? Gibbs invites the attention of the ladies and public genof orally to his assortment of beautiful liand-paintod and einle broiuered evening fans, suitable for the approachiug osseiu1_ blies and other occasions. They will bo found to unite the i m latest and most fashionable designs, with richness, ele- j gnnce, and utility. I Also, some very handsome cameo and other breastpin*, ' 8_ bracelets, Arc. Is> Pennsylvania avenue, between 9th and 10th streets, or Jan 9?3tif et ?r th?' City or St. Louis?Holders of said ,,. AJ bonds due at any time before the 21th Fehntary, 1847, ean receive the amount of principal and interest on the same, less discount at the rate of sir per cent, per annum ^8 lor the unexpired time, on surrendering the same to of Jun 8?St CORCORAN Ac RIGGS. 00 A TRH. BANNERMAN, from Baltimore, lias opened for 1V1 a few days, on Pennsylvania av.nue, near 44 street, a handsome assortment of ladies', gentlemen's, and children's 1 clothing, viz: Ladies' scarf's, sack cloaks 311 Head ornaments, caps, and French-worked capes riy (ientlemen's shirts, bosoms, collars, cravuts, scarfs X- Undershirts and drawers. Ace. iw Children's overcoats, sock clonks a- Walking-dresses, Arc. to Infants' worked robes. Jan 7?St BRILLIANT LOTTERIES, J* Fur Juinmrf/, 1817. of .1- W. MA IK V At MANAGERS, (j. (Successors to J. G. Gregory & Co.) Iy> $33,0001 ALEXANDRIA LOTTERY, lt? Class C, lor 1817. ra- To be drawn at Alexandria, on Saturday, the IHtli of Jtitiin "'try, 1817. ifi. lilt 11,1,1 ANT SCHEME: .... I capital of 935,000 I I prize of $2,000 1 prize of 10,000 | 1 of 1,900 1 1 of 6,<HMt II of . , 1,800 fi'" I of 3,265 1 of 1,700 'e- 1 ol 2,200 J I of 1,900 4t? 10 prizes of $1,500, Arc., Are. Hi- 15 drawn number* out of 78. ies Tickets $10?halves $5?quarters $2 50. nut Certificates of packages of 28 whole tickets, $120 00 Do do 20 half do 00 00 ^ j Do do 28 quarter, do 30 00 Pr8 930,0001 1? ALEXANDRIA LOTTERY, )I1S Class D, lor 1817. of To he drawn at Alexandria, on Saturday, the 23d of Janres unry, 1817. ' j,. SPI.ESIDID PRIZES 1 ,ii 1 prize of $30,000 1 prize of $2,278 ;fi 1 do 10,000 10 do 1J50 , 1 do ?,(MK> 25 do 1,900 ~1 1 do 5,(KM) 28 do 500 i er. 1 do 4,(MM) 50 do 300 :a- Arc. Arc. Arc. res 75 number lottery?13 drnwn ballots, ble Tickets $10?halves $5?quarters $2 50. aa| Certificates of packages of 25 whole tirkets, $130 00 too Do do 25 half do H5 (Ml p(| Do do 25 quarter do 32 50 J',<! $93,000. e??- ALEXANDRIA LOTTERY, !)Ut Claw E, for 1847. ive To be draw n at Alcvatulria on Saturday, tlir 30th of Jnnuind "ry, 1817. cj- 13 drawn numbers out of 66. *P!.E>DID am Ml It : ! 1 prize of 828,000 I prizo of fl.SnO i 1 do 10.000 10 do 1,180 C1* 1 do 5,000 15 do 800 in- 1 do 2,000 20 do 200 he I do 1,730 tec. tec. ill- Ticket* #10?halves $5?quarter* tl 30. al- Certificate* of package* of 22 wholes, 8100 ifi- Do do 22 halves, 50 (0 Do do 22 quarters, 25 "of Orders for tickets and shares and certificates ol packagein the above splendid lotteries, will receive the tttost prompt , attention, and an official account of each drawing sent int* fen metiiately after it is over, to all who order from us. Ad- I atir dress J. te C. MAURY, (he \gents for the managers, Washington City, D. I', injr .Ian 6?d.Vepiftd r?- rnO Teacher*.?A grntlrnun well qnallAed to teach ply 1 ti. (!reek and Roman languages, the mathematics, 1 on. and usual branch 's of nn English education, may hear of rill a favorable situation and oniployment by early application tal to James M.'Smith, esq., of the Treasury Department, or the , Hon. Mr. Leake, of Virginia. Jan 8?3teod ' rpHK KOIYTAI* ?a Tern |>e ranee Annual tar IMf? " J. tine Urg volttnie. with many Iieautiful engravings and literary contributions by the first American writers, richly r'8 hound and gill. Just publislied, and tins day received for mr sale bv F. TAYLOR ?