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BY CEO. W. BOWIIA\.
NEW SERIES. Select soet r. HOME, DEAR HOME. Where burns the loved hearth brightest, Cheering the social breast ? Where beats the loud heart lightest, Its humble hope possessed; Where is the smile of darkness, Of meek-eyed patience born, Worth more than those of gladness, Which mirth's bright cheek adorn ? Pleasure is marked by fleetness, To those whoever roam; While grief itself has sweetness At home I dear home ! There I end the ties that strengthen Our hearts in hours of grief; The silver links that lengthen Joy's visits when most brief; There eyes in all their splendor, Are vocal to the heart, And glances, gay or tender, Fre-h eloquence impart; Then, dost thou sigh tor pleasure, O ! do not widely roam, Tut seek that hidden treasure At home ! dear home ! Does pure religion charm thee Far more than aught below f Wotdd'st thou that she should arm thee Against the hour of woe ! Think not she dvvelleth only In temple- of prayer; For home itself is lonely, Unless her smile- be there; The devotee may falter, The bigot blindly roam, If worship less her altar At home ! dear home ! Love over it presideth, With rr.eek and watchful awe, Its daily service guideth. And shows it- perfect law ! If,there thy faith shall fail thee, If there no shrine he found. What ran thy prayers avail thee With kneeling crowds around f Go ! leave thy gift ntioffered Beneath religion's dome, Arid be thy first fruits profler'd At home! dear home! OF Tin: STATE CENTRA!. COMMITTEE. To THE FEon.r. OF PHVXSYLVANIA : Fdliiiv Citizens: —The State Central Com mittee appointed by the Democratic.convention which assembled i.i Harrisburg, in March last, have thought it their duty to address you on the present aspect of politioa! affairs. The opponents of the Democratic party and •of Democratic policy (we scarcely know at this moment by what name to call them) have, for purposes connected with the approaching elec tion, made another of those sudden changes of •altitude which have so often heretofore tarnish ed the political character of their leaders, and dissatisfied the people. They have run through •tln-ir VvFTole list of public measures. One alter the other their principles have been condemned by the public voice and abandoned by them selves. A National Dank, ahout which they ■once threatened revolution, is an "obsolete •idea." The Independent Treasury, which they denounced so fiercely, is no longer denied to he the safest and best mode of keeping and disbursing the public revenues. Their Bank rtipt Law is delivered over, with their full con sent, to the infamy it deserves. We hear no more from them ahout expunging the veto pow er from the constitution. The thunders o! alarm against the annexation of Texas are si lent. Their execrations of the Mexican War and the barren State of California, are no longer heard. "The tariff of IS4-2" is erased from their banners and omitted in their speeches.— They seem to he ashamed (as certainly they ought to be) of their predictions thai the coun trv would be ruined and the treasury made bankrupt by the tariff of IS-tfi. Even theGal phins of the last administration have retired to the quiet shades of obscutity, content to gorge rtheir plunder in silence, without defending the means bv which it was acquired. It might naturally be supposed, from such un toward circumstances, that these politicians would cease their war upon the party of the people, when their formerly avowed principles and measures were thus abandoned. Alter keeping the country in a commotion for so many years, by contending for measures and views which they now tacitly admit to be eith er false or hopeless, it would seem that dissolu tion was the only thing left for them. But the natural enemies of republicanism and equality can never be idle. The interested and ambitious demagogue never quit his trade. They can at least get local offices by stirring up strife among the people, and this they seem ready to do, as passing events abundantly verify. We do not deny that the masses of the party opposed to us are honest, sound and true heart ed citizens, who desire nothing but that the honor and interests of their Country may be promoted and perpetuated. It is their sincere prejudices against the Democracy, or their long habits of obedience to party discipline which keeps them where they are: but we confidently trust that the time has now come, when they will break the trammels which have heretofore bound them, and join thg Democratic party in a cordial support of the laws and the Constitu tion. Previous to the last presidential election, the organs, orators and leaders of the party, then cal ling itself Whig, had exhausted their list of party doctrines. Every issue had been settled against them. But they are seldom at a loss for some temporary subterfuge, and on that occasion ihey betook themselves to a most uisreputable expedient. They exerted all their power and i influence to excite the anger, hatred and jeal ousy of the Catholics and naturalized voters a gainst the Democratic party and its candidates. Immediately upon (Jen. Pierce's nomination, they denounced him as a bigoted Protestant, who, if elected, would use his power to prevent Catholics from having their just rights. A re striction in the Constitution of New Hampshire against this sect of people, was charged on him as a high political offence. Certificates from Catholics in his own neighborhood, declaring that he was hostile to them flooded the country —and the sanctity of the Post office was violated for the purpose of circulating these documents along with the religious papers read by persons ofthat faith. On the other hand, Gen. Scott was held upas a man for whom Catholics, a bove all others, ought to vote. If he was not a member ofthat church himself, it was urged that his family were, and his daughter had, with his consent, gone into a convent. Never before was so hold and shameless an effort made to rouse religious prejudices for political purpo ses. Sensible men of all parties, sects and classes, were deeply offended at this unblushing system of endeavoring to carry an election by sectarian appeals. Still more humiliating than this, if possible, was the flattery bestowed upon their adopted fellow citizens. From the aged and distinguish ed soldier who was their candidate for President, down to the most obscure and inefficient of their speakers and writers, all professed a becoming zeal for the rights of foreigners. According to their statements made then, all persons of for eign birth had been or were about to be greatly misus.ed by the Democracy and they were urged, exhorted and warned to trust ri 'body hut their true friends, the Whigs. Even the dialect spoken by foreigners was referred to as being superior to the vernacular language which the native born citizen used. The "rich Irish brogue" was music to their ears, and the "sweet German accent" was the subject of ex travant eulogy." These facts, fellow citizens, are fresh in y< or recollection. But would you believe it, that the same politicians who were preaching this sectar ian crusade against the Democracy, less than two years ago, and who did all that in them lay, to excite the jealousy of adopted citizens against native born Americans, have recently espoused the doctrine of prescript ion against all citizens not native horn of whatever religious faith, and are said to he in close alliance with a secret and oath hoiind association which projioses to punish men for conscience sake. In Philadel phia the newly elected Mayor has boldly declar ed this doctrine of proscription. That this is a mere political manouivr 1 on the pait ol the \\ big leaders may he confidently affirmed. That it is a heartless attempt to make a political use of re ligions prejudices, in which they themselves do not participate, no one can doubt. Ascertained facts, past and present, make it perfectly appar ent, that these same politicians, if they could secure votes by it, would again flatter the Cath olics and be the champions of the rights ol our adopted fellow citizens. It may he asked, how shall the Democracy meet the issues thus presented ? We answer, just as the they have met all the other false and anti-republican doctrines oi the enemies of pop ular rights, bv the power of truth, by the force of reason and argument appealing to th" con science of the people. This mingling of reli- 1 gious and political elements cannot be appro- j ved or endorsed by a free and libemf people in this age and in this country. They who think so, must be credulous and .shoit sighted indeed. In IS")", the Democracy asked no more than equal justice for Protestants, and now \Vhtn the Whigs have changed their ground, we will de mand but common and constitutional right for adopted citizens of whatever religious belief they may happen to be. This has ever been the creed of tile Democratic party, as it has ever been the policy oJ this government. They recognize no peculiar rights in any sect or class, but have only sought to maintain the just rights of all, and to bestow distinction and honor as the reward of individual merit. The constitu tion and the law—the great principles of equali ty which the people of this country, native horn and those of foreign birth, fought and hied for— freedom of conscience, which no American christian would take from his fellow man—jus tice to all and special favors to none—this is' the platform of the Democracy. From this high elevation, let us look down calmly upon the inqxirtant struggle of those who come in con flict with these principles. Ours is the cause of our country, of liberty and true religion, which can only flourish in its purity where ail are per mitted to worship as they think right. We are fully persuaded that the people of this State are true ami will remain true to the principles of civil and religious liberty, which were established by the revolution. Their whole history from The first settlement of this province down to the vote at the last Presidential elec tion, is calculated to inspire every reflecting man with confidence in their good sense and pa triotism. How much and why the principles I of universal toleration are and ought to he valu ed, need not he enforced by argument on this point. The history of the world for two cen turies is replete with incidents demonstrating the wisdom of tiiis doctrine. Religions toleration may he looked upon as the fruitful parent of the infant colonies—and the rights of conscience and of worshiping God according to its dictates, may he considered the stone of oiir republican institutions. The Puri tans and Catholics of England and the Hngonots of France fled from the persecutions of religious intolerance at home, to the wrldsofthis West ern world, in order that they might enjoy t hat liberty here which was denied them in the land of their birth. This land lias been the land a bove all others of religious and political toleia tion—a toleration of nil sects and creeds so much in harmony with our republican institu tions. It is true that here and there at the ear ly settlement of the colonies, a contrary spirit Freedom of Thought and Opinion. TERIttS, S2 PER YEAR. BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1834. was sometimes manifested, but it gradually sub sided and the heaven born principles promulga ted by Lord Baltimore in Maryland, Roger Williams in Rhode Island, and William Penri in Pennsylvania, have had their healthful sway in the policy of this country. being engrafted in the constitution of the several States. The Quakers and Baptists were once persecuted in New England, and the Puritan preachers and Dissenters from the Established English Church, in Virginia—but who would dare now to avow publicly, sympathy with such intolerance?— Who would .have the hardihood now to propose an amendment to the constitution of the I nion or of any of the States, that a person born in a foreign land, or professing any particular reli gious faith, shall be excluded from the rights, privileges and immunities of an American citi zen ! Thanks to the spirit of the age and an over-ruling and ever wise Providence, the idea of rights of conscience has eventually prevailed and been permanently established, and peace lias been introduced among men under the sanc tion of our government and laws, 011 subjects which had long led to cruel and bloody wars. We are not defending the tenets ot any par ticular sect, but the rights of all to enjoy their own peculiar views without molestation, with out proscription and persecution. In this lies the safety of all, for the powerful of to-day may be the weak of to-morrow. The same op pressions and cruelties, visited by a dominant religious sect upon their weaker brethren of opposite religious views, may be returned upon themselves with a ten fold Inry 111 the ebbs and flows of party arid political feeling, if such ques tions ate to be tolerated at all in political dis cussions. The poisoned chalice may be return ed to tile lips of those who would force others to drir.k the liemlocji. We feel right sure, that the adversities of the past in the history of man kind, will not be lost upon the good sense of the American people, and that all religious persua sions may be permitted to carry* out the pure and holy mission of propagating the gospel and diffusing a sound morality among men. Let not then, lei low citizens, the sealed foun tains of religious controversy he opened to de luge with bitter waters this happy country. Let not then the unmitigated evjlsof religious leudsbe scattered broad cast over the land, to he more loathsome than the lice and frogs of Egypt.— Let us not he divided in political matters, by reason of a diversity of sentiment 011 religions subjects, where no differences can exist in the eye of the law on such subjects, and where all sects and creeds are alike protected. Let us live together 111 amity and love, with no sectar ian, bigoted or intolerant views upon subjects about which men never could and never will think alike: each conceding to the other the: right to consult his own cruises nee in of religion, because such concession secures Lis own ngnt to do likewise. Let us also avoid the contracted view of hu man rights, wiiich denies the privileges of citi zens to those who have been born on foreign soTL How few of us, hut can trace ancestors, not remote, who first saw the light of day be yond the blue waters of the Atlantic. And how it grates upon the American ear to hear it an nounced as has recently been done by the new Mayor of Philadelphia, that a distinction mark ed and manifest is to be made among the peo ple ofthat city, not by reason of inequality in intelligence or true worth, but by reason of the accident of birth. The adopted citizen is no lon ger to be considered an equal, hut an inferior.— He can pay his taxes, enrich by his labor his adopted country, and if need be defend her flag, her honor, Iter interests, on the field of battle, but he must not enjoy the emoluments of office, must not occupy positions of public trust, oreven exercise the right of suffrage except through protracted years and much tribulation. He lias cast tiis lot among us, made his home in our midst, is identified with us in feeling anil inter est, and by all the ties which love of country can entwine around the human heart, but vet, according to this modern doctrine, he belongs to a proscribed, degraded caste. We have for long, long years invited the op pressed of every ctime to our shores, extended tothem the hand of fellowship,offered them the protection of the broad shield of our constitu tion, to secure them in the rights and immunities of American citizens: but all this is now to be erected outside of and beyond the constitution, and stronger and higher than the fundamental law of the land. The great charter is to be trea ted as a dead letter, so far as it recognizes the equality before the law of adopted with native born citizens, ami a power ali'-n to liie consti tution and laws of the land is to be hereafter the rule of action. It was assigned as among the reasons of de claring our independence, and breaking off our allegiance to the British crown that George 111. had endeavored to prevent the population of these States, that he had obstructed the laws for the naturalization of foreigners, anil that lie had refused to pass laws to encourage their mi gration hither. If such were considered among the reasons sufficient to risk a doubtful ami bloody war, "f how much greater magnitude are those now presented for the consideration of all liberal minded men. The offence of (ieo. 111. was at least at) open one. lie bad refused to pass laws to encourage the emigration of foreigners. Hut the new policy is a species of deception un worthy of the American character. We leave our constitution as it is, we make no alteration in our naturalization laws, we invite on the faith of these guarantees, to be seen and read of all men, that they should leave their homes, renounce allegiance to their native land, and swear allegiance to our own government, when we mean that the inducements thus held out are mere cunning devices intended to deceive. For it is not proposed by those who adhere to Ihe strange dogma, enuncinated by the new Mayor of Philadelphia, to change the settled policy of this nation, by altering the condition on which the people of other countries are to be received and adopted as citizens, but a much more dangerous and unjust ground is assumed. Its practical workings are to be retrospective.— It proposes to take from citizens the civil rights which they have already acquired under the constitution, by organizing a power to subvert that instrument. It is an attempt to settio a policy not recognized in any law of this coun try, that hereafter no man born crutofthe coun try shall hold a civil office under the govern ment—no matter that he has come here upon the faith of the laws of the land—llo matter how good his character: how effective his abili ties: how thorough his education: or how num erous his virtues—no matter how devoted his attachments to the constitution; nor how ortho dox his religion—no matter though he has suf fered and bled for his adopted country. With such we are to have no political communion— we must not listen to their advice nor employ them in the public service. The standard of honesty and capacity is to be overlooked—and the circumstance of birth, and birth alone must decide who shall fill the offices of the govern ment. Here is a disfranchisement of the most obnoxi ous character. The alien and sedition laws were passed under the administration of the el der Adams in tile height of the insolence of fed eral domination. But they were laws, while here is a similar policy without the sanction of law, secret in its operations, tyrannical, un just and cruel in its results. It is in effect, an administration of the alien law of black cockade federalism, without the courage to place it on the statute book. Its spirit, essence and design are the same. The Constitution of the Fnited States autho rises Congress to pass uniform laws of naturali zation. It also provides that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof: and that no religious test shall ever he required as a qualification for'any office or public trust under the United States. The constitution of Pennsylvania is even more emphatic. It declares that all men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Al mighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences—that 110 man can, of right, be corbelled to attend, erect, or support any place of worship, or to maintain any ministry, against his consent —that 110 human authority can, in any case whatever, control or interfere with the rights of conscience—that no preference shall ever be given by law, to any religious establish ments or modes of worship—and that no person who acknowledges the being of a God and a future state of rewards and punishments, shall, on account of his religious sentiments, he dis qualified to hold any office or place of trust or profit under this Common wealth. thv fabric of by the patriots of the revolution, rv ' lo understood what liberty, true liberty, meant, and who pe rilled "their lives, their fortunes, and their sa cred honor," in its maintenance. Are we to do away with this noble feature of our govern ment by indirection, and establish a test not known to our constitution and laws, hut antag onistical to both, and which ran only lead to political and religious intolerance ? But treating the question as one merely of policy, without regard to constitutional right, has not this liberal feature ot our government thus early commenced and sanctioned by time, been attended with the happiest results in the development of the resources and strengthening the arm of the nation'! Why should this liber al policy be now rudely and harshly broken up and abandoned ?—or why should we be h-ss generous now when liberal and progressive ideas in all other respects are warmly cherished as peculiarly American '? We are aware that we tnav be pointed to the vices and excesses of an ignorant and destitute population, who come into our country unprepared in some respects for the proper enjoyment of its institutions. We are free to admit that individuals abuse the blessings of our government, but this is true of all native as well as foreign—and surely is no reason for changing the policy of the govern ment, lor imposing new conditions upon adopt ed citizens, or for punishing the just equally with the unjust. Indeed it is difficult, when examining this subject to say who are the most benefitted bv an influx of foreign population. Our own history would show that much of our prosperity and rapid advance to national greatness, has been accelerated by the talents, energy and produc tive industry of those of foreign birth. The debt of gratitde is at least not all on their side. Have we forgotten the distinguished aid of adopted citizens and foreigners, in our revolu tionary struggle ? Have we forgotten the chiv alrous" services of La Fayette, Montgomery, DeKalb, Kosciusco and others like them but of less renown, who perilled life and property in our behalf, and in behalf of the cause of liberty and sound republican ideas? Did they not risk their lives and s~hed their blood for that cause and for this people ? Have not the labors and the toils of the adopted citizens, who have poured into this country in a steady and con stant stream, made much of our previously un cultivated lands bloom and blossom as the rose? Have they not felled the forest, subdued the rude and unbroken soil, constructed our rail roads and canals, and largely extended our in ternal commerce and the bounds of culture and civilization 1 Are there not to be found among them as well as among native born citizens, men of exalted worth, brilliant talents, tow erm<r genius, who have given us their valuable services, in all the useful and ennobling pur suits and profes>ions of life, and from among whom the ranks of our artists, statesmen and or ators have been adorned. Is it wis.-, that all these and such as these, shall he disfranchised, proscribed on account of their foreign birth, aiui persecuted for their religious opinions? Have we nothing to lose by such a policy f But how is this policy to be administered . how is this new test to be applied ? and by whom ? Secretlv and without warning, by secret, midnight political associations, bound to- gether by extrajudicial oaths, to do that which cnu4>£ nothing else in effect, morally, than con structive treason to the government. They thus attempt to do, under the clouds of the night, and by secret political combinations what they would be ashamed to propose in the light of day and before the world. Secret political societies, fellow citizens, however commendable in design at the outsfart, must soon degenerate into engines of tyranny anient rage. The Jacobin clubs of the French revolution, headed bv Danfon, Murat and bespierre, made the nation tremble for its exist ence, while France became drunken with hor rid crimes, assassination and murder. What pro tection can the mass of peaceable citizens have agatnst their secret councils and insidious attacks? Conspiracies and secret combinations against the body politic, or the political rights of large classes of citizens, are as odious in the eye of the moralist, as conspiracies against the private rights of the citizen are odious in the eye of the law. One offence is political and the other pen al, but there is little if any difference in the •fr-ad* 1 of criminality. Roth are founded in sel fishness and disregard of the rights of others. We have heard much tn days gone by in Pennsylvania, from large bodies of our people, in opposition to Secret societies of a purely char itable and benevolent character, having no po litical policy or purpose in view. How much more should that opposition extend to secret as sociations formed for political purposes alone, and for political purposes having for their object the disfranchisement on account of the religious views of a portion of our citizens. Secret societies fornwd for political purposes, the great and good Washington warned us against it in his farewell address to his country men. How well he portrays their evils in the following paragraph. "However combinations or associations of the* above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will he enabled to subvert the power of the people, and tn usurp for themselves the reigns of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which lifted them to the unjust domin ion." The secret political societies of Washington's flay, were formed to promote liberty, not to abridge and destroy it: and yet even these he reprobated and condemned. How much more would he dread those of recent organization, which seem intended to destroy the rights of a large portion of our citizens, and to estab lish an arbitrary, partial and unjust ruleof polit ical and governmental action ? How totally must associations of this con tracted and illiberal character fail of accom plishing any of the desirable objects of govern ment. The policy of the nation must be aban doned to its fate, to carry out a bigoted and po litico-religions frenzy. Forgetting all the great issues involved necessarily in the administration of the affairs of this widely extended country, with diversified interests and wants, in matters of revenue, finance, trade, commerce, peace, and war, t xternal or foreign relations and in ternal police, tbev are endeavoring to bring the exalted science of political economy down to an unnecessary and unprofitable scramble about creeds in religion, with which this government lias and can have nothing whatever to do, except to let them alone and protect each one in its constitutional rights, and to see that mi norities as well as majorities have the free and full exercise of their religious opinions. It is an attempt to introduce a test in political affairs which must be as uncertain as it is unsatisfacto ry to all sensible and enlightened men, no mat ter to which of the two great political parties they may belong. It is an effort to stultify the country, and make it forget the history of the past, and render it unmindful of its glorious des tiny in the future. With such allies as these secret associations afford our Whig friends, many of that party will he unwilling to co-operate, and they will turn their faces towards the just, equitable and uniform principles of the Democratic creed as laid down by the wise and philosophic Jeffer son. The principles of the Democratic paity are benignant, and meets the wants of man in all the diversified interests of life. They teach man's equality with his fellow man, and at the same time they give him humbler views of him self, they dignify, ennoble, exalt him. They apply fitly to him as a rational, intelligent crea ture, who should be the object and care of all government, and not made to be governed or created for the government. All just govern ment is intended for his good, not to oppress him, but to treat iom equally with the subjects or people of the same government. It sheds its blessings alike upon all classes of the communi ty, the high and the low, the rich and the poor. Jt knows no distinctions and will tolerate none. Like the sun in the heavens, or the dews of the night, <>r the atmosphere which we breathe, and which constantly surrounds and sustains us, it isalike benignant and Imuntifulto all. Such fellow citizens are some of the allies of the whig party. We may have occasion to refer to others during the progress of the present political campaign, little less prescriptive and intoleiant in their views: or we may perhaps leave the various fanatical isms of the day to he met and refuted by our Democratic friends, in their own way, in their various localities. But wj- mav venture the general remark, that all collateral organizations outside of the Democrat ic party, got up as either moral or political movements, are soon thrown by the force of circumstances, by tlie laws and political afliini ties of minorities, in opposition to that party, and have for their main object in the end the prostration of its power and its principles. Let no Democrat he led away from his political as sociations, with tli. vain hope of accomplishing greater good by other organizations. Let no Democrat desert the standard of the Democrat ic party—that party which has long guided the destinies of Pennsylvania and ofthe nation—that VOL. XXII, NO. 51. party whose .principles have been tried in the ore of persecution in the new and old world un •frii they have become comparatively purified from all dross and imperfections—that party on which the government of this country must ever lean, and in which it must ever confide to meet the just expectations of the people. The miserable mushroom associations which spring up in a night and perish in a day, can not withstand the public sentiment of the peo ple of Pennsylvania, or we much mistake their and have looked into their history in vain. The people of Pennsylvania are loyal to the principles of the constitution and to the constitution itself, and they will show their loyalty at the approaching election, as they did in ISSI and 1852, by sustaining the Democrat ic nominees presented for their consideration and approval. It is idlp to disguise the fact, that the Whig party of the North has become swallowed up and absorbed by its amalgamation with discordant and anti-republican elements. It is for the people in their sovereign capacity, to decide between such materials and the ever constant and truly liberal Democratic party and ■ policy of the country. It Cannot be doubtful how that decision will be made by intelligent freemen. J. ELLIS BON HAM, Chairman. George C. Welker, Secretary. Destruction of Vermin. Mr. Gordon, the superintendent of the orna mental department of the London horticultural society's garden, has ascertained, it seems, that water heated to a temperature of J4-0 degrees Fahrenheit, will >stroy the "scale insect," with all its young ones, including the eggs: and this too, without the slightest injury to the hark of the tree on which the insect feeds. The method of applying it, is to wet a sponge in the water, and apply it to the parts of the tree on which the scab s appear; or with a common sy ringe. The following recipe for destroying eater pi Hers and other similar insects inlesting fruit trees, was originally announced by Mr. Tatan, who was rewarded for bis- discovery, nearly one hundred years ago, by the society of Paris. Take of common black, or "bar soap," of the very best quality, 1£ lbs.: flour of suipher, 1J lbs.; rnushroons of any kind, 2 lbs.; and rain or river water, 15 gallons. Pour one-half of the water into a barrel of convenient siz>*, and stir in tiie soap till it becomes dissolved, and then add the rnushroons', after tbev have been crush ed. Next tie up the suipher in a coarse cloth, with a stone of sufficient weight to cause it to sink*, and boil it in the other half of the water, for the space of twenty minutes. While boiiing, stir the liquid freely, and squrt-ze the bag of suipher thoroughly, before you take it out. As soon as the water is taken off the fire, pour it ir.to tile barrel with the other ingredi ents, with which it must be well mixed. Stir the compound at least once a dav till it becomes fetid in the highest degree, for expei ience has demonstrated that the older and more offensive the liquid is, the more rapid and effectual will be its action. The barrel should be closely covered at ail times, except when stirring the liquid, or applying it to the trees. W'hen it is re quired to use the mixture, it is only necessary to sprinkle it over the plants or trees, which may be done very effectually with a garden en gine or a syringe. The Suicide in East Abington- In addition to the particulars published in the Journal of yesterday, says the Boston Journal, relative to the suicide of Mr. Nash and Miss Sampson, in East Abington yesterday morning, we learn that the deceased were seen walking together, apparently in a contemplative mood, between the hours of one and two yesterday morning, on the margin of the pond in which they were subsequently found drowned. The following is a copy of the letter left by Miss Sampson in her chamber in Stoughton : My Dear Friend : —lt is with my right mind that I write these lines and also that which I am going to do. lam tired of this world, and so is my own dear friend, so I must say that to morrow morning I shall be in another world, but, dear friend, I thank you for your kindness toward me which has been very great: call on my spirit. Our bodies will be found in the East Abing ton pond, where my own clear companion will accompany me to another world ; life may be sweet to you, but I must go v. here my own love goes. Tell Mr. Morton I thank him also for his kindness. My best wishes I leave to ail the children. I did not dream of this, this morning; but please send this to aunt Chloe which I leave, and some of them will conie here and get what money I left to get them here. It is with pain that I start from here, but I must say good bye. My Aunt Chloe and sisters I now leave this world to yourselves, which 1 hope you will en joy. Don't think of me only that 1 have gone with my companion to rest and to meet my Fa ther, I hope. Here pre mv rings and his in my trunk, hut all of you need not think you have led uie to this :it is my own self. Mother, I hope you will think of Father and me ; so good bye. Aunt Chloe, T have not forgotten your kindness, which I guess none of us will doubt. Don't think of ipe. Good bye Maddy and Jen ny. We sign our names, ADRTANNA B. SAMPSON, ISAAC r. NASH. At a hotel, a short time since, a girl en quired of a gentleman at the table if his cup was out. "No," sifc he, "but my coffee is." The poor girl was considerably confused, but determined to pay him in his own coin. While at dinner, the stage drove up, and several com ing in, the gentleman asked, "Does the stage dine here?" "No, sir," exclaimed the giri, "but the passengers do."