Newspaper Page Text
M GEO. W. BOW WAX.
NEW SERIES. Select PoCtrtj. I:VI:\. DY S. W. HVZKLTIVE. 0. | love lo stray at even, When the day has gone to sleep; When upon the brow of heaven their nightly vigils keep; When the pale moon looks down calmly O'er the meadow ami the lea; For the quiet, pleasant night-time (lath a plea-ing charm for me. 0, I leve to stray at even, In the du<ky shades of night, To think ofthe cherished blossoms That have failed from my sight; Ofthe ones who grew a weary- On the toilsome march of life, And imtd the grave departed, Where there comes no cares or strife. Then the breezes seem to whisper, And the bright stars seem to say, "Your departed friends are near you All the night and all the day. They are near you, though you see not The bright gleaming of their eyes; They are near to lead you upward To a lioiits in Paradise!" ""TBDBESS OF TIIK STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, No, 3. To the People of Pennsylvania: FELLOW-CITIZEN; —The manner of organiz ing tile territories of Nebraska and Kansas, you j will agree with us, is not necessarily an issue J in this contest —it is not a subject connected with \ the duties of a State Executive. It is scarcely pass, de that the election of a Governor, who- 1 ever may succeed, is to have any practical bear ing upon the future policy of those territories— - ami surelv no man will be so unreasonable as to ! hold the Governor of Pennsylvania accountable in an official sense for what Congress has alrea- , liy done on this subject. It is a subject with which that officer has bad, arid can have, offici ally, nothing whatever to do. As a member of the Democratic party it must he presumed that he lakes an interest in public affairs, and has not been an inattentive observer that there has existed, a diversity of opinion in relation to cer tain features of this measure. * Since the origin of our government, with oc- : rasiuna! intervals, the question of slavery in : vime of its phases, has been a subject of violent a:,. at thin s dangerous controversy in Congress, n.i i-acing the peace of tne people and the exis tence ofthe national confederacy. Its adjust ment within ttie territories has led to the most threatening struggles. These were invariably renewed bv every new acquisition of territory. In 1820, the act of Congress fixing the Missouri line was adopted interdicting the extension of slavery north of 36 deg, 30 min. as a means of settling the controversy growing out ofthe ac quisition of Louisiana from France in 1803. In 1845 this line was extended over Texas, which had just been annexed to the 1 nited States and Seemed to answer the purpose of an adjustment. In 1848, however, when it was proposed to extend this parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. from the Rio del Norte to the Pacific, it was defeated inthe House of Representatives, after having passed the Senate, by a majority of ten votes. The agitation in the country soon became general, and hv 18n0 it hail assumed an alarming aspect. The good and great men of ail parties, forgetting former differences and constrained by a nobler spirit of patriotism, uni ted in a common effort to allay the inigtity surging ofan excifed public sentiment. Fore iir s! in this great work was the eloquent and patriotic Clav, sustained bv Cass, Webster. King and others. A series of acts were passed, lami liarlv known a> the Compromise Measures, which were acceptable to the people and were ardently maintained. One of th-se acts organized th< territories of New Mexico snd Utah, on the principle of non- ] intervention—on the plan of allowing the people to decide for themselves whether It hey would have the institution of slavery or not. Ihe whole country Seemed satisfied with the doctrine •of'non-intervention by Congress, in the regula tion ofthe domestic institutions ofthe territories, including that Of slavery. Without stopping to inquire into tht* constitutional power of Congress to legislate on the subject or to what extent that power might be exercised, the people re garded it as wise and politic to remove this topic, of angry and dangerous controversy out of Con gress, and confide it to those who may occupy the territories. We may, however, remark, that the question of authority in the passage of the Ordinance of 1787 under the old Confedera tion, is a very different one from the passage of the Missouri Compromise or an v slavery restric tion whatever, under our present Constitution. Fnder the Confederation the institution of slave ry was not recognized—under the Constitution, it is, in three sevetal particulars : Ist. In fixing the basis of representation and direct taxation. 2d. In tolerating the foreign slave trade un til 1808. 3d. In providing for the rendition of fugi tives from labor. If it even bp clear that Congress is possessed of ample power to legislate on the subject (and this is denied by Gen. Cass and other eminent men of the country) it was proper to forego its exercise. The resort to this mode of adjustment in ISSO, seemed most auspicious for the honor, the dignity and peace of the Slates—for the hap- Pin ess and prosperity of the people, and above ail, for the stability of our National Union. And is not this policy right and just in itself according to all our theories of government ? Indeed we should never allow ourselves to tear the consequences of trusting any question of po litics or morals with the people, whether they be iesidents of a State or territory. This mode of adjustment rests on great principles, which in their application will he co-extensive with all the territory we now have or ever can have, and which are as enduring as the race of man. It is a principle in beautiful harmony with our republican institutions—the principle of self government—the basis of our entire system. It was for this doctrine that our forefathers peril led th' ir lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor in the Declaration of Independence—that they struggled ami bled, and left their bones to bleach on the battle fields of the Revolution. It was for this principle of sell-government, that that they invoked the interposition of heaven and accepted the proferred aid of the generous stranger. For seven long years did they labor to impress upon Lord North and George 111, the virtue and power of this great fundamental truth in the science of government. The at tempt of that monarch "to bind the Colonies in all things whatsover," and to impose taxes with out representation, gave this principle growth and vigor, and cost him armies and an empire. Since that day to the present time it has been gaining strength in all civilized countries. Amer cian experience has fully solved and settled the problem of man's ability for self-government. Where can be found the instance in which gov ernmental affairs have been submitted to, or in trusted with the people, that the results have not been salutary ? Who will then at this day doubt the fitness of the American people to dispose of anv question of governmental policv found within the limits of the Con stitution ? Who will contend for the absurd idea, that a man loses his capacity for self-gov ernment by emigrating from a State to a terri tory ? Who will say that a man residing in Massachusetts should, through his representa tives in Congress, be permitted to adopt and regulate institutions of local government for his fellow man in Utah, New Mexico, Minne sota, Nebraska or Kansas? Will our Whig or Abolition friends agree that when they shall have emigrated to any ofthese territeries, their Democratic fellow-citizens whom they leave behind, shall decide tor them what kind of lo cal institutions they shall have?—that their judgement and not that of the emigrants them selves shall control as to the institution ofj Slavery? Or who will contend that the people will be careless of their own true interests?— that their government will be feeble or injudi cious ? Whoever says these things doubts all the principles of otir republican institutions, and disregards the lessons of experience and the teachings of the sages of the revolution. We have already intimated, that we will not discuss the abstract and somewhat difficult | questions of Congressional power, which ha ve | grown out of the slavery controversy in the < Halls of the National Legislature. We care | not to decide, where so many eminent men have I differed, whether Congress has the power to es tablish or abolish the institution in the t'-rritor ies. Be that as it may, we assert that it was wise in 1850, as in 1854-, to refer the whole i question to the sovereign will ofthe people, to i be settled through the action of the local gnv ; ernments, asallothei questions of domestic poli— ;cv are settled. The right of property, the re -1 lations between husband and wife, parent and child, guardian and ward, are so confided, and ;we can conceive none more sacred and impor | taut in the social slate; and we see of no good I reason why the question of domestic slavery, : the relation of master and servant, should alone i be withheld from the action of the people. It must not be forgotten, that we have not ! the creation of circumstances for ours-lves, but that we must deal with existing facts. The same difficulty occurred in the early history of the country. We had the institution of s'ave | rv entailed upon us, and the only matter ot en -1 quirv has long been, how it was to be managed to the greatest advantage ot both the white and | black races. The latter number several mil lions, and UP are forced to the dilemma ot re taining a large portion of them in bond age, or make them our companions and equals, j and permit them to share the honors ofthe State, and intermarry with our daughters and fiends. In the forcible language of Mr. Jefferson, "we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither I hold him nor safely let him go." AYid yet much has been done in a legal and constitutional way for the amelioration of this unfortunate race of people. The men of the ! revolution had to deal with the institution ol slavery as they found it, and they so acted inthe formation of the government. When these i States were colonies of Great Britain every one i was a slave-holding province. At the time the Constitution was framed, twelve out of the i thirteen were slave-holding States. Six ot the ; original thirteen have now become free, not by aliolition agitation in Congress, but by the ac tion ofthe people of the several States in their sovereign capacity at home. This leaving the question to the people was fir adopted by Congress in 1850, and was in tended to be general in its application toallter ritories thereafter to be organized—that it was ' ! to be a finality as to the principle to be invok , led, but not a finality as to- its application—for I that would imply that no more territories wen |to be organized. This position is sustained by the fact, that in forming the boundaries of Utah land New Mexico, no respect seems to havt - bpen paid to the act 1820, fixing what is term led the Missouri line, nor the act of 184.) ex -1 tending that line to the Rio Del Nortp. Tin I larger potion of territory included in the act! t of organization was taken from the Mexican ac s quisition, but they include also a portion of the t ! Texas territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. and i , part of the Louisana purchase, which was cov -ieredbythat line. This territory was taker ? 1 from under the act of 1820, interdicting sla BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 1, 1854. J very north of 36 deg. 30 min., and subjected to the action of the principles ofthe Compromise of 1850, that the territory thus embraced should lie admitted into the Union as States with or without slavery as the people thereof might de termine. These facts are claimed as a prece dent for the act organizing Nebraska and Kan sas. It is lor these reasons, and in this sense also, claimed that the principles of non-inter vention as adopted in 1850 should be regarded as a finality. As Pennsylvania-OS we are not the advocates of the extension of slavery, and we deny that the principles of the Nebraska and Kansas bill produce that effect. It merely leaves it to the people to determine this question for themselves. But the soil, climate and productions of that re- j gion are not adapted to slave labor. It is our firm belief that slavery will not enter those ter ritories. Those who are sensitive on this point should not close their eyes to the evidence that surrounds them. The indications are all oppo sed to its extension to that country. Such is the belief of the ablest men in the nation, those who advocated and voted for the Nebraska and Kansas bill, as well as those who voted against it. Mr. Douglas said : "I do not believe there is a man in Congress who thinks it would be permanently a slave holding country; I have no idea that it could." Mr. Badger said; "I have no more idea of seeing a slave pop ulation in either of them (Nebraska or Kansas) than I have of seeing it in Massachusetts." Mr. Edward Everett said : "I am quite sure that everybody admits that this is not to be a slave-holding region." Mr. Hunter said ; "Does any man believe that you will have a slave-holding State in Kansas or Nebraska? 1 confess that for a moment, T permitted such an illusion to rest upon my mind." Mr. Bell said, that as respects the South, "it was a contest for a mere abstraction." Mr. Benton said in his first speech against the bill: " The question of slavery in these territories, if thrown open to territorial action, will be a question of numbers—a question of the majori ty for or against slavery; and what chance would the slave-holders have in such a contest 1 No chance at all. The slave emigrants will be out numbered and compelled to play at a most unequal game, not only in point of numbers, but also in point of, Slates." In his second speech, Mr. Benton again said : "I believe in the futilitv of this bill—its abso lute futility ir. the slaveholding States, and that not a single slave will ever be held in Kansas or Nebraska under it, even admitting it to be pase(l." Gen. Houston said : ' "There is no more probability of slavery be ing introduced into these territories than into Illinois." Even Mr.Seward, w ho is astute on this sub ject, thus expressed himself : "I feel quite sure that slavery at most can get nothing more than Kansas; while Nebraska the wilder region will escape, for the reason that its soil and climate are uncongenial with the staples of slave culture—rice, sugar, cotton and tobacco. Moreover, since the public atten tion lias been so well and so effectually direct ed towards the subject, I cherish a hope that slavery will not be able to gain a foothold even in Kansas." But to render assurance doubly sure, we have even a stronger opinion from Judge Pollock hiinse If, the Whig candidate for Governor, who says in a letter dated June 19th, 18r>4. "Sla very can have no legal existence in those terri tories, either by act of Congress, or under the false pretence of popular sovereignty." It may in fact he safely said that of all the acquis;!ions of territory from Mexico, there ' will not be a slave state affiled to the 1 nion, I and that the territory embraced in the Louisana ■ purchase not already admitted, wall come in as • free States. I It should also be borne in mind, that any ter- I ritorv that the United States may hereafter ac quire must lie south of 36d. 30m., arid that this principle of popular sovereignty may drive the institution farther south than any positive act ol Congress could do. Nor should it be forgotten that the interdiction ot'flavery north of 36d. 30m., is a virtual dedication of the territory south of that line for slave purposes. This has r been the moral influence of such legislation, and it would no doubt continue to have that ef • feet. It would in all probability have been a s happy event for the country, had this doctrine J of popular sovereignty in the territories been f adopted in IS2O. We should most likely J bad a larger proportion of free States than we J now have. The Missouri line was never a favorite mea sure with the old Democratic statesmen. Ii f suited a temporary purpose, and quieted ngita e (ion for a time, but it was manifestly wrong ir principle, and legislation of a dangerous charac • ter, calculated to divide the country into geo r graphical sections, and create dissensions am divisions among the States and the people. s Thomas Jefferson once said : "This Missouri question, by a geographies .. line of division, is the most portentous one tha s I have ever contemplated." In 1820 he wrote to John Holmes : r "A geographical line coinciding with a mark ~ ed principle, moral and political, once conceiv y ed and held up to the angry passions of men | t will never be obliterated." e James Madison said : "I must own that I have always leaned b _ the belief that the restriction was not withii e the true scope of the Constitution." t s James Monroe said; "The proposed restriction as to the territo e ries which are to be admitted into thp Lnion, i a not in direct violation ofthe Constitution, is re •_ pugnant to its principles." n We might swell the list of authorities onthi i- same point, fiom eminent American statesmer Freedom of Thought and Opinion. living and dead. It is difficult to forcp from flip mind the be lief that the -whole subject of slavery ir. the ter ritories is greatly magnified. The right of a sovereign State to control this subject is not dis puted even by abolitionists. The right to es tablish or abolish the institution is admitted. The only effect that the legislation of Congress can possibly have, must be confined to the ter ritorial probation of a State, during which time it can exercise but a limited influence ujion the social or political affairs of the country. When once admitted into the Union with slavery, a State can abolish it—or admitted without it, she can establish it. Should the people north of 36d 30m in Nebraska become numerous enough to be admitted as a free State, they could after wards establish the institution, even if the Mis souri Hue or the actof JS2O had not been disturb ed. Suppose, for example, that any ofthe States covered by the ordinance of 1787, were at this time to establish slavery, where would be the remedy ? There would be none. If the peo ple of a territory should desire to have the in stitution, but perceiving that Congress might ob ject to their admission into the Union, they could forbear to establish it until after their admission, and then do as they might deem best. Hence the wisdom of allowing that power to control in the beginning, that w ill most cer tainly control in the end, or at a subsequent period. It is not to be denied that there is a most vi olent and unwarrantable spirit evoked by this slavery conflict, that should be discountenanced by the good mrn of all parties. It is one ofthe enigmas of human nature, that it can become so unreasonable in some of its manifestations. Our Anti-Nebraska friends should take care lest the mania of a wild and ungovernable fanaticism should possess :hem as it possessed many others. The inflammatory and treasona ble proceedings of an abolition convention in the City of New York, not long since, calls far the earnest condemnation of every lover of our national Uniin. Wendell Piillips said ; "The Uniot sentiment is the great vortex which swaljov up the great minds, and they have power tfiough for the time being to influ ence the perple. The only remedy for the slave is the (fistruction of the government. I challenge anj man to tell me what the Union has done for is." Wm. Lqvij Garrison proposed the following resolution j | . - ; "Resol'Atf, That the one grand vital issue to he made \th the slave power, is the dissolu- I tion of thtfoxisting American Union." Henry p. Wright spoke to the resolution and .said ; "I like that resolution very much. This country <)e fi-s God, or if it believes in God, 1 do riot. Tie Christian CjOil is tile most accursed of demons. No man's right, can he ascertained I by referenceto a Bible, a law, or a Constitu tion. I dont care that [snapping his fingers] for any suchbook or Constitution, when the question of fberty and slavery is to he. consid ered. The inly thing of importance is that the mass of the aeople venerate the Constitution. We shoi Id inifi avor to do away with this. I thank Gad t.at T am a traitor to that Constitu tion. I iha k God also that lam an infidel to the popular eligion of this country and of all Christencpr " The Hn Edmund Quincv said that ; "The Constitutor displayed the ingenuity ofthe ve ry devil, ad that the Union ought to be dis solved." This waduring the pendency of the Ne braska nndkansas bill before Congress. At the j same tune ie leading Abolition journals were loud in the denunciations of the bill itself: and treasorble in their opposition toDie action ;of the goveiment. Horace Greeley, through the New Yrk Tribune, said in reference to the contemated passage ofthe bill : "Better tat confusion should ensue—better that discordhould reign in the National Coun cils—betterlhat Congress should break up in wild disordy nav, better that the capital itself should Mazifiv the torch ofthe incendiary, or fall and ,'mr all its inmates beneath its crumb ling ruins, ttvn that this perfidy and wrong be finally sccmplished." There wej> manv treasonable exhibitions al so, bv tv snv class of men, during the recent Annivi/saryof American Independence. At some pices tie bells were tolled, as if mourn ing for-'ome ;r-at National calamity. At Far ming!)!!), Massachusetts, treasonable speeches were elivernl, after which Catrison, above j name! burned the Constitution of the United Statejand tlie Fugitive Slave Law, amid the appltfe of men ot as little patriotism as Bene j diet rnofil or himself. Sifi are the incendiary and inflammatory i sentfents with which despicable fanatics are j endowing to indoctrinate the minds of the NprFrii people. Such sentiments are the fit pressors of the recent riots and murder in Bust, trampling the Constitution and Laws | undjthe foot of violence. I, us, therefore, fellow-citizens, discard the j docfies of the Abolitionists and anti-slavery : ngittrs, and look upon the opinions which [ : thevhve promulgated and are now promulgat ing", the false lights thrown nut by the an ! cienfederalists, during the Missouri contro vprsjto mystify the people and regain lost ' I P° VV J ' • . . " Vlhave great confidence in the doctrine of , popir sovereignty, and in the justice and wis ; donl the people. They have saved the coun try many important criseses in our affairs. ) It \i the people that settled the government i upche republican platform alter the Feder : alis>f 1798 were driven from power. It was ; theople who sustained Jackson against the -' maioth bank. It was the mass of the people f wl'iave always upheld the country in time of - wa It is to the people that we must look for prrtion against the miserable treason and s ! detable wiles of the enemies of the republic. Tlpeople of Pennsylvania will be true to their constitutional obligations, and their tri umph in 1851 and 1852, are evidences that they are riot only willing to be so, but also that they have the power to be so. The day of wild fanaticism and stolid bigotry on the ques tion of slavery, has passed by in this State, and her Democracy and her people generally have 1 planted themselves upon the principle's of the 1 Compromise of 1850. and there they will con tinue to stand, whether victory or defeat awaits them. They are willing to see the citizens of the territories determine in their primary as semblages the question of domestic slavery for themselves, without the control or dictation of the Central Government, which may, by aj usurpation of power, pretend to define the lines; of freedom and slavery by degrees of latitude j and longitude, or by geographical boundaries. The Democracy of Pennsylvania, guarding the • destinies of the great central Commonwealth ol : this Union, will adhere faithfully to the princi- | pips ofthe Constitution, the sovereignty of the! States-and of the people, and the stability and j repose of the nation. The people of Pennsyl-I vania are unselfish and unambitious, but they j are jnst-rthey are modest and unpretending, j and slow at arriving at conclusions, but they j are powerful for good. The people of Ifiun- j svlvania are patriotic by instinct, and will crush ; to atoms all the feeble barriers to a healthy flow j of public sentiment. Pennsylvania has always; been a patriotic, union-loving State. She has always stood by the flag of our common, coun- j try. She is the Keystone of the Federal Arch,' and standing midway between the North and South, she constitutes the great break-water, against which the waves of northern fanaticism and southern folly have long surged and will continue to surge in vain. J. ELLIS BONHAM, GEORGE C. WELKER, Chairman. Secretary. Letter from Rev. John Chambers. The following letter from Rev. JOHN CHAM BERS is characteristic of the man. He defends himself from the attacks ofthe opposition with a battle axe that hews its own path. We com mend it to the many friends of the Rev. gentle man in this County. ,L=j? from the Penusytvan i an. LETTER OF THE REV. .!01L\ CHAMBERS. Messrs. EDITORS. —During a recent visit to the Bedford Springs I was called upon by some ofthe most ardent friends of Temperance in the State, and invited to address the people of Bed ford on the importance of inducing every friend ' of humanity to vote for a prohibitory liquor law at the ensuing election. I most cheerfully com plied with the request of these gentlemen, and I had hoped that I had discharged the duty im posed up,n- me to the satisfaction of all. Mv recollection is, that I urged upon the people present on that occasion the importance of the temperance reform generally, and exhor ted to vote for a prohibitory law at the nexte lection. I expressed the belief that the whole question was involved in the resolutions allow ing the people to vote for and against a prohib itory law and that the real frjends of temper ance should direct their attention to that point and that only. I declared my belief that if the j law was demanded in this way by the voice of j the people it mattered but iittle who tilled the! office ot Governor—the law would be sanction- I ed—that no man would set himself against the j will of the people. 1 said then as I repeat now j that I believe either of the distinguished gen-! tlemen would carry out that will if put in aj form consistent with the terms of the Con- ! stitution. I did say that Governor Bigler was too good j a Democrat to resist ibe will of the people, and j that Iliad every confidence beside in bis desire to do any reasonable and proper thing to arrest th- vice of intemperance; that I knew irom cor respondence and personal intercourse wifli him, that he held the doctrine that the will of the people should be binding so far as related to the j policy of the measure, but that he would not! yield his right to judge ofthe constitutionality 1 and justice of a law when it came before him he would not so far forget the dignity of his I station or the obligation of his oath. But Gov- j ernon Biglertias written to me no letter incon sistent with his manly letter to the temperance j Convention. I felt more at liberty to say what I did of, Governor Bigler, because I believe an attempt j had been made to prostitute the sacred cause of temperance to mere partizan ends, and to turn its influence against his re-election. 1 did not j hesitate, as I shall not, to rubuke this attempt, i and I intend so to do whenever and wherever I ; meet it, and this is the true and real cause of the complaints which have been preferred against ' my Bedford address. I also, at the same meeting in Bedford, refer red to a secret sworn political organization, whose object, so far as is made known, is tos dis franchise every adopted citizens of thi glori ous country, and that too, in the face of the guaranties of the Constitution of the United ; States, as well as of our own beloved ('•mnion- ; wealth, both of which recognize the adopted citizen on the same broad platform of civil and < religious liberty, with the native born. Doubt- . less then "the head and front of my offending" i in the eyes of some of the unknown and un- I knowing ones, is my strong and uncompromis- I ing opposition to Jesuitism whether Protestant . or Papal, and with these men the same objection rests against Governor Bigler, because of his j < fixed determination not to violate the Constitu- j i tion and laws ofthe land, by disfranchising adop- i i ted citizens either on account of their religion i I or the place of their birth. j I There are in my own church, and in every I I other church in this "Land ofthe free and home j i ofthe brave," men of foreign birth, as pure pa- j i triots and as good men as ever breathed the air: ' of freedom—men, who to the letter obey the j < Constitution and laws of the country of their , I adoption. Are these men to be stricken down j < TERHS, 99 PER YEAR. j like felons, by the iron hand of a secret sworn j band of petty despots ? Every true hearted, Constitution and law-loving and law-abiding I American Christian and patriot will answer no ! But if the men who have emigrated from i Scotland, England, Ireland, Wales, Germany, France and elsewhere, and made this the land of their adoption, citizens by choice and not by accident, and among whom are to be found our j best citizens, are to be turned out of polrticni society and treated like serfs, solely because they were born out of the United States, let i those who are secretly sworn thus to treat them, follow the example of the MavorofPbil | adelphia. and boldly avow their purpose, and i not hide themselves or their actions from the i light of day. It will be much more in accord ance with the true American character. So far as regards the bald and weak inven tion that I was slumping the State for Govern- I or Bigler, and the vulgar and childish clamor ! for "that Letter," 1 can afford, so far as I am concerned myself, to treat them with merited contempt, and to let them pass me as the idle winds. I have a higher, holier, better object in view, the psssage of a Prohibitory Law, and am therefore not alarmed by these Tempests of Penny Teapots, neither will they prevent me • from urging upon every friend of humanity in i the State to vote for a Prohibitory Liquor Law I without fail, anil for Governor for whomsoever tiley please. As regards my own vote, I will say that Go vernor Bigler, nor no other man shall have mv I vote for the otiice of Governor, unless he is will : ing to submit to the will of the people on this : great and all-important question—nor will I j vote for a member of either branch of the Le gislature on any other ground. Nor will I ever vote for a member of ariv Jesuit Associa tion, Protestant or Catholic, having good reason to believe him such. How could I vote for | men who are sworn to disfranchise my father, my uncle, my brother, and some of the best neighbors and dearest friends that I have, and some of the very best men in my church? JOHN CHAMBERS. Frightful Railroad Acrithut. At half-past eight o'clock cn Thursday morn ing, Mr. Vandusen's pass* nger train, which left Cincinnati at 6 A. M., met with a most serious accident when some three miles west of this place. The train was passing around n curve in an excavation, beyond which was a heavy embankment, and just as it grt within viewoftbe terminus of the excavation, a cow ; appeared on the track, and before the cars could be stopped she was under the wheels.— The most frightful result was the consequence? The engineer was so much alarmed that he was about jumping heedlessly into the trestle bridge, through which he would have inevitably fallen dead, had not the fireman, with great presence of mind, caught hirn and held him secure.— The locomotive jumped over the cow, at the same time breaking, locse from the tender, alighting square on the track, ran safely on. The baggage car was thrown down an em bankment of about forty feet, turning twice over before reaching level ground. In this car were some half a dozen persons, excepting two of whom, strange to relate, all escaped with but I slight scratches. Two of them were seriously ! injured. Mr. Hartwell Locke, the express ; messenger, was, by several physicians, who i soon arrived, pronounced in a dying condition, and such intelligence Was borne throughout the | country by the passengers who left on the train. He was insensible, and up to eight o'clock this ; morning has remained in that condition. His ■ injuries are not flesh wounds nor broken bones, | but what is worse, they are internal, and per ; haps chiefl vin his head. Mr. Kenan, the mail agent, was the other person who was badlv hurt. The newsboy, a lad of some fifteen years of age, was extricated from beneath the top of the baggage car, which had slid off, with scarcely a scratch upon him. The baggage master, Mr. Gardiner, escaped with slight injuries to an an cle end a few cuts on his forehead, and George, the colored "train boy," came out yet better, for he complains of nothing but a little stiffness. That all who were in this car were not killed outright, is the greatest wonder of all who have seen the wreck, which is the most com plete smash-op that ever occurred in this region ofcountry. The first passenger car was next to go off.— It pitched endwise down the hill, and was completely riddled by the trucks, which passed through the floor, tearing the seats loose, and throwing them, together with thirty or fortv passengers, into one great heap. Such a sight of bloody noses and limping peo ple were perhaps never seen in one company before. One man had a shoulder joint displaced, another had a severe gash cut in his face; one had his finger smashed, another a foot scraped, but of the whole number, not one was seriously injured.— Cincinnati Times, Aug 19. FATAL EFFECTS OF LIGHTNING.—A corre spondent of the Detroit Free Press, writing from Pecatonica, Winnebago county, 111., on the 14-th ult., says:—l witnessed, yesterday, one of the most melancholy scenes I ever beheld. In the town of Lysander, one mile of Pe catonica depot, there lay enshrined in five cof fins a Mr. Merchant, two sons and two daugh ters, all of whom u ere struck with lightning during a thunder shower, about two o'clock, A. M.— leaving in the family only the wife ami one son about eight years old : they both being much injured by the shock, tin- woman remain ing mentally deianged, continually bemoaning the loss of her family. The circumstances of their deaths ought to be a caution to the public to manage differently from what they did. The night being very warm, they took off their beds and placed them on the floor in a cool room, where stood a stove, and the lightning, coming down the stove pipe, divided on the stove hearth, and struck the whole family of seven, of whom only two survived. VOL XXIII, NO. 4.