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BY GEO. AV. BOW.HA.Y
NEW SEKIES. it)i)Ri:ss OF Tin: STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, XO. 4. To the People of Pennsylvania: Fellow-Citizexs. —There have been antag onistical principles and antagonistical parties in governments, from their first institution to the present time. The one, taking from the people all power of self-government, and in effect de nying their right as well as their capacity to govern themselves. The other, claiming in the language of our Declaration of Independence, '•that all men are created equal: that tnev are endowed by their creator with certain inalien able rights: that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con sent of the governed ; that whenevei any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laving its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such i-'-n as to them shall seem most likely to effect the.r safety and happiness." It was these antagonistical principles that led to our war of Independence. The great mass of the American people then asserted, distinctly and unequivocally, that all power was inherent in the people. That they not only possessed the ri"ht of self-government, hut the capacity also to exercise the right. The British of that day, and their adherents in this country, denied this right as well as this capacity. Our fathers he n.icallv maintained their positions, and estab lished their governments upon the principles fir which thev fought: and the right of man to govern himself, and his capacity to do it. in this country at least, are truisms which no irian dare deny. But although we conquered from reluctant England, and obtained from all the governments ol Europe tiie recognition of our government, thus established, yet the despots of the old world have evvr looked with a jealous eye upon our republican institutions, and we had a paity among us during the war of the revolution, and we have never been without such a party since, that practically have denied man's right and ability to govern himself. When the constitutions of the several Slates r;f the Union were under consideration, this parly, without an exception, were strenuous in their eniUath >rs to clothe the government with strong, if hot with arhitiary power; to keep, as they said, the people in check. Thev took all the power thev could from the people and vest ed it i.o the government, thus reversing the dec laration, that g ivernments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; and it iias taken the friends of the people from that time to the present to correct these arbitrary provisions in their organic law. In some of the states, the aristocracy has so intrenched itself be hind the harriers of wealth and exclusive privi leges, that, even in this age of progress, the peo ple have not yet been able entirely to dislodge them : and, if not in their organic law, in their ordinary legislation the people of those states have been subjected to a restriction of their rights, and a tyranny in their government scarcely exceeded in those countires where des potisrii prevails. In framing the constitution of the United States, these opponents of the people's rightsen deavored to establish a consolidated govern ment, which should tend to centralize in the general government all the powers and rights of the several states, as well as of the people.— Thev claimed to establish a strong and magnifi cent government with numerous high offices, and whenever they were in power, and had the opportunity, they carried these views into ef fect. The (.flier partv, in the days of the revolu tion, was composed of those who asserted and maintained the rights of the people, who put 1 firth the Declaration of Independence, and ba sed their government upon the principles con tained in it. Ours was the fiist government ever established upon those principles, and it lias been a model for all subsequent goverments. In the stormy davs of the revolution, the Union of (he States was held together more by a sense of mutual dependence, than any coercive au thority existing in the government of the Union, In the organization of the several state govern ments, the friends of the people endeavored to make them as democratic as they could. Stiil, the influence of habit, an attachment to the or dinary forms to which they had teen accustom ed, a partial ignorance of the forms in which their principles could he best carried out, arid a disinclination to enter upon new and untried theories, prevented as full and complete a reform in their governments as experience has since shown to lie necessary, and enabled those of the other party to succeed in their views to a greater extent than they ought to have done. When the throes and the troubles ol the revo lution were passed, and it was found necessary to establish a better form of government for the I ninn than the old articles of confederation af forded, the convention of 1787-8 assembled to accomplish this purpose. Here the same an tagonistic elements were found at work, fhe friends of the people, believing that the country was best governed in which the government was hast felt by the people, were in favor of retaining to the people and to the slate govern ments, all (lower not necessarily requisite to the transaction of the business oflhe general gov ernment. They wished to confer upon the general government only certain specific and enumerated powers, that were absolutely neces sary for such a limited government or confeder ation. Their opponents, as has been stated, were for clothing the general government with almost unlimited powers, which, if granted, must have made it a consolidated government, and in the end swallow up the state govern ments entirely. The result of that convention was to establish a government for the I nion,of ' ' rx' \i -'I '■:* - ■ '/ * :<* j'* -H $ % *'■ !i -| f ■■■!■■■ ■■■■■■■■■ ■ I ■■■ I II 11 ——■ ■■ II !■ I , . II ■ ■■■ll 1.1 ■ _ _ 1.1 M unrivalled excellence, which combines the fed erate and the Demociatic principle, and makes it a government of compromise, in which the | >owers of government are limited, restricted and confined, to those expressly granted. This government, when properly administered, has all the powers necessary for its purposes, and yet leaves to the people, and to the states all tueir rights uninfringed. The immortal Washington was, by unani mous consent, placed at the head of the govern ernment. He called around him the statesmen and soldiers of the revolution—vet in bis cabi net were found very discordant materials. Both the antagonistic principles to which we have before alluded were there represented, and it required the whole weight of that eminent man's character to prevent their opeiation to the pre judice of the country. Col. Hamilton, a ijiajrtindoubtedly of talents, who had been conspidVbs for his services in the revolutionary army, during which he had enjoyed much of the confidence of Gen. Wash ington, had been selected. for the situation of secretary of the treasury. In the convention ot 178<—8 lie has, however,shown his predilec tions lbr a strong government, which, il adopted, would have made us little better than an elec tive monarchy, with a president and a senate for life. He ol course lulled the part v who coincided with his views, and distrusted, or uf fecte(| to distrust, the power of the people to govern themselves. They assumed to thetn selves the name of federalists, falsely alleging that they were the exclusive triends ol the form of the general government then organized and in practice. The immortal Jefferson, the great apostle of republicanism, the author ol the declaration of Independence, was selected for secretary of state. He espoused the cause of the people, and of the states, and favored a strict construc tion of the constitution. He was able, to a very great extent, to counteract the influence of Alexander Hamilton. He was not, however, able to succeed in all things; and Hamilton, to the great regret of all the republicans ot that day,succeeded in establishing the old Bank of the United Slates, which very soon prostituted itself to political purposes. Before the close of Gen. Washington's administration Mr. Jefferson withdrew from it, 3s he was unable to affiliate with Col. Hamilton and those who held his po litical views. In 1796 Gen. Washington having declined a second re-election, John Adams, then vice president, and Mr. Jefferson became competitors for fhe presidential chair. As the Jaw then stood, the candidate who received the highest vote became President, and lie who received the next highest vote the vice president. On counting the votes it* was decided that Mr. I Adams was elected president and Mr. Jefferson vice president. .Many persons however were ; even then strong I v impressed with the belief that this result was unfairly produced. Mr. Adams entered upon the Presidential duties on the 4th of March, 1797, and affiliating to a great extent with the views of Coi. Hamilton,: selected Ins cabinet from those entertaining like , views, and disposed of the patronage ol the gen eral government among those of like character, j With the powers of the government and the loo med influence of the hank combined, this ad ministration soon began to show their disposi tion lor arbitrary power. By the sedition law j thev sought to prevent the freemen oi the coun- | try from speaking their thoughts, and made it a J criminal offence punishable by fine and impris- : onment, to either verbally or in writing com ment upon or investigate the improper act:-of ; the government: thus effectually crushing the i liberty of the press, the great palladium of the people's rights. By the alien law limy gave the President power to order any foreigner "out of the country at his own discretion, and in j case of refusal, to suffer imprisonment so long as j the president might think the public safety re quired. They raised a large standing army, un necessarily expended millions in the increase of! the naw, imposed direct and indirect faxes up on everything which the citizens owned, ami filhd the country with hosts of revenue officers: that, like tiie locusts of Egypt, ate up their sub stance and became the pliant tools of govern ment in being spies upon the people and prose cuting them for alleged sedition and treason, un der the laws to which we have already refer- The reign of this parlv, emphatically anil trulv st vied "the reign of terror," happily was ot'shoit duration, arid expired with the term for which Mr. Allan,s had been declared to be elected. Federal vituperation and abuse had been resorted to without stint, to calumniate the great republican portion of our citizens. The horrors ot the French revolution were held up as bugbears lo frighten the timid, and declared to be the nec.e.-saiy result of the democratic tendencies of the republican party. The terms democrat and Jacobin were heaped upon them as names of reproach. The republican party, believing that the term democrat, which in its signification meant an advocate of the govern ment of the people, was correct, assumed the name and gloriously carried out its meaning. Pennsylvania, the keystone of the political arch, in the election of 171)0, gloriously triumphed in her democratic principle? and gave an ear nest of what was to follow in the succeeding year. In the fall of 1800, the people of the Union elected Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, the two highest candidates for president and vice president of fhe United Slates, each receiving an equal number of votes, although it was perfectly well understood that the former was to he the president and the latter the vice president. The election had to pass into the house of representatives to select the president and vice president from the two, and if we be fore had specimens of federal arrogance arid tyranny, we then had exhibited the fullest ev idence of their utter profligacy as a party. They whispered into the ear of Aaron Burr, who was a bold, bad man. as the sequel show ed, that if he would accede to their views, they - would defeat the voice of the people—they > would make him president. They were ena i hied lbr a long time (the members voting by 1 States) to prevent the majority of the States go • : ing for Mr. Jefferson. They never were able ; to obtain a majority for Burr. The democratic i members proved trite to their trust, and the fed -1 eral members of one state at length yielded, j and Mr. Jefferson received the majority. He ■ was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1801. - He surrounded himself with the ablest and best i men of his party, and having obtained the ma- j - jority in each house of Congress, he repealed i the obnoxious laws passed during the ad mini- j ' j stration of his predecessor, simplified our go-: vernment, reformed the abuses in its admini- j > i st rat ion* lessened its expenses, and abolished all j parade and ostentation—in fact, made it the j model republican government it was originally j , intended to be, and generally has been since. I A Iter administering the government for eight years, he voluntarily withdrew, and was suc ceeded hv Mr. Madison. During the whole of", the administration of these two statesmen, the : j federal partv were rancorous and malignant in their opposition to the government of the Union, (verging nigh on to treason,) in the doings of the j Essex Junto—the Hartford convention—there i fusal to furnish nun and means to carry on the j war in which we were engaged with Croat Britain from 1812 to 1815, emphatically called j the second war of independence, and their con stant apologies for the acts ot Great Britain dur ing that war, mourning over our victories and j rejoicing at those of our enemies. Jackson, how ever, ended that war in a blaze of glory at New Orleans on the Hth o! January, 1815. ' Jackson fought many battles, martial and civil, for his country, j Up to the time of this war, federalism, al ! though foiled arid defeated, had held its crest erect and displayed a portion of its former pride and arrogance. During tins war, however, it assumed the name of lhSiJ/ce party ," and since then has been know mVv almost as many ! | names as there have been political conflicts in • the country. About the conclusion of the war, one of its leading editors in writing to another, about equally pre-eminent in its ranks, advised a change of tactics, urging that it would be bet ter to waive the proud pretensions they had as sumed, of possessing all the talents, all the d<^~ j i cencv, and all the learning of the country, seek success "bt/ fanning the embers of disc on-* i tent in the democratic ranks." The hint was ; taken, the party name was dropped, and since then they have been found, upon every occa- ■ sion, fomenting divisions in the democratic ranks, by inflaming the passions and prejudices of any portion of our citizens affected either ; Ircitn the influence of circumstances anj trady f j'.*CTTivjj*)J?*-pecunia r y affairs, from pwltt&wfr" j jpeeSti'trat disappointments, front local prejudices ; or habits, from sectarianism or fanaticism in re ligion or am other cause. Hut they have never changed their principles. VVhiggerv of the present day is the federalism of 1799, grown 1 more cunning. It has stooped from its high perch, and is now a mere truckler for office, in which, if once firmlv reinstated, it would show ! all its obnoxious traits of character over again. ! The attempt to elt-ct Burr in 1801. and tfi— at tempt to defeat the election in Pennsylvania in | 1838, by the acts connected with the Buck-i j shot war, are but different efforts of the same i partv "to treat elections of the people as though jthey had not taken place." The democratic party have ever been true !to their professions. Recognizing to their ful j lest extent tlie right and ability of the people 1 to govern themselves, they have deemed it the ! best policy to have the people governed as lit— i tie as possible—to abstain from tiie passage of j all arbitrary laws affecting their persons, pro pert v or rights—to require the citizen to give i up Hie fewest of his natural rights, that will be j j consistent with the safety of society, and clothe ' ! the public servants with only those powers that • : ate absolutely necessary for these ends—to ro j quire that all |ower, delegated to public set- I j vants, should return at stated and short periods i i to the people, to whom all power belongs, that i the same may he conferred either on the former , incumbents, when found worthy, or upon oth- i ; ers more meritorious. For although power does I j not alwavs corrupt, of which we have had ma j ny admirable examples, vet its tendency is to j corrupt, of which we regret to say we have I had not a few. The principles of these two antagonistical parlies are involved in the coming' contest in: Pennsylvania. The democratic party, ever honest and candid, avow* their principles in I open dav : they hear the same honest name they j ' have borne for more than half a century, j i That name conferred upon them as a term of j i reproach, has won its way to public confidence and esteem, and so much is the power of that ; name felt, that ancient federalism, now modern ! whiggery, has often sought to steal it, to de- | j ceive the people. Democracy advocates the 1 j rights of all our citizens, it abhors all exclusive privileges to the few. it knows no distinction between our native born and naturalized eiti j zens, other than those which the constitution I has created. One of its first acts when Mr. : Jefferson came into power was to amend the j laws and facilitate the means for the naturaliza- j | tion of foreigners. It remembered among the j j causes assigned for declaring our country inde pendent, an inipoitant one, that the king of England had obstructed the laws for the natur- I alization of foreigners; and in this as in all other acts they have carried out the principles of 1776—n0t the principles of the miscalled : "sons of the sires of '76." Our adversaries are endeavoring to crawl in to power at this time by a concentration of all their own partizans proper, and an attempt to excite among other prejudices, foreign and in imical to the constitution of the United States, in relation to two subjects calculated to excite ! the sympathies and prejudices of portions of our citizens. The constitution of the United States | left the institution of slavery, which hbd been i 1 imposed upon us by the merceparv cupidity of ■ Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. 15, 1854. Great Britain, just where it found it—a mere ■ municipal regulation oflhe States in which it existed. Pennsylvania, immediately upon th u ! close of the revolution, abolished this institution ! W'ithin her borders, and almost all the northern i States have since followed her example. Be fore the revolution it existed in all the States. |fthe true motives of its abolition could be | reached, we fear that the northern States would |ot be entitled to as much credit as many claim i |>r its abolition. It was found that slave labor *;as unprofitable for mere farming purposes, and Oiese, the motives of pecuniary interest, super j added to what was deemed the principles of hu fnanity, procured its abolition in all the origi nal States north of Maryland and Delaware, j The compromises of the constitution on this sub ject, which prevented any action by the gener j a! government on the subject of slavery, have been faithfully carried out by the democratic party, in ever}' portion of the Union. They hold that no one State has a right to interfere with what appropriately belongs to another. The congress of the United States has the power to admit new States into the Union, and they have wisely determined that, in creating i territories and admitting new States, the people of such new States or territories shall have a j right to make their own laws upon the subject of slavery, or any other subject that belongs rightfully to a municipal government. Our ad versaries taking advantage of the agitation pro duced on this subject of slavery by the erection of the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska, are charging the democratic party with favor ing the cause of human slavery. They have done no such tiling. They have merely deter mined that congress, according to the constitu tion, has no right to interfere with the subject, and that to the people of tiie territories and the States, respectively, this whole subject belongs, and they have unquestionably decided rightly. Pennsylvania, or any other State of the Union, might to-morrow revive the institution if it were thought light. Act our adversaries are ' endeavoring to excite your sympathies in the cause of humanity, so as to induce you, practi cally, to violate the constitution of our coun try. Thev are also endeavoring to foment difficul ties he two 1 en different classes of our citizens and ijß>firr< n*}ir native born and naturalized citizens to each other, and to effect this bring to their aid sectarian feelings iflPigion. Our forefathers wisely inhibited thl* when, in every state constitution we find ; substantially declaring that every fpn has a right to enjoy his liberty of con science arid to worship Almighty God in the manner he shall think to he most acceptable, f and the constitution of the United States pro - fa&WMhe general government from giving p, ['j ference to any one denomination over another. That constitution, too, confers upon naturalized citizens all the rights conferred upon those who are native born, with one exception. We, therefore, protest, in the most distinct and sol emn manner, against any indirect attempt to ac complish that which the constitution and laws of the United States and the several States so pointedly and so properly prohibits. It would j be sapping the foundations of our free institu tions. It would he loosening the bonds which hold us together. It would he a practical wrong upon a portion of our citizens, who have equal rights with ourselves, and making a dis tinction which the constitution ol the i nited States does not make or permit. We should guard against all attempts to vie late the piinciples of that constitution. It is the ark of our political safety. It should never be touched with unhallowed hands. Open and i hold attempts to violate it are seen through, and at once excite our resistance. It is from secret, insidious and undetected attempts to undermine j it, that we shall be exposed to the greatest | danger. Opposition to those nfforeign birth constitutes much of the political capital of our adversaries of the present dav. In this they are close imita i tators of the federalists of'9B. By the 3d section of the al'u n law, every mas ter or commander of any ship or vessel, which I shall enter anv port of the 1 nited States, shall immediately make report in writing to the col lector or oilier chief officer of the customs, ofall aliens 011 hoard his vissels, specifying their names, age, the place of nativity, the country from which thev shall have come, the nation to which they belong and owe allegiance, their oc i cupation, and a description of their parents ; : and on failure to do so, to forfeit the sum of three hundred dollars; and in default of payment the vessel was to be detained by such collector or I other officer. The collector was also required forthwith to transmit to the department of state true copies of all such returns. This was vir tually closing our harbors to foreign emigration, at the most important cris'is of the Irish rebel ! lion, when many of the heroes and patriots of that gallant rendered so much : service to the cause of liberty in our own revo ; lutionarv struggle, were engaged in imitating our example, and being unsuccessful, were drivan from home and country, to seek an asy j lum elsewhere. j Many of that noble and generous, hut unfor tunate people, alter thev had failed in their ex ertions to emancipate their bleeding country, n - I lying upon the assurance given by the congress of 1775 to the Irish nation, that "the fertile re j giins of America would afford them a safe asy lum from oppresion," resolved upon making this country their residence. Rufus King, a high toned federalist, one of the party of "well horn," and a faithful representative of their in tolerance and bigotry, was, at that time, the A merican minister in London, at the court of St. James, nnd resisted the emigration of these Trish patriots. A number of them who were confin ed in dismal dungeons, and who had an offer of their release on condition of their going to A rnerica, applied to Mr. King to withdraw his opposition to their so doing. In answer to a I letter written him by one ot the Irish state pri soners, Mr. Henrv Jackson, an avowed repub- I licanand an enthusiastic friend of liberty, Mr. King said : "1 ought to inform you that. I really have no authority to give or refuse permission to you or any other foreigner to go to the United States; the admission and residence of strangers in that countiy being a ifiStter that by'a late law, (the alien law ) exclusively belongs to the President. It is true that the government of this country, (England,) in the course of the last year, in consequence of my interference, gave me assurance that a particular description ' of persons in Ireland, who, it was understood, were going to the I'nited States , should not be allowed to proceed without our consent. This j restraint would doubtless be withdrawn in favor of persons against whose emigration 1 should not object. lam sorry to make the remark, and" shall stand in need of your candor in doing that a large portion of the emigrants from Ire land, and especially in the middle states, have \ arrayed themselves on the side of the malcoti- j tents, (i. e., the democrats and adherents of Mr. | Jefferson.) If the opinions of the emigrants are likely to throw them into the class of malcon- j tentr, (democrats, in plain English,) they might j become a disadvantage instead of a benefit to our country." Of course thev would, in the opinion of Mr. King. Here was a denial of hospitality as cruel as it was anti-republican. The sufferings which ; were caused to many of the patriot Irishmen, by ; this conduct of the federalists, are incalculable. "As to me," said Mr. Emmet in a letter to Mr. King, "I should have (nought along with me my father and his family, including a brother, (the lamented Robert Emmet,) w hose name per- j haps even vou will not read without emotions j of .sympathy and respect —and others nearly con- > nected with me would have become partners in | my emigration. But all of them have been torn | from me. I have been prevented from saving I a brother, from receiving the dying blessing of a i father, mother and sister, and from soothing their j last agonies by my cares—and this, sir, by your j unwarrantable and unfeeling interference." j This is the leaven that has leavened the whole ; lump. The democrats and their political o])- 1 ponents have ever been at issue upon this sub- : ject ol foreign emigration and the laws of natur alization. The one constituting as a fundamen- : tal principle of their political faith the free and full extension of the rights and blessings they en joy to all the human family that desired to pai- I take them, and who sought our shores as a re- i luge fioin oppression in their native land. The j other party dreading the expansion of that spirit j of liberty, and that hatred to titled dignitaries i and various forms of oppression in monarchical 1 governments, that urged continually the tide of j emigration Irotn Europe, have always advoca- j . ted such restrictions upon citizenship, and pur sued such a hostile policy to foreigners, that had ; they continued in power, and been enabled to , can v their views into effect, the now flourish- j ing and populous western states of this L nion, : would have still been ten dories,and our nation- j al character degraded and disgraced, instead of having a great name and power and glory a mong the nations of the earth. The lirst naturalization law, passeil in 3*90, only j required a residence of two years to become a citi zen. The act of 179" extended the time to live years. But the federalists discovering that when were naturalized they generally voted the republican ticket, conceived the idea of punishing them lor their contumacy, and accordingly the Tune of probation was still further extended by the act of .tune IS, 17. to fourteen years, and a declaration of • intention Air years before the admission of the ap- , plicants to the rights of citizenship, it isa remarkable . fact thuT this act was passed nn the 17th June, 17!'S The alien law 0:1 t(ie 2.7 th of June, and the sedition j law on the 14th July, of the same year. It would seem as if the whole energies of federalism were routed to one tremendous exertion to crush the spir- ! it ot t lie people, and destroy the liberties of the coun try. All these acts were repealed on Mr. Jefferson's accession To the presidency, and the time of resi- j deuce neees-arv lor a foieigner To become a citizen . brought back to live years, at which it has ever since ; remained. Nearly every civilized nation has adopted liberal : naturalization laws, particularly where they have 1 been situated as we are with a sparse population, and extensive regions, millions of acres of uncultivated lands. It is our policy to draw the power and pro- . ductive industry ol o;her nations to ourselves. France, Holland, Russia, and even England, have all in turn pursued this policy to great advantage, at different periods of their history. In the time of the Ed wards. the Henrys and in the reign of Elizabeth, alien citizens and manufacturers were invited to , England and naturalized without any previous resi dence, or even an oath of allegiance. But the miserable Know-Nothings of the present day, have refined upon the cruelty and tyranny of the federalism of'9B—for they would repeal all na turalization laws, and prevent foreigners from be coming citizens at all. The would also add ous to political intolerance. They would not only; enact laws by which those not born on Ameri can soil would be shorn ofall the attributes of free- ■ dom, but they would deprive native as well as for eign born of the ble.-sed privilege of worshipping j God according to the dictates of their own con- 1 sciences. The comparison is manifestly in favor of the black cockade federalism of "the reign of terror," j in the time of the elder Adams. The democracy re.-pect all religions, and in the spirit of our institutions tolerate al!. This was the, spirit of our revolutionary fathers. They persecuted neither protestant nor catholic, neither puritan nor quaker, but extended the broad a'gis of tiie tunda mental law of the land over them, for their protec- j tion. In December, 1787, General Washington wrote to the Roman Catholics, of the United States us follows: "As mankind becomes more liberal, they will be more apt to allow that all those who conduct them selves as worthy members of the community, are equally entitled to the protection of civil govern- j rnent. 1 hope eeer to see America avion? the fo -v- j most vat ions in examples of justice and liberty. And i presume that your I'ellow-citizens will not forget the patriotic pari you took in the accomplishment of their revolution, and the establishment of their gov ernment, of the important assistance received from a nation in which the catholic religion is professed." Whpn, therefore, fellow-citizens, we find that a consolidated government, a love for exclusive pri vileges and monied corporations, a desire to draw implied powers from the constitution, and exercise them for their own selfi-h purposes, and to establish a restriction to citizenship, constitute the favorite dogmas of our political adversaries, it is reasonable ; to believe that a change in our very system of gov- j ernmerit would follow their ultimate success. Thi historical view of the parties, their principles j and their acts, has occupied more space than was ex- \ TERJfiS,..#* PER YEAR. fOL. XXIII, NO. 0. i peeled, and we must hasten to the conclusion of thi- I our last adrcss. Remember, I'ellow-citizens that the : rr.otto of our party is, "principles and "not men."' — | Vet in popular elections men must be selected as tLe standard bearers of parties and their principles.— Test the coming contest by principles—let no false ; i-sues be introduced into it. Confine the Usnes to | that lor which our fathers looght and bled—the rights j ol the people. Every other element attempted to be introdnced into it is a device of the enemy—a stepping stone to get themselves info power, which, whenever possessed, "hey have abused. Remember | the cause Of the old democracy; its upright, straiglit : forward course. Rear its banner on high, march * ' boldly in solid column to the fight—victory win crown your efforts, and the cause of popular rights ] will be safe. J. ELLIS BON HAM, Chairman. i GEOKUE C. VVELKEK, Secretary. James Pollock autJ the kuow-Ncthings. TV fact that JAMES POLLOCK —the abolition, lawyer candidate tor Governor, having jollied the Know-Nothings, pointedly remarks the Doylestown Democrat , is coming down and re acting on him with.a crushing effect among the steady farmers and working men all, over the ! country. In Berks county the Whigs who are Germans, are deserting POLLOCK in flocks, and j aue determined to vote for BIGLER, and the rest' !of the Democtatic ticket. They are plain, hon est men, and do not approve of a candidate lor the responsible and dignified office of Governor, truckling to sectarian prejudices and joining a I midnight secret political conclave, bound to j gether by the most horrible, profane, and dis gusting oaths. It will be a small day for Penn sylvania, when the people debase themselves so much as to elect such a man their Governor. We ask the people to refer back to the earlier I Governors, and ascertain if they went down on i their knees, into oath bound midnight political j sectarian conclaves, for the sake of the persecu- I tion of a portion of our people, and obtaining the votes -of others ? Did the great and good ! WILLIAM PEX.V, the founder of the infant colo ny, do so ? No ! He was driven from England jby the same kind ola persecution, with which 'JAMES POLLOCK, has now connected himself! ' Did Titos. LLOYD, EDWARD SUIPPKN, WILLIAM KF.ITII, JAMES LOGAN, ANTHONY PALMER, ROB j EET H ENTER. MoRJIIS, . JoUX Pr.XN, ftICHARD PENN, TJIOS. WHARTON, and BENJAMIN FRANK- I LIN, all of whom were provincial Governors, join any midnight, secret, political sectarian con ' claves to obtain votes for tire office ? No. Yot one of them ever stooped so low as that ! Did THOMAS MIFFLIN, THOMAS McKEAX, SIMON SNYDER. WILLIAM FJXDLAY, JOHN ANDREW ; SHCLZE, or FRANCIS K. MHNK, ever tmt. | midnight conclave, bound together by biaspbo ■ rnous oaths, for the purpose of obtaining votes ! j No, never! They would have considered it a tiisgrace to have been seen in tin- oompany of ! such men ! JAMES POLLOCK will be ashamed of it, too, in less than three days after the second Tuesday in October. In fact, be sees already, that he has been rather fast, in the matter, and ' keenly regrets his hasty action in the affair.— He well knows that it is dragging him down with a riiah that was not expected, while his opponent, Col. BIGLER, occupies high ground, arid is gaining strenght daily. A CAT EXTRAORDINARY.—A gentleman liv ing at Elk Run, in the lowei end of Fauquier county, Va., has the good fortune to possess the most remarkable grimalkin yet known, ol tin cat kind. Its body is of unusual length, its legs like those of a bench-leg'd vise. The fur is of a reddish color, the whole beautified with black spots and streaks of different figures; they i are long in the back and round on the belly and I jaws. Black stripes run across the ears, which are very long and tipped at the ends with a blue turf of hair. Its physiognomy is fierce and its nature savage. Ordinarily it is perfectly do cile, and, like Wormley's very sensible cat, never says a word, though he answers readily j (bv the wag of his tail) to the name of "Billy."' His Master's house being infested with ! snakes, which bad been bred in a neighboring stone fence, he took it into his head to eschew such game as rats and mice and make war upon the snakes, all of which he soon destroyed.— Having acquired a taste for this kind of sport, he extended the field of his operations, frequent ly making excursions more than a mile distance trom the house, and, returning each and every dav with a snake, ranging from two to seven feet in length. He has continued this practice for eight weeks. Cn one occasion he returned to the house much fatigued, perfectly wet and covered with saliva. It was supposed he had encountered one of those large but rare serpents' known as the goobat. This turned out to be true, for the dav thereafter Mr. Harvey B. Ralls found the sn<\ke dead, and signs of a (dreadful conflict on the sand. Most or nearly all the wounds had been inflicted on the back of the neck. The weight of the horrid serpent ! was fourteen pounds eleven ounces. This class of serpents is a native of Eastern \ irginia, with a very large head and great jaws. The mouth is armed with cutting crook ed teeth, among which are two longer than the rest placed in the fore part of the upper jaw,— All around the mouth there is a broad scaly border, and the eyes so large that they give it a terrible aspect. The forehead is covered with large scales. Each side of the belly is marked with large square spots of chvsnut color, in flu* middle of which is a spot perfectly round, and burnished as gold. Thpy have been kntftvn to swallow small pigs, mask rats, opossums, bic. They avoid the sight of man. and consequently are rarelv seen. Indeed, the existence of the goobat has been doubted by many. The cat still continues his war upon the snakes. These facts may not gain credence at. a distance, but they are so well known and attested, that no one in tbe neighborhood doubts them for a moment.— lf arrenton /-Vug. : An experiment has just been successfully ■ made in France of employing swallows to carry j letters, as pigeons were used some years back.