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NEW SERIES. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE If PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY Bl B. F. MEYERS, At the fallowing terms, to wit: $1.50 per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 " if paid within the year. $2.50 " if notpaid within the year. subscription taken lor less than six months. paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid , unless at the option of the publisher, it kae been decided by the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment •I arrearages, is prima facie evidence ol fraud and is a criminal offence. E?"The courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspa pers, if they take them from the post office, wheth er r hey subscribe for them, or not. RATES OF CHARGES FOR ADVER TISING. Transient advertisements will be inserted at the rale of $l.OO per square of ten lines for three inser tions or less, but for every subsequent insertion, J5 cents per square will be charged in addition Table and figure work double price. Auditor's notices ten lines and under, $l.OO ; upwards of ten liaas and under fifteen $1.50. Liberal reductions made to persons advertising by the year. LETTER OF SENATOR DOUGLAS- The following letter purporting lo have been written by Hon. S. A. Douglas, a short time previous to ins death, it going the rounds of the press. We do not vouch lor its authentici ty, but'give it as it comes to us. It will be teen that the lamented Senator takes much the tarre position that Democrats do everywhere, viz: That we should sustain the Government as Democrats. What Mr. Douglat would have said had he lived to witness the misdeeds of the Administration, is not at all foreshadowed in this fetter.— Ed Gazette. CHICAGO, May 10, ISGI. My, Dear Sir Deing deprived of the use of my arms for the present by a severe attack ol the Rheumatism, lam compelled lo avail my self of'the services of an amanuensis, in reply to your two letters. It seems that some, of my friends art unable to comprehend the difference between argu ments used in favor of an tyuilabl e comprom ise with the hope of averting the hprrots of wur, and those urged in support ol the Govern ment and flag of our country, when war is be ing waged against the United States with the avowed purpose of producing a permanent disruption of the Union, and a total des truction of the Government. All hope of Compromise with the Cotton States was abandoned when they assumed the position that the separation of the Union was complete and final, and that they would never consent to the re-construction in any contin gency—not even if we were to furnish them with a blank sheet of paper and permit them to inscribe their own terms. Still the hope was cherished I hat reasonable and satisfactory terms ol adjustment could be agreed upon with Tennessee, .North Carolina and the border States, arid that whatever terms would prove satisfactory to these loyal States would create a Union party in the cotton states which would be powerful enough at the ballotbox to destroy the revolutionary Govern ment, and bring those States back into the Un ion by the voice ol their people. This hope was cherished by the Union men North and and South, and was never abandoned until ac tual war was levied at Chaileston and the au- thoritative announcement made by the revolu tionary government Montgomery, that the tecejsion flag should be planted upon the walls oh the Capitol at Washington, and a proclama tion issued inviting the pirules of the world to prey upon the Commerce of the United Stalet. These startling facts, in connection with the boastful announcement that the lavages ol war and carnage should be quickly transferpd from the cotton fields of the South to the wheal and coin fields of the North, furnish conclusive endence that it was the fixed purpose of Se cessionists utterly to destroy the government of ortr fathers and obliterate the United Stales from the map of the world. In view of this state of facts there was but one path of duty left to patriotism. It was not a party question involving pol/cy; it was a question of government or no government, country or no country, and hence it became the imperative duty of the Union man,of every friend of constitutional liberty, to rally to the support of out common country, its government and flag, as the only means of checking the piogress of revolution and preserving the Un ion of the States. i am unable to answer your questions in res pect to the policy of Mr. Lincoln and I am not in thejr confidence, as you and the whole country ought to be aware. lam neith er the supporter of the partisan polic no: the apologist of the administration. My previous relations to them remain unchanged ; but I trust 'he time will never come when I shall not be willing to make any ceedful sacrifice of peisonal feeling and party policy tor the honor and in tegrity of the country. I know of no mode in which a loyal citizen may so well demonstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the dag, the Constitution, the Union, under all cir cumstances, and under every administration, regardless of party politics,'against all assailants af home and abroad. The course of Clay and Webster towards the administration of Jackson, in the days of nullification, presents a noble •nd worthy example for all true patriots. At the very moment when that fearful ciisis was precipitated upon the country, partisan strife between Whigs and Democrats was quite as Oitter and relentless as now between Democrats and Republicans. The guff which separated party leaders in ui3st days was quite as broad and deep as that Hhich now separates the Democracy from the I3ebfm v i> sHlfe fßmtiie. Republicans. " But the moment an eneinv rose in our midst, plotting the dismemberment of the Union and the destruction of the govern ment, the voice of partisan strife was hushed in patriotic silence." One of the brightest chap ters in the history of our country will record the fact that during this eventful period the great leaders of the opposition, "sinking the partisan in the patriot," rushed to the support of the Government, and became its ablest and bravest defenders against all assailants until the conspiracy was crushed and abandoned, when thry resumed their former positions as party leaders upon public issues. These acts of public devotion have never been deemed evidences of infidelity or political treachery, on the part of Clay and Webster, to the principles and organization of the old Whig party. Nor have I any apprehension that the firm and unanimous support which the Demo cratic leaders and masses are now giving to the Constitution and the Union will ever be deem ed evidence of infidelity Jo Democratic princi ples, or a want of loyalty to the organization and creed of the Democratic party. If we hope to regain and perpetuate the ascendancy of our party, we should never forget that a man cannot be a true Democrat unless he is a loyal patriot. With the sincere hope that these my consci entous convictions, may coincide with those of my Irirnds, I am, truly, yours, STEPHEN A. DOUUEAS. To Virgil Hickox, Es'i-.C'liairroar. State Dem ocratic Committee. SAILING UNDER FALSE COLORS ! Ihe York Gazette says: the old ship "Re publican," weather-beaten, leaky and drilted upon the shoals by the political storms through which she has lately sailed, is repainted, re caulked, the old name, "Union," painted in large letters on all her sides, and honest Dem ocrats invited on board to assist in again get ting her off the shoals and breakers, upon which her Sectional crew has wrecked her. To more easily deceive Democrats and Union men, the old torn and faded flag of Republi canism is temporarily hauled down, and a "bran new" flag with "Uoion" as its motto, run up. But all this will not save the concern from being dashed to pieces. The gallant Democracy, who have successfully guided the "good ship Democracy" over many a stormy sea, are not so easily deceived. Through the thin painting, that old name "Republican" still is visible, and the new name"Union" can't cover it. The old hulk still leaks,—the new Jlaq floats over the old crew , and the old pilots who have run her upon the breakers and shoals are still at the wheel. Now and then one who has piofessed Democracy and long sym pathized secretly and openly with the old crew, distrustfully steps on board, and is wel comed with cordiality; but the more wise and patriotic ol the Republican crew,ever fearful of their safety, are fully assured of their destruc tion when such seamen are shipped, and im mediately a score of Republicans desert. They have less hope of their safety in such company, and, "like rats desert the sinking ship," new name, new jlaq and all. Day by day the crew "glows small by degrees and beautifully less." We warn Democrats not to ship on the con cern.—Her new helmsmen, her new name, new flag and all, won't save her. The fate ©f the Petrel will be her's. A Democratic broad side will scatter h*r timbers ovar the waters. She is bound Jo go down, and her crew with her. Party caucuses, party tricks of all kinds, j and all the efforts of interested party leaders, will prove of no avail. Republicanism under ! every name is doomed, and the sooner these j busy leaders realize the fact, the better for themselves and all concerned. The Democrat ] ic party in York county is stronger to-day 1 than ever before- The young and gallant spirits of the part}", and the well tried veterans, , are aroused. Democrats who have not voted for years, will rush to the rescue of our country; ■deceived .Republicans, by hundreds, will join their Democratic brethern in the glorious cause of the Union. No false flag is carried by the Democracy. The old Union flag stilt waves there. Let all true patriots rally under its sa cred folds. WHAT CONSTITUTES TREASON- Judge CATRON, of the U. S. Supreme Court, i in a recent charge to the Grand Jury, in St. Louis, laid down explicitly the following prop ositions as the law of the land : 1. That to constitute treason, there must be treasonable intent, as well as a treasonable overt act; and in order to make out treasonable intent and overt act, the party accused must have been leagued in a conspiracy to over throw the Government. 2. That there are certain constitutional guaranties which tne passion or the frenzy ol the hour cannot touch, and ainongthem is the right of expression and discussion and the free dom of the press. 3. That no sentiment, however hostile, can be held to be treasonable. 4. That the right ol every citizen to bear arms is an inalienable right that cannot be in fringed: and the fact of a citizen having arms, without being in league with a hostile force, was not an act for which his liberty could be abridged. 5. That it is the duty of the grand jury to protect both thp citizen and the Government, and that they should not, on account of any fear, favor or affection, shrink from the dis charge of that duty. As an arm of the Gov ernment, it is theirs to inquire info all offences brought to their knowledge, and bring to the bar of the United States Court ail who have been guilty of unlawfully uniting against the Gov ernment and the laws of the land. (Er~To tell if you love a girl—have some tallow headed chap go to see her. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 13, IB6L FREEDOM OF SPEECH, &C. Notwithstanding the fact that the Constitu tion of the United States is regarded as an ob solete idea by some ot the whipper snappers ol the Republican party, as well as their Abolition leaders in this vicinity, it is well occasionally to refer to the principles and landmarks estab lished by that ancient document lor the obser vance of the people and their government.— Among the prerogatives explicitly guaranteed land which is held sacred even in monarclnal England) is the freedom of speech and of the press—a right which, lor the first lime in sixty years, is now sought to be. and is, trampled un der foot by Abolition mobs. The Constitution provides as follows : "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,or ABRIDGING THE FREE DOM OF SPEECH OR OF THE PRESS, or the right of the people peaceafly to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress ol grievances."— Constitution of the United States •/' America. Judge A. G. Miller, of the United States Dis trict Court ol Wisconsin, a position which he has ably filled for many years, in a late charge to fhe Milwaukie Grand Jury, tlearly defined the law and the invariable usage of the Courts of this country in regard to these subjects. It may not be out of place for us to state that Judge Miller is a native ol Cumberland Coun ty, in this State, was raised and educated in Carlisle, from whence he emigrated to Wiscon sin some thirty-five years ago, and has for a long time sustained the reputation of a learned, able and honest Jurist. In his charge, he says "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, and "the free communication of thoughts and opin ions is one of the invaluable rights of man, sub ject to responsibility for its abuse." These principles are engrafted into our very nature as tree American citizens. I niean the liberty of the press and free discussion among men, upon all subjects relative to their duties and their rights as free citizens ; but no licentiousness of the piess and factious and scuriilous abuse and misrepresentation of men in places of public trust, which is the bane of free governments. In this time of excitement, and disposition to cast off restraints of law, some men, under the , diguiseof extieme love of country, may be dis posed to indulge their envy, hatred, malice and ill-wll toward others probably much more wor thy and patriotic than themselves. Men may \ assume a standard of patriotism and loyalty for I themselves, but they cannot be permitted to pronounce other men traitors who do not, in their opinion, come up to that standard. The Constitution and Laws of the United States de fine the crime of treason ; and by which every j man is to be tried. There is no propriety in this free xN'orth, where every man is loyal to the Government, and where we hold no person in bondage, of inaugurating a system ol secret j police. In times of excitement, as men are more apt to be zealous than wise, we should keep before us the example of France, when the reign ot terror became so intolerable that all classes of men were glad to seek refuge un der a military despot. In this country it is proper and perhaps necessary that there should be a variety of sentiment upon every subject of governmental policy. Here, wheie the voice of the people rules the nation, free discussion is necessary and proper for public instruction.— From the Declaration of Independence to the present day there has not been one g'eat prin j ciple of policy established without lree, open and manly discussion, and it is not probable that there ever will be, so long as the people continue to be free citizens under a Constituv tional form of Government. Congress is pro hibited by the Constitution from passing any law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press. Men at this time of excitement thou Id avoid personal crimination and recrimination." A STORY OF GEN. MoCLELLAN- The Washington correspondent of the Phila delphia Inquirer tells this story of General Mc- Clellan : "General McClellan is in the habit of riding around occasionally in citiifrn's dress, accompa nied by few of his staff. A few days ago he was walking through one of the encampments, across the Potomac, and passing the rear of the tents he saw a bucket ol coffee standing near a fire. He asked what it was, and one of the soldiers said "coffee." "It looks more like slops," he replied. "Oh," said the soldier, "it is not fit to drink, but we have to put up with it, and our other food is not a bit better." "Oh, our Quartermaster is drunksmost of the time, and when he is not he is studying how to cheat." McClellan passed on, and seeing more evidence of the dirty and slovenly manner in which the Quartermaster conducted his opera tions in his tent, he accosted him with the re mark that the men were complaining of bad treatment from him. Quartermaster flew into a passion, and swore it was none of his business, and he had belter not come sneaking around trying to make mischief. McClellan answered him, telling him he had better be cautious how he talked. Quartermaster replied, "who are you, that you assume so much apparent author ity 1" "1 am George B. McClellan and you can pack up your traps and leave !" The Quarter master wasstiuck dumb, and McClellan turned and left him. That evening the Quartermaster left to the tune of the "Rogue's March," play ed by some of the boys who had got wind of it, They now have a Quartermaster who does not get "drunk and cheat," and that regiment would risk their lives at (he cannon's mouth for (he man who does care how the men are provided for. "The story has been circulated around some of the camps, and the officers are now always on the look-out for the General, and ot course 1 do not have too much lying around loose." live happy—mind your business. i Freedom of Thought and Opinion. HOW DOES IT LOOK. On the 18th day ol February, 1859, the Pres ident of the United States transmitted to Con gress a message urging the importance ol legis lative action for the protection of American citizens and their property while in transit across the Isthmus, beiween our Atlantic and Pacific possessions, and to authorize the Presi dent to employ the land and naval forces of the United States to protect the lives and property of American citizens from lawless violence while upon this route. In this message the President does not name any sum that would be required (o carry out this measure, nor did he propose to transcend his constitutional pow er in any respect. He simply stated that upon a " sudden emergency," when the lives and property of our citizens were in danger, he might in that case " direct any armed force in the vicinity to march to their relief." Noth ing more was asked for in this law than what qvery loyal citizen would pronounce for the interest and honor of the whole country ; yet the message had no sooner made its appearance than the entire Republican party set up a howl over it. There was no talk then about " sus• 1 taining the Government ." That might go to sticks lor all they cared, and the lives and prop ert A'f our citizens with it, so that they could be in their opposition to the acts of the National Administratition. When this message of the President appeared, the Re paM-_n papers, all over the country, publish ed it with the following headings in the largest type, as the Republican style of ushering in a Government message in February, 1859. See Republican papers of that date : THE PRESIDENT HAS ASKED FOR THIRTY MILLIONS! HE NOW SEEKS THE SWORD!! THE CO~\~STITUTION TO EE SET ASIDE! ! ! Miall the President be made King T FAREWELL TO REPUBLICAN GOVERN MENT IF CONGRESS ACCEDES TO THE DEMANDS OF TEE OLD FEDERALIST. Suppose a Democratic paper at this day was to publish one oi Lincoln's war messages, with a heading of a similar character, there is not a Republican paper in all the North but would cry out with its loudest bellow, suppress the paptr and arrest the traitor lt would be but right and consistent that these loud-mouth ed Union brawlers, who go in all of a sudden lor sustaining National Administrations, give us an analysis of their feelings when the above disloyal sentiments appeared ! Did they flare up into a high state of excitement and splurge about " treason and traitors" and invoke " mob violence," and all that, or did they counive at the treason because a Democratic President was at the head of the. Government ? We ra'her suspect the latter was the course they pursued, for they weie never known to let an opportu nity slip to embarrass the Government and bring it into disgrace and dishonor while under Democratic rule. We will now teach them a lesson, that they never practised, by showing them that the Democracy will stand by the Government no matter who administers it, and will give it all the support in their power to restore the Union and bring back the blessings 1 ol peace to our unhappy and ruined country.— Valley Spirit. THE TRUE WAV TO FORM A UNION PARTY- The Louisville, Ky., Democrat, edited by Col HARNEY, who led on the Union ticket which so signally triumphed over Secession ism at the late election there, thus points out the only way in which a successful union of political parties for the restoration of the Union can be formed. "Abolitionism and Secession ist!! must be buried in the same political grave," says the Democrat. That's the talk! And while the Democracy of the North are ready to contribute of their men and money, more than their share to answer the requirements of Gov ernment to reclaim ana protect public proper ty, let them wage ceaseless war against North ern sectionalism, at the pallot box, as they al ways have done in days gone by. The Dem ocrat says : "The Democracy of New York refuse lo unite with the .Republicans in political action, although the latter made an overture tor that purpose. It is certainly desirable that party strife should cease everywhere, except on the issues involving the salvation of the country ; but the way to effect it is not by a union of in congruous elements that are entirely antag onistic to each other. It would, perhaps, be thought preposterous, but we, nevertheless, sug gest it, that the Republicans disband and sup port the Democratic candidates. They have made the experiment of a purely sectional par ty, and they see its lruts. It threatens to cost them their country. They can't have a Un ion witli sectional denomination. No matter how wisely and justly a sectional party may rule, its domination is itsell the vice that a country will endure. All men are not phil osophers, and the millenium has not come yet. Even up and down town boys have ceased to wrangle and fight. The present contest is re duced to just about such a fight. No rights are involved! you can't get a secessionist to go back lo the original cause of complaint. They are too insignificant before the startling magnitude of the contest, and the immense sacrifices they require. It is a blind, wicked, suicidal war of sections, with no rational basis, except blind hate. A statesman must despise the puerility of the contest, whilst he finds in the uatureof man enough to account for it. This Republican party is organized ar.d built up on the antagonism of sections, and whiUt it lives, the animositp its existence engenders will not die. It discredised the Union-savers those who sounded the alarm of dangers ahead. They derided the cry of wolf, forgetting that in the fable the wolf did come at iats. The first step to a restoration of the Union is a dis persion of the Republican party, a disorgani zation ot the whole concern, a repudiation of the basis of its existence. Perhaps an entire breaking up of parties in the North might in the end answer the purpose; but a union with the dominant party there would be taken at the South as an acquiescence on the part ot fhe majority. The whole north would be writ ten down enemies. That the Union party believe. Its existence costs the country too much, and the sooner it begin to pass away the sooner will the calamities of war cease. Do they expert one section of this Union to dominate over the other at discretion, and that upon principles that cause all the hatred and animosity of the other? We submit no apolo gy for this wicked effort in the South to de stroy the Government. We grant the necessity of suppressing it; but Abolitionism that has produced it, must also be suppressed. Aboli j iion'sm and Svcessionism must be buried in ths same political grave. The patriot flrho loves his country must consent to sacrifice; them both. Seward said "parties, platforms and men must be sacrificed to the Union," and he told the truth that once. The Union men ol the South have made the sacrifice. We have given up parties, and separated from old party friends. We have given old creeds and plat forms to the winds to save a coun'rv and free institutions. The people Noith must make the same sacrifice, no matter under what name I hey go. Whilst we acknowledge the neces sity, this sectional antagonism must be smothered out and buried. We want now a Union party North and South, composed of men ready to sacrifice all, except the cardinal doc trines of free insititutions, to the one object— Ihe preservation ol the Union !" Will those ofour Northern Republican news papers whieh have so loudly exulted over the election of Col HARNEY, and the success of the Union ticket in Kentucky, republish his views, rs given above ? MR- VVILLUT VISITS THE ARMY HOS PITAL In bis last letter to the Home Journal, Mr. Willis describes the army hospitals as follows : " I was fortunate enough to see the interior of one of these hospitals, in a trip to Alexandria the other day, my 'sponsors' being three mem bers of the 'Sanitary Commission,' who were on one of their visits of inquiry—Mr. Olmstead, Dr. Van Buren and Dr. Agnew. With three such companions, a day anywhere could scarce be otherwise than interesting, and so was this to me ; but a faithful description of it would be too painful for print. Omitting, therefore, some of the more harrowing scenes in the inte rior of the hospital, instructive as they were to my own unpracticed eyes, let me touch upon one or two of the other points in our visit and excursion. 41 In one room of fifteen or twenty bedi and patient* my medical friends had examined the stump of a young man'i right a r nr., which had been amputated the day before, and, as they pasted on, I could not help asking a question or two of one whose cost of 'fighting for his country' had been so great. He was apparent ly about twenty-two years of age, and really excessively handsoxie—and there he lay help lessly disfigured and disabled for the remainder of his life ! What was to repay the youthful cripple—what to repay the wile or sweetheart at home—for this dread calamity ? "He was cheerful under it, however. Pro vidence surely 'tempers the wind to the shorn lamb.' I could not but wonder at the quiet resignation with which he told me the story of receiving his wound. It appears that his regi ment (his name was Robert Steens, of Min nesota,) was led into an ambuscade ; and, after their first fire, found themselves with unloaded muskel3 only twenty or twenty-five Jeet from a company of riflemen, who bad suddenly started up, and who, of course, fired deliberately—one ol their rifle balls shattering the bone ol his right arm. The pain was trifling, something like a boy's smart blow with a stick. The reg iment retreated, and he with them ; but, begin ning to lose strength with the loss of blood, he lay down by the roadside and there fainted— brought to afterward, by one of the army am bulances. It is a short story, but it tells of the spoiling of a whole human life. " In this same ward I could not help noticing the very attractive features and expression of one of the nurses, who seemed especially zeal ous in her calling. On inquiry, I found it was a Mrs. Foster, who had followed her husband's regiment to the war, and whose sevrices had been found inestimable in the hospital since the battle. Miss Dix, finding her there, after a day or two, had objected fo her as too handsome for the position , but there had been such a unive sal protest among the patients against her with drawal, that the authorities had allowed her to remain ; and she is now quite the favorite nurse of the establishment. Dressed in a dark color ed calico, loose gown, with Iter short-cut black hair fastened back by a round comb, and without any ornament whatever, she moved about a mong the sufferers, a 'ministering spirit' indeed! It was quite evident that she was a woman of unusual tact and natural mental superiority. I wish she could have a 'degree' conlerred upon her, by and by ! This hospital at Alexander occupied a large building; which was formerly a boys' academy situated very near to the old vine-covered church where George Washington used to wor ship. It is the airiest and cleanest portion of the town, and the arrangements for exercise in the yard of the establishment are eagerly made use of by the convalescent soldiers. A large teat in the rear accommodated the scrofulous portion of the patients. The only man w seemed to be suffering much pain, at the mo ment, was a poor fellow whose face had been WHOLE XUJVIBEII, 8971. half carried away by a oaonon ball, and he waa walking about with both hands upon bis ban daged jaws, in great agony. It is a pit) that the stopping of the pain will not be the end of his misfortune! OUR FAT CONTRIBUTOR IN THE HOME GUARD. The moment the flag was threatened, large bodies of men were called upon to rally in TtS defense. Being a large-bodied man, I rallied, and enrolled myself with the Home Guard. The drill is very severe on me this hot weather, although I am constantly allowed an attendant with a fan and a pitcher of ice water. I am constantly reminded that one of the first requirements of a soldier is to throw out his chrst and draw in his stomach. Having been burned out several times whilt occupying rooms in an attic, I have had considerable prac tice in throwing out my chest , but by what sys tem of practice could I ever hope to draw in my stomach t I can't "dress up"—it's no use try ing. If my vest buttons aic in line lam far in the rear, and if I toe the mark a fearful bulge indicates my position. (There is no room for argument in regard to my sentiments—every body can see at a glance just where I stand.) One evening we had a new drill-sergeant who was near-sighted. Running his eye down the line, he exclaimed sharply : " What is that man doing in the ranks with a bass drum 1" He pointed at me, but I hadn't any drum— it was the surplus stomach that I couldn't draw in. I am the but of numberless jokes, as you may well suppose. They have got a story in the Guards that when I first heard the command, " Order arms!" I dropped my musket, and taking out my note-book began to draw an or der on the Governor for what arms I wanted. They say I ordered a Winans steam gun, with a pair of Dahlgreen howitzers for side arms.— Base fabricators ! My ambition never extend ed beyond a rifled cannon, and they knew it. Although in respect to size I belong to the " heavies," my preference is for the light in fantry service. My knapsack is marked light infantry. One evening the spectators seemed convulsed about something, and my comrades tittered by platoons whenever my back was turned. It was all a mystery to me until I laid off my knapsack. Some wretch had erased the two final letters, and I had been parading all the evening labeled ' LIGHT INFANT !" Th above is one of the thousand annoyances to which I am subjected, and nothing but my con fuming patriotism could ever induce me to sub mit to it. I rallied at the call of my country, and am not to be put out by the rallying of my comrades. 1 overheard a spectator inquire of the drill sergeant one day : " Do you drill the whole of him at once f " No," he returned, in an awful whisper, "/ drill him by squads 1 would have drilled bim if I bad had a bayo net." Specifications have been published in regard to my uniform, and contractors advertised for. The making will be let out to the lowest res ponsible bidder. In case the Guards are order ed to take the field, a special commissary will be detailed to supply my rations. This reminds me of a harrowing iucidcnt. On last drill night, an old farmer, vho dropped in to see us drill, took me aside, and said be wanted to sell me a yoke of powerful oxen. " My ancient agriculturist," said I, smiting at his simplicity, " I have no use for oxen.* " Perhaps not at present," quoth he, ' but it you go to war you will want them." "For what," said T, considerably annoyed. " You will want 'em to draw yoar rations !" The Guards paid me a delicate compliment at th last meeting. They elected me " Child of the Regiment," with the rank of first Corpu lent, and the pay of chief " Blowyer." I was about to return thanks in a neat and appropri ate speech, when a reporter who was present assured me it was no use—he had got the whole thing in type, speech and all, and I could read it in the evening paper. He said he kept a " neat and appropriate speech, standing in type continually." I got his views, and held my peace. Yours for the Unioo, including the Stars, also the Stripes, FAT CONTRIBUTOR. DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINE. —As far at we are able to discover amongst our exchanges, the Democratic press of the North may be said to be a unit in favor of sustaining the Government in the energetic prosecution of this war. The Democracy of the North deny the right of se cession in toto. They have always done so. They denied the right of the New England States to secede from the Union in 1812. They denied the right of Massachusetts to se cede in 1844-, if Texas was admitted—and now they emphatically deny tba right of Texas tff secede. They go for sustaining the Union now as they have ever done—presenting no petitions for its dissolution, and scorning the rneu who would, under any circumstances, • let it slide." They also go for the Constitution and its guar anties, including the Liberty of Speech and the Freedom of the Press. This we call the true, manly and patriotic ground ; and peace and harmony can only be re-established in the land, and secured for all time to come, by an index ible and united adherence to this Constitution al position. — Easton Sentinel. Qjp" " I don't rniis my church so much as you would suppose," said a lady to her minis ter, who had called on her during her illness ; " lor I make Betsy sit at the window as soon as soon as the bells begin to chime, and she tells who are going to church, and whether they have got oil anything new." lijr~ Why is a retired carpenter like a lectu rer 1 Because he's an ex-plainer. VOL 5. NO. 7.