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THE BEDFORD GAZETTE is published every Fri day morning by METERS A MEVGEL. at $2 00 per annum, if paid Mnrtl y in advance ; $2.50 if paid tcithin six months; $3.00 if not paiu within six js.oths. All subscription account* MUST if /rf-rrt annually. No paper will be sent out of the State unless paid for IN ADVANCE, and all such •nbscriptions will invariably be discontinued at the expiration of the time for which they are paid. \!l ADVERTISEMENTS for a less term than thice months TEN" CENTS per line for each In- | ,ertion. Special nnridfe one-half additional A'l j rfr Jti-Bs of Assoeiations; eommunic .tions of i Icr.ited or individual interest, and notices of mar v re- and deaths exceeding five line . ten cents per line. Editorial notices fifteen coots per iine. All l f gal Notices of every kind, and Orphans' O t and Judicial Sales, are required hy lay? t. published 111 both papers published in this ! L"' -All advertising due after first in crtion. A liberal disc unt is made to per- ins advertising • by ' ' quarter, half jear. or year, as follows i months. 6 months. 1 veer. ! Si) n e Kjuare - - - $4 50 st> on s},) on j Jk. I squares - - - tt 1(0 G (PI lii no j Tur.v squares - - - * i n 12 60 2il (Id ■ Quarter column - - 14 00 20 o<l 35 on ' I),]f column • - - Its oo 25 00 45 00, Oue column - - - - 30 00 4 5 0 0 80 00 ' *(>oe square to occupy one inch of space. JOB PRINTING, of every kind, done with neatness and dispatch. Tni: GAZETTE OFFICE has 1 ju-t been refitted with a Power Press and new type. a r. i everything in the Printing line can lie execu ted in the most artistic manner and at the lowest rites -TERMS CASH. iuS"' All letters should be addressd to METERS 4 AIEN'T; EL, Publishers. j at I air. JOSEPH W. TATE, ATTORNEY i AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly aitend to collections of bounty, back pay. Ac., and all business entrusted to his care in Bedford jn 1 adjoining counties. Cash advanced ou judgments, notes, military ar! other claim<. I! i- for sale Town lots in Tatesville. and 81.- J nil's nn Bedford Railroad. Farms and unim pru\'d bind, from one acre to y>o acres to suit perchasers Offi e nearly opposite the ''Mengel Hotel" and Rok of Reed A Schell. April I. lSfis—ly J. MOD. SHARPS. E F. KERR. . -HAKIM-; <fr KERR, ATT<>RNEYS AT LAW BEDFORD, PA., will practice in the courts of Bedford itnd ndjoiningeounties Of fi.-, ~n Juliana St., opposite the Banking House of Heed A detail. [March 2, H6. J. R. DEHBORROW. | JOHX Lt'TZ. nu RBOR Ro \V A- LUT Z , ATTORNEYS AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA . W iit attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made ou the shortest no tice. They are. also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will'give special attention to the prosecution of claims against the Government for Pensions, Bick Pay. Bounty. Bounty Lands, Ac. Office on Juliana street, one door South of the Mengel House," and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. JOHN P. REED, ATTORNEY AT j ft LAW. BEDFORD, PA Respectfully tenders | h;s services to ihe pnhhe. Ofie second door North of the Mengel House. ; Badfard, Aug. I. lent. JOHN PALMER, ATTORNEY AT ! ' LAW. BEDFORD. PA Will promptly attend | to II business entrusted to his care. Pauicular attention paid to the collection of i .Military claims. Office ou Juliana Street, nearly opposite the Mengel 11 use. B dford, Aug. I. mil. i;'SPY it A ESI P. ATTORNEY at I 1 j LAW, BEDFORD. PA. Will faithfully and ! r aptly attend to all business entrusted to his ] c ire in Bedford and adjoining counties. Military j c'.'ibns, b iek pay, bounty, Ac., speedily collected. ! Office with Maun ,v Spang, on Juliana street, | two doors South of the Mengel House. ■i in. 22. 18 i t. y M. KIMMELL. | J. W. LIXGEXFELTEK. j KIMMELL & LINGSNFELTER, I ATTORNEY'S AT LAW. BEDFORD. PA., j 11 ive formed a partnership in the practice ot the Law. Office on Juli-tna street, two doors South j of [tie 'Mengel House. /i li. SPANG, ATTORNEY AT: VTa LAW. BEDFORD. PA. Will promptly at tend to collections and ail business entrusted to ! his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Office on Juliana Street, three doers south of the j Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. . Tate. May IS, ISM. JM II FlUit. J.T. KF.auv. I 'RLEER w KEAGY have formed a £ partnership in the practice of the law At- j teiition paid to Pensions, Bounties and Claims against the Governmeut. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by ; II 'o. A. King. March 31, tij. and Ikatuvtc.. I ) H. PENNSYL, M. 1)., BLOODY j # Rrs, Pa.. ;1 ite surgeon ofith P V. V.,t ten bis professional services to the people ot that ■ and vicinity. Dec 22. fio-ly# _ W.JAMISON, M. l).. BLOODY I ? 0 RL'N. Pa., tenders his professional servi ces , , tne people of that place and vicinity. Office ! i c door west of Richard L-angdon s store. Nov. 21. '&—ly ] \U. ,J. la. MARBOURG, Having 1 7 permanently located, respectfully lenders tu professional services to the citizens ot Bedford v I vicinity. Office ou Juliana street, east side, nearly opposite the Banking House of Keed A Schell. Bedford, February 12. lfttU. v HICKOK, | J. 6. MISJICU, JR., I \ E N T ISTS, I 7 BEDFORD, PA. Olnce in the Bank Building. Juliana St. All operations pertaining to Surgical or Me ■ fianical Dentistry carefully performed, and war runted. TFRHS—CASH. Bedford. January 6, 1565. Jxskttl. I !t BfcKii, | J. J- SCHELL. : I) E E 17 A N D SC II EL L, P f Baulcers and 1) EAL ER S I N E X CII ANG E, BEDFORD, PA., DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and tr -iey promptly remitted. D posits solicited. '• % Rll'f O F-. SHANNON F. BF.XF.DICTj p UPP, SHANNON A CO., BANK- , II ERS, BEDFORD. PA. HANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT C 'LLECTIONS made for the East, WesL North - ! > .urh. and the general business "f Exchange acted. Notes and Accounts Collected and . 1 ' uittanccs promptly made. REAL ESTATE' gilt and sol i. Oct. 21, lbtlh. Wl'jfcUancotPL I \ \ NIEL BORDER, i. 7 PtrT STREET. TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED- r 'Rf> HOTEL. BEDFORD. PA. i l -' a Ten MAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY. SPEC fACLKS, AC. B keeps on hand a sto k of fine Gold and Sil- j •r UVuhe*. Spectacles of Brilliant Double Kc i ' ilasses, also Scotch Pebble Glasses, itold h C tains. Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best 'l'liity of Gold Pen. He will supply to order v tiling in his line not on hand. Pit 18. Ih6.'- HP. IRVINE, ANDERSON'S ROW, BEDFORD. PA . " r r in Boots, Shoes, (Jueenstvare. and Varie- from Country Merchants re '•tfullv soli -ited. f| tt Jo, 1H55, D\ VI1) DEFIBA UGH, Gunsmith, Bedford. Pt. Shop same as formerly occu '' Iby John Border, deceased. Having resumed '" r k. be is now prepared to fill all orders tor new Stuns at (be shortest dotice. Repairing done to or • r The patronage of the public is respectfully 1 1 Oct. 20. '65 |\J[t i* PHILADELPHIA 1866. 19. ). inu pap i■: Rs , ■'ALU. A BOURKE, Manuf icturcrs of Paper I'Bgings. and Window Shades, corner Fourth A market streets. Pbilad iphia Always in store, a stock of Linen and Oil Shades. 2, lbfit-Jm ®l)c <3ei>forl) #a?dte. BY MEYERS & MENGEL. ! o he =i>tlfovtl (iV.v?rrtr, From the Northumberland Democrat C AMPAIGN SONG. We're on the road our Father? trod. No more the spy. with treacherous nod, i Can wield a despot's cruel rod, I And that's what's the matter. : The men whose slanders rourd us flew, ! II ho spied, and lied, and mobbed us too, ! Can't do just s they used to do, And that's what's the matter C BORIS : That ? what's the matter, Their mobs have had to scatter. When Andy shot, quacks went to pot. And that's what •■> the matter. ! Bastile Provo's imps, and wags, | And thieves, who stole our money gags, ; Don't want us now. to'-hist our iflags.'' And that's what's the mat.er. | But always to the Union, true. We'll not desert, because they do. Here goes the old Red. White and Blue, And that's what's the matter. ' CHORUS :—That's what's the matter, AC. "Sustain the President," they said, : "Uphold the Union's drooping head." But now they wish that both were dead. And that's what's the matter. The "President" SHALL "be sustained," i By tiitb. aid loyalty, unfeigned, j And Sh ddy be to Union CHAINED, And that's what's the matter. CHORUS :—That's what's the matter, is. 11 e re for the Union, as before, The Constitution, and no more, | We swear the oath, old Jackson swore, And that's what's the matter. The traitorous "Rump" i' need must feel, The People's Wrath, the People's Steel ! 'ihey SH ALL SOT harm the Public weal, And that's what's the matter. CHORUS : —That's what's the matter, Ac. We've heard Thsd's whip, in Congress crack, II eve seen the "Niggers" at his back. He hates the White, and loves the Rlauk. And that's whtu's the matter. Rut don't you hear the White Men shout ? Old Thud, and Charles are now played out, And the great Fifteen have gut Ac GOUT ! And that's WHAT'S the MATTER ! CHORES : —That's what's the matter, Ac. Veto of the Civil Rights Bill. To fhe Senate of the United Slate.*: I regret that the bill which has passed both Houses of Congress, entitled "An act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil right-, and furnish the means of their vindication," con tains provisions which 1 cannot approve consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people, and my obligations to the Constitution of the United States. I am, therefore, constrained to return it to the Senate, the house in which it originated, with my objections to its becoming a law. By the first section of the bill all persons born in the United States, and not subject tt> any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the United States. This provision comprehends theChineseof the Pacific States. Indians sihjeet to taxation, the people eulL-l Gipsies, a.- well as the entire race desig nated as blacks, people of color, negroes, mulattoes and people of African blood. Every individual of these races born in the United States is bv the bill made a citizen of the United States. It dpes not purpose to declare or confer any other right of citizenship than "Federal citizenship." It does not purport to give these classes of persons any Uatm as citizens of States, except that which may r.-,-ult from their stain.* as citizens of the United States. The power to confer the right of State citizenship is just as exclusively with the several .States as the power to confer the right j of Federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of Federal citizenship thus i to be conferred on the several excepted races before mentioned, is now for the j first time proposed to be given by law. If. as is claimed by many, all persons j who are native born are by virtue of the Constitution citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill : cannot be necessary to make them such. If, on the other hand, such persons are not citizens as may be assumed from the proposed legislation to make them sueh, the grave question presents itself whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are unrepresented in Congress at this time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other excepted classes, citizens of the United States. Four millions of them have just emerged from slavery into freedom. Can it be reasonably supposed that they possess the requi-ite qualifi cations to entitle them to all the privi leges and iinniunitH-s of citizens of the United States? Have the people of the several States expressed sueh a convic tion? It may also be asked whether it necessary that they should bedeclared citizens in order that they may be se cured in the enjoyment of the civil rights proposed to be conferred by the bill? Those rights are by Federal as well as State laws secured to all domi ciled aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of the process of natu ralization; and it may -afely be assum ed that the same enactments are suffi cient to give like pro ection and bene fits for those to whom this hill provides special legislation. Besides, the policy of the government from its origin to the present time, seems to have been thai persons who are strangers to, and unfamiliar with our institutions and our laws, should pass through a certain probation at the end of which, before attaining the cov eted privilege, they must give evidence of their fitness to receive and to exercise the rights of citizens, as contemplated by the Constitution of the United States. The bill in effect proposes a diserim -1 ination against large numbers ff intel ligent, worthy and patriotic foreigners, and in favor of the negro to whom, j after longyears of bondage, the avenues to freedom and intelligence have just i now been suddenly opened. He must of necessity, from his previous unfor tunate condition of servitude, be less i informed as to the nature and character of our institutions, than he who, coming from abroad, has to some extent, at lea-t, familiarized himself with the principles of a government to which he voluntarily entrusts life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Yet it is now proposed, by a single legislative enact ment, to confer the rights of citizens upon all persons of African descent born within tin-extendedlimitsof tlieUnited States, while persons of foreign birth, who make our land their home, must undergo a probation of five years, and can only then become citizens upon proof that they are of good moral char acter, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happipessof thesame. The first section of the bill also contains an enumeration of, the rights to be enjoyed by these classes so made citizens in every State and Territory of rhe United States.— These rights are to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hfiid and convey real and personal property, and to have full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property as is now enjoyed by white citizens. So, too, they are made subject to the same punishment, pains and penalties in common with white citizens and to none others. Thus a perfect equality of the white and colored races is at tempted to be fixed by Federal law in every Suite of the Union over the vast field of State jurisdiction covered by these enumerated rights, in no one of these can any State ever exercise any power of.discrimination between the different races. I n the exercise of State policy over matters exclusively affect ing the people of each State, it lias fre quentiy been thought expedient to dis criminate between the two races. By the statutes of some of the States, Northern as well as Southern, it is en acted, for instance, that no white person shall intermarry with a negro or mu latto. Chancellor Kent says, speaking of the blacks, "that marriages between them and the whites are forbidden in some of the States where slavery does not exist, and they arc prohibited in all the slaveholding States; and when not absolutely contrary to law, they art revolting and regarded as an offense against public decorum." Ido not say that this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriage between the two races, for as the whites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselves are allowed to make, and therefore cannot, under thia bin. enter into the marriage contract with the whites. I cite this discrimination, however, as an instance of the State policy as to discrimination, ami to in quire whether, if Congress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races in the matter of real es tate, of suit-, and of contracts generally. Congress may not also repeal the State laws as to the contract of marriage be tween the two races. Hitherto every subject embraced in the enumeration of rights contained in this hill has been eon-ldercd as exclusively belonging to the States; they all relate to the inter nal policy and economy of the respec tive States. They are matters which, in each State, concern the domestic con dition of it- people, varying in each ac cording to its own peculiar circumstan ces and the safety and well-being of its own citizens, I do not mean to say that upon all these subjects there are not Federal re straints. As, for instance, in the State power of legislative over contracts j there is a Federal limitation that no State -hall pass a law impairing the oh-; ligations of contracts; and as to crimes that no State shall not pass an ex post facto law, to money, that no State shall j make anything but gold and silver a I legal tender. Hut where can we finda Federal prohibition power of any State to discriminate as to most of them, between aliens and citizens, between artificial persons, called eorpo-; rations, and national persons, in the right to hold real estate. If it be gran-, ted that Congress can repeal all State I laws discriminating between whites and blacks hi the ? übjeets covered by this bill, why, it may be asked, may not Congress repeal, in the same way, all those laws discriminating between the two races on the subject of suffrage and office. If Congress can declare In law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can by law also declare who, without re gar I to race or color, shall have the right to sit as a juror or as a judge, to hold any office, and finally to vote, in every State and Territory of the Uni ted States. As respects the Territories, they come within the power of Con gress, for as to them the law-making power is the Federal power; but as to the States, no similar provision exi>ts, vesting in Congress the power to make J rules and regulations for them. The object of the second section of the bill is to afford discriminative pro tection to colored persons in the full enjoyment of all the rights secured to them. Hy the preceding section it de clares that "any person who, under col or of any law, statute, ordinance, reg ulation or custom, shall subject or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pains, or penalties, on account of such person having at any time been held in a con dition of slavery, or involuutary ser BEDFORD, PA.. FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 6, 1866. vitude, except as a punishment for crime where of the party shall have j been duly convicted, or by reason ofj his color or his race, than is prescribed . for the punishment of white jcersons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemean or and on conviction shall be punished by tine not exceedingonethousand dol lars, or imprisonment not exceeding ; one year, or both, in the discretion of the court," This section seems to be designated to apply to some existing or future law of a State or Territory, j which may conllict with the provis- j ions of the bill now under considera-i tion. It provides for counteracting • such forbidden legislation by imposing a tineand imprisonment upon the leg islators who may pass such conflicting laws, or upon theotficersor agents who shall put or attempt to je.it them into I execution. It means an official offense, j not a common crime committed against law" upon the person or property of the I black race. Such an act may deprive ! the black man of his property, but not j of the right to hold property. It means a deprivation of this right it- j self, either by the State judiciary or I the State Legislature. It is, therefore, assumed that, under this section, mem- j hers of State Legislatures who should j vote for laws conflicting with the pro visions of this bill, that judges of the State courts who should render judge-, ments in antagonism with its terms, i and that marshals and sheriffs who j should, as ministerial officers, execute i processes sanctioned by State laws and issued by Slate judges in execution of their judgements, could be brought be- j fore other tribunals, and there subject-; ed to fine and imprisonment for the i performance of the duties which such ! State laws might impose. The legisla-1 tion thus proposed invades the judicial ! power of the State. It savs to every! State court or judge, "If you decide that thisactis unconstitutional; if you j refuse, under the prohibition of a State law, to allow a negro to testify; if you ; hold that, over such a subject matter, j the State law is paramount, and under color of a State law refuse the exercise of the right to the negro, your error of judgement, however conscientious, ; shall subject you to fine and imprison ment." I do not apprehend that the conflicting legislation, which the bill seems to contemplate, is likely to oc cur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtful constitutionality. In the next place this provision of; the bill seems to be unnecessary, as ad equate judicial remedies could be ndop ted ♦He* tiosirc*"! ciiti v>-;ti,nnt involving the immunities of legisla tures, always important to be preserved in the interest of public liberty—with out assailing the independence of the judiciary, always essential to the pres ervation of individual rights, and without impairing the efficiency of ministerial officers, always necessary for the maintenance of public peace and order. The remedy proposed by Ibis section seems to be in this respect not only anomalous, but unconstitutional, for the Constitution guarantees noth ing with certainly if it does not ensure co the several States the right of ma king and executing laws- in regard to all matters arising in their jurisdiction subject only to the restriction that in cases of conflict with the Constitution and constitutional laws of the United States, the latter should be held to he the supreme law of the lan . The third section gives the District Courts of the United States exclusive "cognizance of all crimes and offenses committed against the provisions of this act," and concurrent jurisdiction with the Circuit Courts of the United States of all eiviland criminal cases af-' feet ipersons who are denied or can not enforce in the courts or judicial tri bunals of the State or locality wherever they may be, any of the right.- secured to them by the first section ; and the construction which I have given to the second section is strengthened by this third section, for it makes clear what kind of denial or deprivation of the rights secured by the first section was in contemplation. It is a denial or de privation of such rights "in the courts or judicial tribunals (g the State." It stands, therefore, clear of doubt that the offense and penalties provided in the second section are intended for the State judge, who, in the clear exercise of his functions as a judge, not acting ministerially, hut judicially, shall de cide contrary to this Federal law. In other words, when a State judge,; acting upon a question involving a j conflict between a State law and a Fed eral law, and bound, according to his own judgment and responsibility, to give an impartial decision between the . two, comes to the conclusion that the j State law is valid and the Federal law is invalid, he must not follow the dic tates of his own judgment at the peril ; of fine and imprisonment. The legis- i lative department of the Government of the United States thus takes from | the judicial department of the States I the sacred and exclusive duty of judi cial decision, and converts the State ; judge into a mere ministerial officer, bound to decide according to the will of Congress. It is clear that in the States which de ny to persons whose rights are secured by the first section of the hill any one of these rights, all criminal and civil cases affecting them, will, by the pro vision of the third section, come under the exclusive cogniza.nee of the Feder al tribunals. It fol lows that if any State which denied to a colored person any one of all those rights, that per son should commit a crime against the laws of the State, murder, arson, rape, or any other crime, all protection or punishment through the courts of the State are taken away, and he can only be tried and punished in the Federal courts. How is the criminal to be tri ed if the offense is provided for and punished by Federal law, that law and not the State law is to govern ? It is only when the offense does not happen to he within the purview of Federal law that the Federal courtsare to try and punish him. Under any other law, then rdkort is to he had to the common law as modified and chang ed by State legislation, so far its the same is not inconsistent with the Con stitution and lav..-of the United States. So that over this vast domain of crim inal jurisprudence, provided by each State for the protection of its own citi zen-, and for the punishment of all per sons who violate its criminal laws, Fed eral law, wherever it can be made to apply, displaces State law. The ques tion here naturally arises, from what source Congress derives the power to transfer to Federal tribunals certain classes of cases embraced in this sec tion? The Constitution expressly de clares that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties iriadeor which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting embassadors, other pub lic Ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdic tion ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to con- troversies between twoor more States; between a State and citizens of anoth er State; between citizens of different Slate-; between citizens of the same State claiming land under grants of different Siat< -; and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. Here the judicial power of the Uni ted States is expressly set forth and de fined, and the act of Sept. tilth, 178!>, establishing the judicial courts ot the United States, in conferring upon the Federal courts jurisdiction over cases originating in State tribunals, is care ful to confine them to the classes enum erated in the above-recited clause <>f the Constitution. This section of the bill undoubtedly comprehends cases and authorizes the exercise of powers that are not, by the Constitution, with ; in the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States. To transfer them to ; thn of the United State* would I bean exercise of authority well calcu lated to excite distrust and alarm on ; the part of all the States, fpr the bill I applies alike to all of them—as well to those that have as to those that have not been engaged in rebellion. It may he assumed that this authority is inci dent to the power granted to Congress by the Constitution, as recently amend ed. to enforce, by appropriate legisla tion, the article declaring that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex cept as a punishment for crime, where of the party shall have been duly con victed, shall exist within the United i States, or any place subject to their jur isdiction. It cannot, however, be justly claiin | od that with a view to the enforcement of this article of the Constitution there : is at present any necessity for the ex : ereise of all the powers which this bil. \ confers. Slavery has been abolished, and at present nowhere exists within ; the jurisdiction of the United States, nor has there been, nor is it likely there will be any attempt to renew it by the people or the States. If, however, any such attempt shall be made, it will be come the duty of the General Govern ment to exercise any and ail inciden | tal powers necessary and proper to | maintain inviolate the great law of freedom. The fourth section of the bill provides that officers and agents of the Freed men's Bureau shall be empowered to make arrests, and also that other offi cers may be specially commis-ioned for that purpose by the President of the United States. It also authorized Cir cuit Courts of the United States and the Superior Courts of the Territories, to appoint, without limitation, com missioners, who are to be charged with i the performance of quasi judicial du ; ties. The fifth section empowers the com- i inissioners, so to be selected by the ! courts, to appoint in writing under tiieir hands, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute warrants and other prosecutions desired by the hill. These numerous official agents j are made to constitute n sort of police i in addition to the military, and are au- j thorized to summon a posse comiUttus, and even to call to their aid such por- j tions of the land and naval forces of I the United States, or of the militia, as j may be necessary to the performance of the duty with which they areeharg- ; ed. This extraordinary power is to be j conferred upon agents irresponsible to i the governments and to the people, to j whose number the discretion of the commissioners is the only limit, and in whose hands such authority might 1 e made a terrible engine of wrong, op- I pression and fraud. The general statutes regulating the j land and naval forces of the United States, the militia, and the execution < f the laws, are believed to be adequate f>r every emergency which can occur in time of peace. . If it should prove otherwise, Congress can at any time VOL. 61.—WHOLE No. 5.342. mend those laws in such a manner as, while subserving the public welfare, not to jeopardize the rights, interests and liberties of the people. The seventh section provides that a fee of ten dollars shall be paid to each commissioner in every case brought be fore him; and a fee of five dollars to his deputy or deputies for each person he orxhey may arrest and take before any such commissioner, with such oth er fees as may be deemed reasonable by such commissioner in general for per forming such other duties as may be required in the premises. All these fees are to he paid out of the Treasury of the United States, whether there is a conviction or not; but in case of con viction they are to be recoverable from the defendant. It seems to ine that un der the influence of such temptation bad men might convert any law, how ever beneficent, into an instrument of persecution and fraud. By the eighth section of the bill, the United States Courts, which sit only in one place for white citizens, must mi grate, the marshal and district attorn ey, and necessarily the clerk, although lie is not mentioned, to any part of the district, upon the order of the Presi dent, and there hold a court, for the purpose of the more speedy arre-t and trial of persons charged with a viola tion of this act: and there the judge and the oflicers of the court must re main, on the order of the President, for | the time designated. The ninth section j authorizes the President, or such per i son as lie may empower for that pur | pose, to employ such part of the laud | or naval force of the United States, or : of the militia, as shall be necessary to | prevent the violation and enfore the due execution of this act. This lan guage seems to imply an important mil itary force, that is to be always at hand, and whose only business is to be the : enforcement of this measure over the vast region where it is intended to op erate. I do not propose to consider the pol icy of this bill. To me the details of the b!il are fraught with evil. The white race and the black race of the South have hitherto lived together un der the relation of master and slave capital owning labor. Now, suddenly, that relation is changed; and, as to ownership, capital and labor are di vorced. They stand now each master of itself; in this new relation one being necessary to the other. There will be a new adjustment which both are deeply interested in making harmonious. Each has equal power in settling the forms, and if left to the laws that regulate capital and labor, it is confidently believed that they will satisfactorily workout the problem.— Capital, it ii true, has more intelligence, but labor is never so ignorant as not to understand its own interests, not to know its own value, and not to see that capital must pay that value. This bill frustrates this adjustment, it intervenes between capital and labor, and attempts to settle questions of political economy through the agency of numerous offi cials, whose interest it will be to fer ment discord between the two races.— So far as the breach widens, their em ployment will continue; and when it is closed, their occupation will termi nate. In all our history, in all our ex perience, a> a people living under fed eral and State law, no such system as that contemplated by the details of this bill has ever before been proposed or a dopted to establish for the security of the colored race safe-guards which go infinitely beyond any that the General Government has ever provided for the white race. In fact, the distinction of race and color is by the bill made to op erate in favor of the colored and against the wiiite race. They interfere with the municipal legislation of the States, with the rela- ; tions exclusively between a State am! its citizens, or between inhabitants of, the same State—an absorption and as sumption of power by the General Gov ernment, which, if aequi seed in must sap or destroy our federative system of limited powers and break down the barriers which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step or rather stride, toward centralization, and the concentration of all legislative powers in the national government. The ten dency of the bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of rebellion and to arrest the progress of those influences which are more closely drawingaround the States the bonds of Union and peace. Mv lamented predecessor, in his proc lamation of the Ist of January, 1863, ordered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain States, and parts of States therein designated, were and thenceforward should be free: and further, that theExecutivegovernment Of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, would recognize and maintain the free dom of such persons. This guarantee has been rendered especially obligatory and sacred by the amendment of the Const itut ionabolishingslavcry through out the United States. 1 therefore ful ly recognize the obligation to protect and defend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become necessary, ami to the full extent com patible with the Constitution of the United States. Entertaining these sentiments, it on ly remains forme to say that I will cheerfully co-operate with Congress n any measure that may be necessary f< r • the promotion of the civil rights of the j freed men, as well as those of all other , classes of persons throughout the Uni- ted States by judicial jirocess, under e qual and impartial laws, in conformity with the provisions of the Federal Con sitution. I now return the bill to the Senate, and regreCthatin considering the bills and joint resolutions, forty-two in number, which have been thus far submitted for my approval, I am com pelled to withhold my assent from a s fond measure that has received the sanction of both Houses of Congress. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. €., March 27, IbCO. A MISSION AK\ s AUVENTURE WITH CANIBALS. —An English missionary, who describes life in New Zealand in the last number of Hours at Ilcmc , re lates an incident that occurred to him on one of the South Pacific Islands. While on a cruise, he touched at a small island for fresh lruit and vegeta bles. Of these he obtained a full sup ply, and was about leaving, when a chief asked him if he would like M me fresh food. Says the missionary "Thinking that doubtless they lad hogs, 1 said ye s; lie gaveaquick glance around him, as if he were looking for a messenger, and singled out and call ed to a fine young lad, apparently about 18 years of age. The boy came and stood before him ; and belore I knew what he was about to do, and having my back turned to him, 1 heard the sound as of a heavy .blow, and looking quickly round, found the still quiver ing body of the boy laid at my feet, with the words, '/ ievi auo (e kai.' (Is that food sufficient for you?) Horror stricken, I denounced most bitterly the deed, and leaving all the provisions behind 011 the ground, returned sor rowfully on board." A Heroic HUNTER.— Lord St. Maur, second sun of the Luke of Somerset, lately died in India, in consequence of a fight with a bear, while hunting. He suddenly came across the animal, at which he fired his pistol, lodging the contents in the animal's bieust. It then attacked him, when drawing a sheathed knife, his lordship thrust it into the bear, inflicting a mortal wound. In the scuffle, however, they had Loth approached a precipice over which they together fell. Here the beateis came up and relieved Lord St. Maur from his adversary, liis presence of mind did not forsakehim, and he wrote with a pencil on the sheath of his knife (having no other appliances,) to his fellow sportsmen, informing them of his condition.—They having arri ved, a great difficulty was experienced as to removing him from the ravine in to which lie had fallen. Amputation of the log was resolved upon, to which the sufferer submitted heroically, lie soon, however, began to sink from the combined effects of the operation and the shock his system had sustained, and died. TAKE care of your health and take plenty of sleep. Let no one work in pain or weariness. When a man is tired lie s. ould lie down until he is fully rest ed, when, with renovated strength the work will he better done, done sooner and with self-sustained alacrity. The time taken from seven to eigiit horns' sleep out of each twenty-four is time not gained, but much more than lost ; we can cheat ourselves, but we cannot cheat nature. A certain amount of food is necessary lor a healthy body, but if less than the amount be furnish ed decay commences the very hour.— it is the same with sleep; any one who persists in allowing himself hss than nature requires will only hasten his u:- rivai to the mad house or the grave. FAVORITES.—Says a sensi. le writer, "I have ever found that men who are really most fond of the society of ladies, "who cherish for them a high respect, nay, reverence them, are seldom mo-t popular with the sex. Men of more assurance, whose tongues are lightly hung, who make words supply the place of ideas, and place compliment in the room of sentiment, are the favor ites. A true respect for women leads to respectful action towards them; and respect is usually a distant action, and ais great distance is taken by them lor .. gleet and want of interest." A YOUNG ladv explained to a prin ter, the other day, the distinction be tween printing and publishing, and at the conclusion of her remarks, byway of illustration, she said: "Ywu may print a kiss tin my check, butyou must not publish it." "THE times are hard, wife, and 1 find it difficult to keep my uose above water." "You could easily keep your nose a bove water, husband, if you didn't keep it so often above brandy." A GKEEK maid, being asked what fortune she would bring her husband, replied, "1 will bring nini what goal cannot purchase—a heart unspoiled, a virtue without stain, which is a;i that descends to me l oin my parents. ' THE question " W'ny do printers not succeed as well as brewers V" was thus answered: "Because printers work for the head, and brewers for the stomach ; and where twenty men have stomachs, but one lias brains." AN old lady when ton! of her hus band's death exclaimed, "Well, i do declare, our troubles never come alone, it ain't a week since 1 lost my best hen, and now Mr. Thomas has gone too, poor man!" How to live oil a penny a day: For your breakfast eat a penny 's worth of dried apples, without drink ; lor din ner a quart of water to sw ell theappiis; take tea with a friend. THE happiness of life consists in do ing good u> all men, and keeping our selves unspotted irom the world. "To BE UK AOT TO BE."—TICK'S the question. To be lor negro sutlrage ui.d vote for Geary—or not to be, anei vote lor Clyuur.