The Washington union. [volume], December 02, 1857, Image 2

About The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859

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I WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY MORNING. DEC. 9, 1967 '
I"
i'lio -.tojutuio anil members *?< Congress pi
arrived iii thin city yesterday : lion. Messrs. J. 8.
Of?*n, ot Missouri; A. B. Greenwood, of Arkansas ; il
James A. Craig. F. P. Blair, jr., and T. L. Anderson, It
of Mimouii ; Thomas G. Dsvidana, of Louisiana; B.
8. Co*, of Ohio; W. t. Dewart and Wilson Keilly, of J
l'ennsylvanis; W. D. Bishop, of Connecticut; and p,
ftunuel B. I urtie, of Iow a. el
ci
DISAGREEMENT ON NONESSENTIALS *
An opposition journal makes the prediction that 11
the disagreement between the administration and ^
Gov. Walker as to the Kansas convention will result u
in s disruption of the democratic party. Whether 1'
"the wish is father to the thought" in thie mutter ['
it is not material to inquire ; but we have too much si
confidence in the integrity of the democratic party ^
to fear any such catastrophe as that predicted. u
Gov. Walker may feel himself personally so bound tr
by his declarations and pledges in Kansas us to pre- t!
elude the possibility of his acquiescence iu the course e,
of the convention ; but we ars unable to comprehend fr
how this fact is to impose un obligation on any por- ?
lion of the democratic party to oppose the adiuinis- tl
tration in its honest efforts to bring the troubles in jj1
Kaunas to a filial settlement by its early admissiou as ,v
f State tl
The administration has repeatedly recognised the ^
validity of the law of the Kansas legislature which l>;
provided for calling a convention. Every bonajUt "
inhabitant of the Territory had the right secured him |r
to participate in forming the constitution by voting ai
for such delegates as. he might wish to represent ^
him. The administration litis again and again repu- v<
dinted the absurd assumption of the black republi- 01
tans, that, becauRe n portion of the inhabitants do
tho matters not involved in tho controversy, and not to
therefore essentials in the dispute, should indues *
them to reject tho action of the convention.
!?(
Governor Walker differs with the administration ft
on this point, and opposes the action of tho convcn- IP
tion. Is this such a disagreement us should or as ^
will distract and destroy tho harmony and integrity ir
of the democratic party? We think not.. It is a
disagreement us to a matter that was nover really in- ^
volved in the Kansas question, and is, therefore, a <x
difference of opinion only between the President and tl
Gov. Walker, which does not in the least affect the [n
policy of tho administration. in
What if a democrat should prefer that the whole jJJ
constitution should have been submitted ? Will he, ei
because that has not been done, condemn the admin- ^
istration, dissolve his connexion with the party and ^
join the black republicans, when by the course of <li
the convention the great essential object that he de- ^
sirod has been secured ? Will or can any good democrat,
who is not embarrassed by personal committals
and pledges like Governor Walker, separate from
his party on a difference that involves nothing but a
non-essential point? We think that all true democrats
will answer?the great principle involved in j
the Kansas act was that the people should have a
n<
constitution with or without slavery, as they pleas- f
ed. This right is fully secured by submitting the
slavery clause to them; and we will not distract and ^
divide our party because other matters never deemed ^
essential heretofore have not been submitted. All ^
good democrats will regret the necessity in the indi- ,
vidual position of Governor Walker which constrains
him to oppose the action of the convention
and separate himself from the administration, but the
great national democracy is not to be broken up on ^
a mere matter of regret that a distinguished demo- ^
crat cannot agree with the administration on a qnes- ^
uoia oi policy uiai is not viuu or even important.
Much of the error that now prevails as to the division
in the democratic party oa the late action of
the Kansas convention arises from hastily confounding
two very distinct classes of objections. There
are many democrats who would have preferred to
see the entire constitution submitted and who would re
havs so voted as members of that convention, but 'ie
who recognise the legality of the convention and its ^
right to submit the whole or a part. There are oth- ,ie
ers who denounce the convention as a mere minority ',c
body, without the right to make a constitution unless *f(
their entire work was submitted for the approval of
the popular judgment The difference is marked and
vital. Tbo former object to the action of the con- w'
vention on a non-essential point, and, therefore, are | ar
. .
not properly classed as enemies 01 tue policy or tne
administration. The latter object on a vital point? l*?
the legality and power of the convention to make a f,)
constitution?and hence they are in danger of being
properly regarded as the enemies of the admpiistration,
inasmuch as the administration recognises the ""
legality of the convention and its right to form a
constitution to bo submitted in whole or in part to P1
the popular judgment. '''
The supreme court of Tennessee, in session at
Knoxville, has decided that hotting on an election C?
held out of the State ia not indictable in Tennessee. ^
Betting on the result of an election in Kentucky, for
instance, ia not an oflence against the lawn of Tenwi
nessee.
j ' 01
The Philadelphia Argus announces with much
feeling tho death in that city of Mrs. Sarah Florence, R<
the mother of lion. Thomas B. Florence, represents- m'
tive in Congress of the first district of Penntylvania.
I c?
t
BLACK-KKPUBUCANS NOT TO VOTK IK KANSi
e The black-republicans outside of Kansas give <
> that those whom they control iu it will not vote U|)
d the constitution just framed, because the whole insti
ment is not submitted for popular ratification. Th
" concede, and we all know, that but one question
p- high interest has occurred there concerning the
stitutious of the Btate. Whether Kansas should
* a free or slave Btato has been the groat subject
'e "controversy. Black-republicans interfered in Ki
ie sas mutters and spent thousands upon thoUBaiu
t- und, as they alleged, their sole object wus to <
^ elude slavery therefrom. To secure this one obje
I- us they professed, they nominated candidates lor 1
presidency and all other offices in the Union, a
n called npou all who preferred it should bo a fi
?. Stats?whether whig, know-nothing, professed d
n unionist, or democrat?to support them. Many h<
n est democrats, as well as others, believing that t
jr 1 wus the sole object in view, wero led to supp
it thoir candidates, giving them credit for a siucer
'' which there was uo foundation for.
IS :
Recent events are opening the eyes of the peo|
| to the want of honesty and sincerity in the leadi
* \ of the black-republican party both in and out
. I IT .. In.,' .......
I- xvuiir?ao u lieu a lan nan Jiann\;vi l uuui^ a VUlli'
4> tion to fiduie a constitution, they ordered those g<
, erned by their mandates not to vote for delegat
*' and forbade them to have anything to do with I
[" election or the convention. They obeyed, and no
ie n?an of them voted, and thereby throw the nn
I' strained power over the whole matter in (he hai
, of their adversaries. How Uiis course would c<
e tribute to make Kansas a free State has never Ik
11 explained. If they constituted three-fourths of 1
i- voters, as they claimed, they could havo electee
majority of their men to the convention, and c<
lt trolled its action, and shaped everything to b
I* themselves. Soon after, under another territor
c law, they attended the polls and elected members
jh the territorial legislature and a delegate to Congre
y Why they refused to vote under one territorial 1
^ ami consented to do so under another is an i
solved mystery. The convention framed a c<
,f stitution substantially unobjectionable in all
,f details, except a clause concerning slav?ry. lb
?' ing no directiou from the legislature on the si
.. ject of submitting it to a vote f the people, th
i consulted the precedents and found them both v. a;
r They knew of no difference of opinion in the Ter
I, tory concerning the constitution except upon t
It slavery clause, and, desiring to give the people a f
o opportunity to express their views upon that poi
i. they provided for n submission of that question
the voters now in Kansas. Hero is providod a f
iinpany, and to the citizens of Baltimore generally
r the many tokens of personal regard he had re
ived during this and previous visits. .lust thei
e Law Grays (who had been out on a targot excur
jn) came on the wharf, and were introduced. Sooi
forwards the steamboat left for Norfolk, *niid tin
olrmged cheers of the assembled crowd and musii
>m the military bands
George R. Gliddon, esq., formerly United titatei
nsulatCairo.in Egypt, and distinguished for hi<
utributions to antiquarian science, died at l'anam;
or ember 16tb. Mr. Gliddon had been on a visit t<
onduraa.as agent of the Honduras I nteroceanic Rail
ay Company, aDd was on his way to the Unite*
ates when overtaken by death.
AaatvxL or Paoviscut. Pxodccs?The British Lrq
iver's Bride, from Prince Edward's island, arrived thi
orntng, has on boam on freight 14,834 bushels and 48
rrels potatoes. 481 bushels turnips, 1,036 bushels bar
r, 2,357 bushels oats, 43 bags oat meal, and 2 barrel
rrotf.?A". F. Joumil of Ckronese*
anil fair opportunity to express their views upon t
great question so long and violently agitated. If
8 the majority, as alleged, they can control the rcsu
>. and secure that exemption from slavery which 1
e been the professed object of years of effort. A pea
j. able walk to the polls would secure Kansas a ft
e constitution and a State government with exempti
? from anarchy and confusion, and theroby rostc
i] peace and quiet within and without. This woi
produce a finality to Kansas troubles and all exci
j ment concerning affairs in that quarter. She woi
n then govern herself through State government r
cliinery independently and to auit herself,
u When every tiling was about to be satisfactor
closed, the northern leaders forbade the black repr
II licans to attend the polls or to vote, not even to
? cure a free-State constitution. Thoir drill officers
e Kansas announce that if the constitution was verbal
e that contrived at Topeka, with a slavery clause
sorted, they would not attend and vote it out, a
s they are issuing their orders that their subordiual
>f shall not vote, not evou to expungo the slave
a clause. They rallied a few weeks since to vote, 1
_ uto not now permitted to do so. If the object is
I avoid slavery and to make Kansas a free State, why
* they not make tho effort now to accomplish that c
y joct ? Why not vote down what they profoHs to a
hor ? They now insist that they will not even v<
'l against slavery, because tho residue of the cc
e stitution, about which there was no dispute, a
9 not submitted. They will not do so unless th
9 can voto upon some other question concerni
[l which they care nothing. This remiuds us of t
n man who would not rescue his child from t
I fire because he could not savo its clothes. Refle
ing mon must see that this refusal to voto has for
object a purpose entirely different from the one i
' sumed. If they were sincere in their purposes, th
u would strike a blow against slavery whether th
y could hit anything else or not. Thej* would p
'* down whatever they objected to whenever they h
II an opportunity.
Few would confide in or respect that moralist w
L should refuse to resist and suppress a leading vi
C because he could not give a blow which would pr<
trate every one which might exist. A wise reform
grapples with evils within his reach, and a prudt
one would prefer to assail them one at a time. B
these men voluntarily permitted the whole aubj<
9 to go into the hands of thosv whom they knew
- differ with them, to be dealt with as they pleas<
Y They were the representatives of all who chose
i have representatives. It was their own fanlt tl
9 they made no effort to place their partisans in t
f convention. There is no pretence that tba*onr<
tion doee not truly reprosen* the voters who elect
- them. The principle of ?(if-govcrnment was t'ul
carried out in clothing them. with the powor to <
r what has been done Those who desired a differe
'? result, instead of acting the part of factioniata, shoo
9 have made an honest effort to secure it. If th
f have, in playing the gamo of agitators for the boi
9 fit of outsiders, overreached and cornered thei
. selves, they have no one to biauie but their reckle
* leaders aud their own folly, if they are really
1 the majority, and wish to avoid slavery, they st
* can do so by voting the slavery clause out of t
1 constitution. But they refuse to make the atteru]
9 and no one can longer donbt that the course of t
9 black-republicans, in and out of Kansas, is factio
and insincere, and that they do not even desire
? | secure a free State when they profess to have t
I
B j ability to make it so.
r The course pnrsued must lose them the confiden
i and sympathy of thousands of all parties who ha
1- heretofore believed them sincere. No one can hei
1 after believe them hones! if they refuse to vote
exclude slavery when they have the opportnnit
, and profess the ability, to do ao. All must now a
4 that political agitation is the sole object they ha
1 in view. Their expectations of further dividii
i democrats by the present shallow and false pretenc
will utterly fail. They have demonstrated their ov
clioed to oxerciso their right to vote for delegated, n<
therefore the convention woe not a legal end valid n'
body authorized to make a constitution. On the ltJ
control;, the administration has distinctly recognised y<
the convention as valid, and has acknowledged its "
obligation under tho laws to see that their deliberations
should bo uninole d by factioniats of ever^ e
I Wind. I il
Because a portion of the Kansas people refused to ''
Vote, and because it was asserted that tiie conven- n
Hon lepresented only a minority of the inhabitants, al
tho administration was willing to sec the convention w
provide for submitting the constitution made bj ''
them to the ratification or rejection of the whole ,r
i people. Tho convention, however, for reasons sat- ,f
isfuctory to themselves, and iu the exercise of a Vl
legal discretion, saw proper to submit only one u
clause for the ratification or rejection of the people, 111
but that clause embraced tho only question involved tl
in the controversy, out of which grew the refund of 'v
a portion of the inhabitants to vote for delegates. 111
As the main essential matter of controversy was ^
submitted by tho convention, tho administration l''
could see no good reason why the failure to submit w
THK LMOOMPToN OONVKNTIOH
From the general awl vague denunciation* of th
lack-republican prcM against the action of the Ti
ska convention, we appeal to one or two distinc
ropoaitioua in ita favor.
1. The convention was legally authorized. O
lie point the testimony oftlov. Walker is concluaivi
i hia inaugural address he said :
" Uudei our practice the preliminary act of training
ate constitution it uniformly performed through the it
rumentality of a convention of delegates choaeu by th
. opto themselves. That convention ia now about to t
ecUxi by you nuclei the call of the territorial legislutui
oated and still recognised by the authority of Cungrtu
id clothed by it, in the comprehensive language of th
gauic' law, with full power to make such an euactuicni
he territorial legislature, then, iu assembling this cot
,-ntion, were fully sustained by the act of Congress, an
>e authority uf the convantiou Is distinctly recognised i
,y instructions from the President of the United Ktatei
hose who oppoee this course cannot aver the alleged ii
gularity of the territorial legislature, whose laws i
iwn and city elections, in corporate franchises, and o
1 other subjects but slavery they acknowledge by the
jtes and acquiescence. If that legislature was invalic
len are we without law or order in Kansas, withoi
>wn, city, or county organisation ; all legal and judicii
unaactiona arc void, all titles null, and anarchy rcigr
iroughout our borders.
"Ike people of Kansas, then, are invited by the higt
it authority known to the constitution to |iarticipat
eely and fairly lu the election of delegates to frame
institution and State government. The law lias pei
imed its entire appropriate .function when it extends t
ic people the right of suffrage, but It cannot compel th
?rformauce of that duty. Throughout our whole Uniot
owever, and wherever free government prevails, thos
ho abstain from the exercise of the right of suffrage ar
loriso those who do vote to art for them in that coutir
.'iicv, and the absentees are as much bound under th
,w and constitution, where there is no fraud or vkilenc*
y the act of the majority of those who do vote ns h
tough all had participated in tire election. Otherwla
i voting inust bo voluntary, self-government would I
upracticable, and monarchy or despotism would r tuai
i the only alternative.
"You should not console yourselves, my fellow clt
'lis, with the reflection that you may, by a gubetquer
Dte, defeat the ratification of the constitution Althoug
lost anxious to secure to you the exercise of that gres
institutional light, ami believing that the convention I
ic servant, and not the master of the people, yet I hav
o power to dictate the proceedings of that body. 1 tar
:>t doubt, however, the course they will adopt on thi
ibject. But why incur the hazard of the preliuiinar
rotation of a constitution by a minority, as alleged I)
)u, when u majority, by their own votes, could contrc
le forming of that instrument t"
2. The convention was not bound, as a matter c
gal obligation, and independent of all exercise c
s own discretion, to submit its entire work to th
ecieion of the people of Kansas. The earlior prac
co in this country was a pa i net Bitch submission
ad though there are recent precedents the ?the
ay, yet, in the absence of any restraining clause i:
ic act constituting the convention, it lias always fcl
ee to submit the constitution or not, according t
s own judgment, Whether the course of the con
ontiou in Kansas was wise or unwise on any partic
lar subject is one thing ; but whether it has con
kitted an outrageous violation of its legal oblign
otis is another and a very different thing. It \va
ound, undoubtedly, under the Kansas bill, to sul
lit the question of slavery, but the terms of th
anaas bill required nothing more. This was ev
ently the opinion of Secretary Stanton when h
ent to Kausas as acting governor. In his "addre
the people of the Territory, ' dated "Lecompton. Apr
7, 1857,'' he said ;
" The government especially reeogni*e3 the tcrritoria
-t which provides for assembling a convention to fort
constitution with a view to making application to Cor
rcsft for admission as a State into the Union. That ac
regarded as presenting the only tent of the qnnlificatio:
. voters lor delegates to tuc convention, ana an precca
ig repugnant restrictions are tlieieby repealed. In tlii
ght the act must be allowed to have provided for a ful
id thir rxprossion of the will of the people through th
dogates who may be clioeen to represent them In th
institutional convention. I do not doubt, bowevei
lat, in order to avoid all pretext for resistance to th
saceful operation of this law, the convention itself will
i some form, provide for submitting the great distract
ig question regarding their social institution, which ha
i long agitated the people of Kansas, to a fair vote c
1 the actual bena fiJe residents of the Territory, witl
rery possible security against fraud and violence. 1
ie constitution he thus framed, and the question of dit
rencc thus submitted to the decision of the people,
ilieve that Kansas will be admitted byCongress withou
;lay as ono of the sovereign States of the America]
nion, and the territorial authorities will be immediate!;
ithdrawn."
It was not. it will be Been, tho c.ilire eonstitutioi
liich Governor Stanton mentioned as likely to b
ibinitted. but the "distracting question;" and if tlii
as submitted, "I believe" (he said) "that Kansa
ill be admitted without delay." The truth is, ii
1 the discussions about submitting the constitutioi
>bod\ ever thought of aDy other question than tha
' slavery. This question has now been fairly sul
itted, and if any portion of the Kansas people re
ise to vote on it. it is their own fault. Why shouli
icy not vote ? Why should not every patriot ii
ie Union demand of them to seize the opportunit;
fered them, and thus to end a useless and dangei
is agitation ? If the people vote, and the electioi
fair, and the question of slavery is determined ac
irdiug to the w ill of the majority, and then th
ate is admitted into tho Union, what wrong is don
Miybody ? How is anybody harmed by this re
lit? We should like to have the fault-finders an
rer us.
EX-PRESIDENT PIERCE.
Quito a number of our citizens availed themselvei
the recent sojourn of ex-President Pierce at Bal
nore to wait on him and pay their respects. The;
present him as being somewhat thinner than wliei
left this city, but in excellent health and spirits!
re. Piorco. we are pleased to learn, haa alread;
ten benefited by her journey southward, and it i
<ped that the salubrious climate of Madeira will re
ore her to her former health.
On leaving Baltimore by the bay steamboat fo
orfolk, ex-President Pierce was escorted to th<
harf by the " City Guards/' Captain Warner. Oi
riving there, he made s brief acknowledgment o
e compliment paid liim, returning thanks to tin
hti. insincerity and fraudulent purposes, and bone b?
,ut thoae wtw wish to be wrong will hereafter trui
l0U then or give them aid and comfort in anything.
ru- -
BANK KKFOKM
ley
All reforms, whether religious, morel, or politica
are turn to meet with great opposition from son
j)0 quarter or other. One principal cauae of this ia tin
t)f they invariably affect the intercept of indirtdualH an
|n_ classes either directly or indirectly. ' If injufiousi;
jh they will oppoae them an a matter of oourae. K<
foriua genei ally operate an reatrainia on huinau pa
ot aiona, and are, couaequently, obnoxious to all thot
,jJ0 who have been accustomed to their indulgence,
md all reforma ever attemptod or contemplated i
re0 the United States that ot banking defecta and abuat
U ia the moat difficult, not to aay hopeleaa. Lawa cai
not do it, becauae the act of one legislative bod
i , may at any time be repealed or auapended by ii
orj successor. We have lately seen an instance of th
in Pennsylvania, and should probably have wituesse
another in New York had not the judiciary steppe
in and relieved the legislature from the teinptatio
of nullifying its own acts, and evading the orgaui
j. law or setting it at defiance.
It is evident from all past experience that no rad
cal reform of the banking system has ever been ui
complishod by our State legislators. They have ofte
^ nibbled at the crust, but the iunate, intrinsic defcol
have been entirely neglected, either intentionally c
from a conviction they were beyond Xhe reach <
^ legislation. They have, consequently, left the bank
open to every species of temptution. afforded th<-i
every opportunity for the commission of fraud, an
j every means of evading the penalty. If we nnalyj
^ the laws of the different States imbodying what ar
called bank reforms, we shall find that, practically
?n they amount to nothing inoro than devices to chei
. ^ the people into a more implicit confidence in tli
safety and stability of these institutions, by offerin
theni securities that are only imaginary. Of what uu
88' to a great majority of the holders of hank-note
are pledges of Stute stocks that are liable t
perpetual Iluctuations in value, or bonds aud mor
t gages that cannot he made available except by a t<
dious process of law T These are not the prope
^ basis for a national currency, since we see at thi
moment bank notes thus secured by stocks, bnndi
and mortgages at various stages of depreciation i
'all parts of the United States. They may be quote
^ at the board of brokers as nearly on a par with spi
, ., cie, but it is a very different affair when they com
J|| to be exchanged, for the necessaries of life, whic
^' are always enhanced in price by a depreciation of tli
nnrvan/tv Roh!i1oc flt? Imlihira <. f Ivonlr nolna o
uU ?- - ? " ?
jje least a great majority of them?cannot wait for the sal
jn of stocks, bonds, and mortgages; they want thei
[t money to buy bread, and, when a bank note cease
ms to curront- dispose of it for what they can gel
C(v_ In fact all these reforms amount simply to attempt
,00 to arrest orje abuse by opening a door for half a d<
on zen others. Where there is no responsibility ther
>re can be no check to wrong, and where temptation
tj(j are strewn in our way, under the sanction of th
te. law, if human nature proves too weak to resist then
,j,j no small portion of the blame rests on those wh
na_ have given not only tho temptation but the oppoi
tunity for tho transgression.
U Bank reform, indeed, seems almost hopeles
^ through the medium of State legislation. The moi
ered interests of all kinds, in a great measure, re
Revolve
round the banking system. Commerce, maim
m fucturcs, and to some extent agriculture, are a
j more or less fed at this crib, and even the great mas
n(j of tlio people, who, in fact, are the victims of pape
;e| money, have been taught to believe they would b
without work? and without bread were it not for th
benign influence of shin-plasters, which have b?
j come the universal panacea. If this great class hav
suffered and are now suffering the penalty of tliei
ib- credulity, it is their own fault, for they had ulways
certain and peaceable remedy in their hands. The
might have appealed to the ballot-box, and, if the;
(n_ could nofabolish, have arrested the growing evil, ii
,aB stead of increasing and perpetuating it. Where th
ev sovereignty is in tho people they are justly account
able for its abuse, and if they delegate that sovereignt;
j)e to incapable or corrupt agents it is their own volar
tary act, and they have only themselves to blame
o( The great obstacle to bank reform?admitting it t
its k? practicable, which we very much doubt?is th
|g_ vast combination of interests arrayed in oppositio
to all radical measures which may injuriously affec
those interests. In almost every community we tin
the men of the greatest wealth and influence in som
^ way connected with or interested in banks. Bourn
together by a mutual dependence on the action c
the State legislatures, they unite their efforts to elec
'l0 members subservient to their purposes, and it ha
ce become notorious that in cases of extraordinary ir
S8* terest and magnitude they have more than once tarn
ier pered with the integrity of legislators, and corruptei
,ut tbe very fountain from which we derive either uu
'n* triiuent or poison.
"ct We confess that, in contemplating bank reforms
we are often reminded of au incident relating to th
great philosophical poet, Alexander Pope, who ever
t0 general reader knows was radically defective in hi
*** constitution, deformed in figure, and aubject t
116 chronic maladies beyond the reach of cure. Th
>n" story goes that walking home one night, with hi
knVttml lain, Mrrvino A I intarn lv!a fnnl alii
pod, and lie came very nigh Calling ; whereupon h
exclaimed, "God mend me !" The servant muttere
1,11 in a low tone, which wan, however, overheard by hi
master, "He had better make a new one!" \V
sometimes think that instead of tinkering the oh:
10" rotten, ragged system of banking, it were better t
in* abolish it entirely and make a new one, ot go with
'** out any, if possible. The idea that this young air
10 vigorous nation, possessing all the advantages of m
? ture, all the means of prosperity, wealth, and powe.i
is dependent on banks and paper money, or an
other artificial expedients of legislative qnackery, to
*10 these blessings seems to ns absurd and preposterou
1,8 in the highest degree. It is our firm belief the Uni
,f> ted States would at this moment Ire stronger as a na
',e tion, and happier and more virtuous as a people, ha
they never seen or known anything of that stupei
ce dons imposture which has converted a paper promis
ve into a representative of silver and gold,
e- Three times within the rocollection of person
to now living has the natural progress of the Unitei
V, Stdtes been arrested by the failure of hanks. Ag
ee riculture, commerce, and manufactures, every man'
ve interest, have been injuriously affected, and his pros
ag perity in some measure arrested. The morals of th
es people havs received a deep wound from the exampl
rn I of these unprincipled associations, and the relation
eoU- of our equally desperate freedom shrieking outiietupon,
ual ri"Iroai
tt.? IHblKji..' i low*; .\ur?S fM
We think tliat we understand the question <>t the rr
,r'"> 1 oentty-adopted Kansas ?oustitutiou equally with oui
t to ueighK'r of the Tribune The only vital question n,
. vol red in that instrument ia the tingle one of slavery T|M
'rr" clauses inhibiting or establishing slavery are submitted u,
* it the |* 'pie, aa is the entire instrument, and the quoit*,,,
^red aa to * bother slavery shall or ahall not exist hi Katnc.
when she become* a State is to 1* decided by th? people
14 of Kansas theinaelres. It Is true, as the Tribune ssvk,
able : that the people of Kansas must vote "for the constltuti,.,
r without slavery, or lor the constitution with slavery"
How else, the question being submitted to two parties
itate uae in favor of slavery, the other opposed to it?ho*
|R.r. else, we salt, could the question be properly auhoiitb l
. . , to the people for their decision f But the Tribune iseitli. ,
unfair or else does not understand the mJut uptranJ, by
ular which tile matter of slavery or no slavery in the Ktate it
jt 0f 1 to he flnullv determined It leave* the mind of the mad
er under the impression that, whether the people vote by
a majority against the establishment of slavery or not,
ited j slavery ia nevertheless surely to become a permanent iu
i a ti tut ion there. U is not so. It appears that upon geD.
1 ; eral questions of domestic concern the people ol Kaosu
we | are not materially divided The question of slavery is
f | the only material one about whk-h there is any cuntro.
I versy Hence the sulununion of the slavery question to
' 'lu i the votes of the people is, in reality, the only one of any
our importance.
o o a o a
We know it may be objected that the constitution
>veu ought to have been submitted to the people of Kansas *,
v on- an mbrrfy. The answer to this is, that the people uf thai
. , Territory are, without distinction of party, desirous of iu
mediately coming into the Union as a State. A nyMIUM
mud of the constitution at the December election would necrslj0Uj
sarily keep the Territory out of the Union for anothei
year at least; and, as before stated, the only material
point of difference between the pro-slavery and fwe-Htsu
our parties King that on the question of slavery, any little
., difference between the two parties upon minor points
5 would doubtless be waived for the purpose of coming into
The the Union this winter. Hence, as a matter of policy,
mjjj and one, too. In which, doubtless, a vast majority of the
iMVinlf of KtuiKOB fit'i i iiicvis'4' tiift main rmint of HifTcivtiina
it of debtor and creditor thrown into inextricable
it ; fusion by a total and sudden change in the u
amount of business. The national reputation
suffered severely in the estimation of the w<
and a good name ia of ua much conseqnenc*
' j nations as to individuals. At every one of t
16 I hank suspensions the United States have, ai
l' were, beeu thrown Hat on their backs, and rend<
> for a time incapable of progress, if they have not
solutely retrograded. Nothing but the indomit
i energy, the unequalled activity, and youthful v
8" of the people could have relieved them from a r
16 of depression tluit might otherwise have been
manent. Is it possible tliat a banking system wi
n produces tlieae results at periods almost as reg
as the return of the seasons can be an instrumei
the national prosperity ?
J But let us uot despair. Fortunately in the Uu
tB States the diseases of the body-politic have not
la become chronic and incurable. They have not,
^ trust, taken auch deep root that it is uecessarj
^ destroy the tree in order to extinguish them.
" abusos which have insinuated themselves into
1 practice are not like those of old superannuated
potisms, where they are so inextricably inter wt
I and identified with the system itself, and form s<
c seutial a portion of the edifice, that to eradicate t
II is like attempting to wash the dirt out of a 1
'* wall. Iu the United States we can reform wit!
demolishing, and build up without pulling down.
jt Wo ore, therefore, willing once more to try
'* hand at hank reform. The attempt may, and pr<
" hly will, fail. But we think it is worth trying.
'' system cannot well be worse than it is ; and, thu
,0 we may not succeed, it will serve as another exaii
1 of the wisdom of the great and good Washing
r' when he gave it as his firm conviction, "That nei
the wisdom nor the wit of man could devise a sch
I by which paper money could be made a ptrma
^ substitute for silver and gold." Every new fai.
" in attempting to prove the contrary will sei v
'H confirm its truth, until at last there is reason to h
? that, after experiencing a dozen or two more re
1' sions, reactions, suspensions, and national lit
ruptcies, we may at length arrive at the couclui
II that Feitnui lente is a wise maxim, and that it is
8 tor to get along slowly and surely than to run so
*' that wo ever and anon trip un our own heels
11 tread on our own noses,
d
J* THE ACTION OF THE KANSAS CONVENTIO
" OPINIONS OF THE PRESS ?CONTINUED.
'* Kr?m the IauTrnrn (Ma*-.) SmiIIii
e It is perfectly apparent that those who make such
it outcry in regard to the course pursued by the Ka
constitutional convention are actuated by a factious
c fault-finding spirit rather than a real solicitude for
r interests of that Territory. Tliat course is not onlj
harmony with the principle of popular sovereignty,
s i? supported by the most authoritative precedent*
the action of similar bodies, as iu the case of thai
s Ohio.
We have yet to learn that, aside from the simple q
h tion of slavery or no slavery, which is to be decided
e the people in their primary capacity, there is auytl
d else in the new constitution in reference to which ptu
in Kansas arc at issue. It would be, at least, becon
e in those who clamor against Ore method proposed for i
) mining it to the popular test, and who denounce the
ministration for its supposed acquiescence in that p
? to show wherein this constitution as a whole is defec
or rcpugiram 10 uk Mcmuiicui* w uic jitvpic. xnc
position press have utterly failed to show any plaui>
pretext for supposing the citizens of Kansas to enter
" objections to their constitution as a whole, unless <
l- desire to reject it for the purpose of continued agitat
and to keep her out of the Union as a bone of secth
contention. Indeed, there is reason to apprehend t
l" the anti-slavery majority, rather than the minority, \
|| the power in their own hauds to settle the slave embi
lio in their own favor, design to perpetuate it as an o
? question. Hence no manner of constitution, peril
r would at present be acceptable to them.
e So far as the slavery clause is concerned, if the pe.
reject it, there is an end to the sectional controversy u
e that point, and the pecular institution, beyond the
>- existing rights of property in slaves, is forever exdn
when the constitution goes into effect. The decision
e this question, in fact, covers the whole ground of <
r troversy ; and, touching the minor question reaped
a the temporary rights of slavholders now resident in
Territory, the provisions of the constitution just frsi
at Lecouipton are almost identical with those of the
y peka organization. Of course, that portion of the scl
ule which maintains the existing territorial laws in f
' until superseded by a new legislative code under the 8
e government is simply a political necessity, and does
form a component part of the new constitution.
It is always much easier to find fault with the m
y urcs token to accomplish a given object than to pro]
i- a more feasible method of attaining the same end. 1
opposition demand that the constitution of Kansas s!
be submitted as a whole, instead of referring those po
0 upon which there is a known and admitted differenc
e opinion. But the fact must be apparent that its mc
and popularity, an a vhult, can never be ascertained by
n former mode of procedure. Wirt the slavery clans*
:t perfectly unexceptionable in other respects, it woult
j sure of lejection at the hands of the free-State par
and if submitted without it, it would meet with an equi
6 decided opposition on the part of the southern advocu
J and that entirely without reference to its general cha
f ter. Its submission as a whole, therefore, would
' proximate no nearer to a perfect expression of the pc
t lar will of Kansas than if submitted hi the manner |
n vided by the convention. In either case, it would am*
to nothing more nor less than a decision of the only i
'* terial point at issue- namely, the slavery question. M
- over, its rejection as a whole, with or without slav
,j would necessitate the calling of a new convention, ?
no better understanding of the subject or prospect <
more successful issue ot its tabors, and would besides
necessarily delay the admission of Kansas into
Union.
4' It is rery evident that the course adopted by the <
o vention was not prompted by any ulterior purpose
y unwillingness to submit any constitutional questioi
the people, hut was reported to simply on account of
* difficulty- -nay, the manifest impossibility?of arriving
o any satisfactory conclusion of their labors in any oi
B manner. If its members, supposing them coitimitto
the interests of the Houth, had been afraid of submit
8 any question, it would be that very question which t
y. Acne submitted ; and it is preposterous to suppose tl
being willing to go to the ballot-bos with this, t
0 should endeavor, from any sinister motive, to withl
d or reserve any other. On the whole, they have undoi
? edly adopted what they considered the best practic
method to arrive at a satisfactory solution of existing
e Acuities, an<l to acquit themselves Impartially of the
I, grateful task assigned them.
0 But, if our opponents mean to insinuate tluit the p
cnt administration will lend its influence to impose a <
~ stitution upon tlir p-nplo of Kansas whudi is adverse
il their sentiments and contrary to their will, or that C
( gress will ratify any constitution which may be preset
without a careful examiuutiou of its provisions in re
r> once to their republican equity and adaptation to the
y certained wants and wishes of that people, they shun
the attitude of base calumniators. We but express the i
r timents and convictions of the administration and of
entire democratic presR in saying that when the const
j. tion of Kansas Is submitted to Congress, whether will
without the slavery clause, If It shall appear to be the w
of any party or section, or framed with a view to the
d elusion of settlers from the Noith or South, or witl
intent to suppress the suffrage of those already Ion
there?In a word, If it is found to contain any provii
e which may warrant the suspicion that it is not a free
fair expression of the popular will, if trill, in that or*
trmnutilu reifrfnl
The public, however, have learned to understand 1
' this hue-and-cry about covertly forcing slavery upon K
- sas is all a device for political effect. They know \
well that there is at the head of our national affairs
K administration with which such a scheme would find
favor and stand no chance of success And knowing t
B we are not prepared to believe?for the reason that wc h
no grounds to believe ?that the fnuners of the const
0 Uon of Kansas, even if so disposed, would attempt sue
desperate game as they are made to play in the eolwr
"I*"' alone wan submitted to the affirmative or negative expression
sion of tbe people ; the decision of which, whethei for or
tlier '4!ft'nst slavery, would not affect tbe immediateadmission
of Kansae into the TTnion. This wo conceive to be tbe
erne only rational view which can be taken of the aubjcct out
wen/ side of that Territory. It is one, too, to which we think
tlierc ought to be no objection under the circumstances,
' nor will there lie, except l?v our opponents, who are db0
to posed to keep the question of "bleeding Kansas" open,
l0j,e as a political topic, out of which to create i>olitfcal capital
. for the future,
vuli
rom tlwt t'aterson (New Jersey) Regular.
It is difficult to get reliable or correct intelligence from
?ioti Kansas, either by telegraph or through the corr?*q>oiideittn
bet- black- republ it ail jupeis, stationed there for the jsir,
jsjse of keeping up "republicanism" at home. We have,
however, received from an authentic source the schedule
and of the new constitution, from which it appears the qoes
tion of slavery is to be fairly submitted to the people of
Kansas, who will hereafter have the decision of the question
in their own hands. If it is not decided in accorN?
dance with the w ishes of the uiajoiity, the majority alone
will be held responsible for tlie result. Tliis, if faithfully
adhered to, is the proper course to be pursued.
*1. From the Maine Free f*r?M
an Since writing our leader in this day's paper we have
nsas read the scliedule of the constitution of Kansas to be tuband
mittcd to a vote of all the citinens of that Territory on the
the 21st day of December. It should be satisfactory to every
' in citizen of the United States. It provide* that all white
but inhabitants may vote for the constitution "with slavery"
1 in endorsed on his vote, or for the constitution with ' 'no
t of slavery" so endorsed. If the "no slavery" votes prevail,
then?
ucs- "The article providing for slavery shall be stricken
. - from the constitution by the pi cedent of the convention,
"!* and NO SLAVERY SHALL EXIST IN THE STATE OK
,e9 KANSAS, except that the right of property in slaves now
julf 'n Territory shall in no manner be interfered with."
Here in a full opportunity to rote upon the slavery que*
jm, tion and to make Kansas a free State. The few slaves turn
(jVL. in the Territory, amounting perhaps toonc or two hundred
,,p. are not to be interfered with, but Kansas may be made free
jlde in the same way that New Jersey and other States have been
taj,, made free. If the constitution with ' 'no slavery'' is adopted
,)ry no more slaves can enter the Territory or exist in it
jou" with the exception of the few there now. Scarcely one
jnai these would remain a year. We regard the propusithat
t'on 01,18 submitted as fair and just. It respect* the
rith rights of those now holding property in merely a handrog.
ful of slaves in Kansas, bnt with tiki* unimportant reser
ipt.n vation it gives the people an opportunity to make Kanss*
upg free If this reservation is in the schedule and is not
satisfactory, it is simply the fiiult of the free-State men.
oplc W',Q might have carried the constitutional oonveutioi.
vin had Ihey voted. But it is really unimportant to tho?
pre. who would make it a free State'. Prospectively there
cannot he a slave in Kansas under the provision submit
, 0f ted if the free-State men vote. Immediately there will
,on. not bo 6laves enough left to be seen by the man who
ling should travel over Kansas for a month. Now will the
yj6 extremists of the North permit their friends in Kaunas to
ucd Tote * That is the great question. If they counsel
them not to vote they are stone dead?dead at the
iwj. North, dead in Maine, dead everywhere. Every free
State man at tire North who is no^ cnusv or a dis
tate honest demagogue will leave the party which counsel!
not the free-State men not to vote. All along we have im
derstood the game of the crasy aspirants for power. It
eas- WR8 stated to us not six weeks ago by one of them direct
m*o from Kunsns. He declared that they would vote eren an
anti-slavery constitution down if it came from the handb
hall tlic '"to constitutional convention. They meant to
;utg keep the Kansas issue open till I860. But their game.
e nf 11 apiwars, iuu> mill ouumeu. a constitution nas neon
>rjtB submitted, not to be voted down, but to be accepted with
t)ir or without slavery. It is a good constitution, equal to
f jf any in the Union, and can be adopted "without ahivery."
Will the free-State men, under the advice of the Bankses,
tv . the Wilaons, the Hales, and the Howards, refuse to rote
ftlly now that they have an opportunity of making Kansas a
free State t Let them refuse to vote if they dare! They
ra, ' will have fair play at the polls, and if the republican par
a_ ty counsels them not to vote it may look for dissolution
,pU_ and death. The free-State men can deceive no not
pro_ Thcv have demonstrated their power and numbers sad
>unt lbcy ninst act. Birds that can sing and wont sing mud
ma lie made to sing, or they will die game and be bagged to
ore_ flutter no more !
ery, From the Koithui.l (Uaiuc; Ilwnorni
tlth The convention to frame a State constitution for Rati
}f a ms closed ite labor* and adjourned on the 7th inst Tbe
un- result, so far as the question of slavery is concerned. ?*>
tlie the fonnation of a slavery clause, upon the incorporation
or rejection of which the people are to decide by open and
x>n- independent ballot. The convention prepared a schedule
, or by which the transition from a territorial to a State gov
n to eminent is to be effected. The question of slavery * ?
the the only one which it was deemed necessary to submit to
g at the people, being the only one upon the decision of which
Uier important conflicting interests of sections of the Union
il to depended, 'ill's submission is supposed to meet the re
ting quirements of the net < f t rritor'.al organisation. As the
hey question now will he put to the people, it is plain and
hat. clear? "slavery or no slavery." Believed from all locum
hey brances, and involving the decision of uo other, it seem'
lohl i to be the be-t possible form to satisfy all parties in and
nbt- out ol Kansas.
able It is dcsiraldc that the closing scenes in the territorial
dif- existence of Kansas may be fairly and peaoi.eily conduct
tin- cd. The demo atic party in all portions of the Union.
as a party, hare always desired it. TV-re liave undonbt
ltw. edly been individual exceptions aim would ha\o made it
xni. a slave State at all haaard*. Tiny hiwi not the sympathy
, (? of any great portion of the {arty in any section of the
jyjj. Union. North or South. East or West. They were ultnas,
radicals, unprincipled men. Such are to be fouisl
,f,.r. in ail parties -the disease in their system. There fill be
as. men in all parties alio will approve of the measure* o<
\ |n the constitutional convention, and those who will <ib
am- tifivtr : hut. if we mar judge from the tone of the iu?*
the Intelligent ami influential of Uic press in the country
Hq. thoru will he no general outcry against them.
> or j From the (Hltl<ntb? (Ohio) Advrrli>?T
I Some deniocrath preasca?the Chicago Tirat*. the
61- Iiutkvill^ lV iiitv,'r*t Kttnwv ? IVi'tw unrl (lifl Ohio Slutn
k?n man -are severe in denunciation of the Kansas constitu 9
tionai convention for the manner iu which it has ?r"! B
sion proper to submit the constitution framed by it to a rote H
*"<1 of the people. Thoy contend thiit it is * violent outr*?' H
. '<* upon the liglitt- of the people ot" that Territory; ttuii, En
i Congress does not promptly and summarily reject thi* H
hat - constitution ' 'Mr pitghlMfaith qf the country mui of the H 1
an- eratir parte/ w hreken " Ihcy hold that the i>eople are <h H I
ery nied a direct vote on the constitution, and, therefore H
tui the democratic theory of government la violated. 8o * H !
I no as we have been able to learn, there does not now era1 ?
his, in that Territory any disagreement of opinion as to th< ?
ave constitution aside from its provision on the slavery qnr B .
ito- tlou. This is tlie only point in controversy ; it is the <* S
h a ly question that has agitated the country from one ?*' S '
nns i tnmity to the other, and this question the oooatitutkw*1 B I
1