Newspaper Page Text
TERMS :-Two Dollars ptr ArattQ--fa Advance.
' BX JC8T : LET AtL Tint XXD3 THOU AIMXST AT BS TUT COCKTBT's, GOD's, AXD TRrTH's. A Partly Xetrspaper i--Icdfpcndeat ca All Satjftts. BY G. W. BROWN & CO. LAWRENCE) KANSAS TERRITORY, SATURDAY. FEBRUARY 21, 1855. NUMBER 9-rrVOLUME L MfSaasuBoms, . BT KM. C. S. C. n the valley where flows the calm Knas river, And th (jcunore euu ito ootlun shade, ; Where tb prairie u decked by bountiful Gircr, The wild hrt and roe In freedom have strayed; Where the bland southern breeze, aa balmy a ever, Cornea dancing o'er flower in beamy arrayed; Where the ann sinks to ret in glory forever, There, oh, there, my dear western Lome ia made. Where the bloc ocean sweeps Xew England's rough aliore Stands the home of my youth, old, fct&telr, and loved; . - . Its hills, vales, and mounts I prondly adore, And miss its fair streams, by whose banks I have roved. There a mother watched o'er my young, tender years; . . ' A father taught, caressed, was prond of hia child; But wa parted in sorrow we parted in tears Yet the words of affection my anguish beguiled. Though my sweet sisters wept as I turned to de part, - : -And my noble young brother moot sorrowfully niched, .Yet to him who had stolen ray young, trusting heart, : 1 had promised to he a true loving bride. The grief of our partintr no language can tell: -., We mourned u we glided from our dear native sod; But my home I're mads in this beautiful dell, For my husband, my country, and God. Free as hrccits that float o'er mountain and glen, ty ine nauas ox our people unlettered be; May our Kansas boast of true-hearted men, All noble and gallant, sagacious and free. To our country devote our husbands and boys; For freedom and God our banner shall wave: And declare to the world, aa our greatest of joys, Tis " the land of the free and the home of the brave." Lawbkvck, K. T.; Feb. 18, 1855. Slavery in Kansas. " To show our readers that slavery does not exist in Kansas at the present time only in violation of law, we publish be low the speech of Hon. J. R. Franklin-, of Maryland, delivered on the 28th of March last, in the House of Representa tives, while the Kansas-Nebraska bill was pending before that body. Mr. F. is a southerner by birth and education, and of course would say nothing which would compromise in the least the rights of the South. Wo are glad to know that all the most prominent men of the country, and among this number are included Messrs. j Gass, Douglas, and Benton, take the same view of the question, and concede that slavery only exists in Kansas at the pres ent time by tbe-law of might, and. that every slaveholder who brings his human chattels into the Territory by such act virtually emancipates them. . Mr. Franklin, after speaking of the general features of the bill, continues: But, Mr. Chairman, the main point to which I wish to direct the attention of j mis - committee, ana particularly mat oi : soutnern gentlemen, is tne condition, in i regard to slavery, in which the adoption of this bill in its present form would leave this Territory. I would ask any gentle man representing a slaveholding constit uency on this floor whether he is willing to pass this bill, if its effect and opera tion will be to proscribe slavery from the Territory, and to free such slaves as might, in the mean time, be carried there by their masters, until the Territorial Le gislature should enact laws regulating that institution, and protecting that spe cies of property ? Is any slaveholder willing to go so far for the sake of obtain ing the barren repeal of the Missouri re striction ? If there is one, I leave it with him to reconcile such a- course with the interests of his constituents. I could not answer, either to myself or to those whom I represent, by giving countenance to a licy so directly opposed to my sense of justice, and to the slave interest. I would athousand times rather leave the Missouri compromise to stand as a monument of the crisis which produeed it, than to com mit myself to such a principle. It was evidently the intention of those who framed this bill to wipe out all traces of slavery from Kansas and , Nebraska. Let us see withi what effect they have ac complished their object. Those who fond ly think,; that after the passage of this bill, these Territories may be settled by slaveholders with their slaves, and pro- tected in the enjoyment of that species of property, base themselves upon i one of nro propositions, or. upon ooui: r irsi, that the law of nature will allow slavery wherever there is. no positive law prohib iting it; and, second, that in all the terri tory of. the United States, which is the common property of all, the constitution will establish it; or, in other words, that the constitution so far recognizes property in slaves, that it will protect it as prop erty, in all the Territories over which it has municipal jurisdiction, while there is no law prohibiting it, , :. . I propose to examine these positions ; tnd.l think I shall beabto to show that upon neither one of them can slavery ever be carried into Nebraska or Kansas; that they must forever remain free, unless the Territorial : Legislature pass laws . intro-; aucingxC. The result of , which will be, 'that southern men will be excluded from .-all. participation in, making these very I laws which are to operate, upon this sub ject, until it is too late, and the condition of the country is irrevocably fixed. This indeed take us back to our, school days, when we jwere amused withjJie fool who swore he would never , igairt touch the water until he had learned to swim. - J must be jrdbned if, in the exanuua Jtion of these Questions, mr-remarks. as-. - ... . ..!.. TV a. aume somewhat. the torm ot. a lorensoc conquenuy, cuuucu w argument' and I must also be pardoned.; sideration.'. ' ' - i - ' ' . if, m the views whkh.I sliall" submit 1 .The; first case of a decided character in nin'counier to those prejudices, if 1 may -.Engkhd, , although - several had previ so term thenu or those, feelings, which. ;ously occurred, was the case of Summer- animate southern gentlenien in regard to ! set, a negro slave, who had been brought slavery- , U becomes us to look tlie legal from the AVest Indies, and was confined consequences of this'bill boldly in the on board a ship for the purpose of being face, and to meet them like men. I am. taken back by his master.. . Upon habeat ibt 'of that school of politicians who are tfribunalsof the' country, with the express UBCTitanding that, if they do not docile with us, we will dissolve the Union. I am willing to leave it, for better or for worse, to the courts of my country; and therefore I wish to come to the examina tion of its judicial consequences with all the calmness and clearness of comprehen sion which its great importance so emi nently demands. . Those gentlemen who argue that slavery, sustained by the law of nature, may exist in any - Territory wnere u is not promoitea Dy positive jaw, rely principally upon the history of that institution. They say that it has been a necessary condition of civilized man from the earliest periods ; that all the most pol ished nations of antiquity recognized and protected it: that the barbarian practiced it, and was master or slave, according to circumstances; that you find it every where an elemented society, but nowhere can you find the time or the manner in which it became such; and therefore, they argue, it must spring from an ordi nance of nature, universally recognized and universally binding. This account of the matter I conceive to be true, at least to a considerable extent But the moral sense of the world upon this sub ject lias very much changed within the last one hundred years. Let us inquire upon what particular law of nature the right of one man to appropriate the labor and services of another without remun eration rests. The matter can certainly be analyzed, and modern lawyers have found no difficulty in arriving at the truth. They all agree that slavery rests, alone, upon the right of a captor to the life or the perpetual services of his cap tive taken in war; and with as much unanimity do they agree that in morals this whole principle is wrong, and has been exploded in all civilized countries; and that this mode of acquiring a slave is no longer to be tolerated, lhe lan guage of Judge Nesbitt, as reported in the 9th Georgia Reports, is full upon this point, and is as follows : "Whilst it seems to be conceded by ju rists of all civilized countries, that the slave trade is contrary to the laws of na ture, upon the principle that every man has a natural right to the fruits of his own labor, and therefore no other person can rightfully deprive him of them,: and ap propriate them against his will ; vet it is f also well settled that it is not prohibited j by the laws ot nature. 1 his principle of vers. The first case to which I shall al the law of nations originated in the rights jlude was decided in Virginia, in 1792, which war was originally held to confer, j and is reported in 1st Washington's Re One of these rights was that the victor ; ports. It seems that in that S:ate Indians might enslave the vanquished. This idea as well as negroes were held as slaves; has been exploded by the States of Chris-' and in reference to the right so to hold tendom, but obtains still among many J them, and its origin, the learned Judge nations of the earth. Acquiescence in speaks as follows : this belligerent right for centuries estab- lished the doctrine that traffic in slavery is lawful commerce." This, sir, is the language of truth, and ! finds an echo in every heart. There is ! no other principle but this upon which slavery can be based; and if it has been exploded, then has the natural right to hold slaves been exploded. If the courts of all Christendom have decided, as they nave, mat mis principle iouna lis root, not in me law oi nature, but in tne set- fish and cruel propensities of man, all the consequences flowing from it perish ' with it. The history of this change in the moral sense of man is somewhat cu- rious. When Christianity once began to diffuse itself over Europe, the first modi- fication in this stern principle was made. It was agreed that a captive taken in war must also be a pagan, or he could not be reduced to slavery. This was the first step (and it bears upon its front the marks of the proselyting spirit of its age) taken in the direction of that doctrine l . 1 It . . I wnicn is me legitimate result oi enugnt- ened Christianity. j In the early history of the world, and even aown. to a very late period, war unaer tnai law, many inaians were maae seemed to be the normal condition of. slaves, and their descendants continue man, and while the principle was recog- 'slaves to this day; but that this law was nized that captives should be reduced to some time after repealed; 'from which slavery, under its influence the world period, no American Indian could be sold was filled with slaves. They became so as a slave, and that all such as had been interlaced and intertwined with every brought into this country since that time, fibre of society, that the municipal laws and who had sued for their freedom, had of many countries protected, cherished, uniformly recovered it. That the same and fostered the institution ; so that, al-! counsel still insisted upon his former ar- though contrary to natural right in its in- gument, and considering the court's ad ccption. it has become legalized, and is dress to the bar as a misdirection to the in reality what the Supreme Court has !)ronounced it, the creature of municipal aw. . But, although it is thus kept alive, and cherished by local law based upon a moral and physical necessity, yet, when you undertake to introduce it into a coun- try where it does not already exist, you ! are thrown DacK upon tne oia expioaea principle, which must utterly fail to sus- tain it. . It is not entirely true, however, that slavery on this continent and in these States is not based upon any positive law. I will not say that the very first African slaves" brought to this continent were brought by royal permission; but cer - tain it is that very earlyln colonial history, and before the trade in slaves had reached any importance, it was carried on by royal license and charter, which allowed them to be brouffht to the colonies. This was a sanction of the institution by the mo ther country j aa authority for it to exist; a positive beginning . for it, which, in some degree, meets the argument drawn from history. . , , . The principle which I have laid ,down thus far is sustained by numerous' au thorities -which" I "shall now proceed to adduce' They are drawn from the Lng- A mnwjii Ttpnnrt- and am ron- clusive decisions . 1 . . . . . . . . . - riaA t rfmonrl ir I hia I snKmif t " . . . . . . unrtn m aiitiL m me American lsieuce 01 a law ,iu iseianare woieiauuii . . ... . . . ? raauu vuvut buuujc which I have selected, I have siavery. Clxarles J.Boyle decided that T 7- 7 , 7 V? r! me condition ot memocher.' been careful to take them from the south-! it was not necessary; but the ground up- "B?CT aonraum principle 01 . , jQ tho distinction between the era States and to advert to none of re- on which the decision was made renders ; gJeroment wnicn places any people , fJmea o monarchies and those of re cent date.' They were all made;before it applicable to the point at issue. ; He m J a dflcmn? . cognued. Tacitu9 show8 his asual phao thi KiihHvf - tof sbirerT 'feeame s 'such'aa' ' saVa thai slavery, was originally intro-' If the proposition just, stated bo cor- sophic acumen, and his thorough knowl- 'mpntnf ATf-itPment in bur rjolitics. and. . ;-.. . Icorpvi'. he wa discharged ; and Lord j s 'The state ofslavery is f such, ana: ture h it is'incapable of being intro- duced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law." , This was followed up in 1824 by the case of Forbes against Cochrane, in which the same doctrine is affirmed, and Hol royd, Justice, says : "I am of the opinion that, according to the principles of the English law, the right to slaves, even in a country where such rights are recognized by law, must be considered a3 ' founded not upon the law of nature, but upon the particular lawof that country." The same principles have been held in the prize courts of England, where the law of nations was administered. Thatjning and Mumford. It was arguendo, eminent Judge,' Lord Stowell, in the case. 'and is as follows: of Fortuna, says, in substance: The j "Mr. Wirt contends that Indians are slave trade is repugnant to the law of na- j naturally entitled to freedom- so are ne ture, but tolerated by the municipal laws ! groes. But this does not prevent their of some nations ; but it puts upon the being slaves. I admit, the right to make parties who are found in the occupations them slaves must depend on positive in of that trade the burden of showing that ' stitution. Our right is founded oii the it was so tolerated and protected. And act of Assembly lor the better govern he quotes with marked approbation the ; ment of servants and slaves." language of a decision made by Sir Wil- liam Grant, as follows : " A claimant can have no right, upon principles of universal law, to claim the restitution, in a prize court, of human beings carried as slaves." Again, in the case of the Diana, the same learned Judge held that " It lies on the individual making the claim (that is to slaves; to show that the law of his country countenances the slave traae. ' A different inference, I know, is drawn from some observations which fell from Lord Stowell in the case of the slave Grace ; but an examination will show that his lordship based his remarks in that case, not upon a different view of the law of nature, but upon the fact that, as a matter of history, the purchase and sale of African slaves, and their tempo rary sojourn in the island of Great Britain, had been tolerated. , These are the only English authorities to which I shall refer, although there are abundance of others. Although in our courts of justice they carry with them the greatest weight, yet I fear that before this body, and upon this particular sub ject, they will not receive that considera tion to which they are entitled. I turn, then, to the decisions of our own law- "In the record there is a certificate of the judges, stating: That the defendant's counsel, in his argument, insisted much upon a clause in an act of Assembly, en- titled an act 'for the government of ser 'vants and slaves passed in the year j 1753, which enacted 'that all persons ! who have been, or shall be' imported into this colony by sea or land, and were not Christians in their native country, (ex- cepi xutks ana moors in auiuy wun ins .Majesty, ana sucn wno can prove uieir having been free in England, or any other Christian country, before they were ship- ped for transportation hither,) shall be accounted, and be slaves, and as such, be here bought and sold, notwithstanding a conversion to Christianity after their im- porLation:' and argued from thence that all Indians, as well in America as else- where, not particularly excepted in that clause, might be sold as slaves : that the court informed the counsel that he mis- stated the law ; that there was a time, at ' some period in the last century, when a 1- J 1 1 T law was in existence wnicn aeciareu m dians at war with the people of this coun try, slaves, when taken prisoners : that jury, had prayed this certificate to be en tered at the foot of the judgment." j Judgment affirmed, Upon what principle is this decision j based ? Certainly upon the ground that j Indians taken captives in war could be reduced to slavery, except in consequence oi a legislative act oi tne colony oi ir- ginia ; and when the act was repealed, j leaving the law of nature alone to its full operation, they could no longer be made slaves. And all who, under such cir- J cumstances, sued for their freedom, had ' uniformly recovered it. There is auother 'case, in the same volume, which I will ' not weary the committee by reading. In j it the judge gives a general resume of all ' the ' laws which had been passed in the ! colony in reference to the enslaving of j Indians and negroes, showing, incontro- vertibly, that at that day slavery was con sidered to rest entirely upon the positive laws which had been enacted to sustain and control it, and that there was no other , Wvt- f. ,. ict sbveVwhowas admitted to have been hrono-ht from Delaware, to nrove the ex- duced into the colonies bv a re gidatum, if j- .j .r .L." .1 . imarit me worui o ure muumt tvuuwj , nf h'wh the i mnris nf all tie ' colonies were equally bound to take notice; and what the courts of the colonies - were bound to notice, the courts of the States were bound to know, and as such, Uws were not repealed by the Revolution, they must be presumed to exist until the con- trary is shown -Thus leaving us neces - sarily to infer that, had it not have been for tho known law of the State of Dela- ware anterior to the Revolution, the bur-, dea of proof would have been thrown' TKa niTt iiu Hoarinrr nrwn thp rmint ' I will cite from the Kentucky Reports of . """ upUb elusion of his own" relatives. " o i ' r .'::i -i,;.!. ut . u-. r ! 1810. ..The Question was raised whether I ereQce ai?n. w "? -PPHeaia ine m- Je f the if ukeQ it r . mnr crests oi mose to be governca by it,nxea i m. ntrn upon the master,' upon the principle that, J that I consider it much more objection by the law of nature, all men are pre-able than the preceding clause of the same sumcd to be free until the- contrary is ' section, but that it goes a little further, shown. It is a well known principle that and settles a construction otherwise the positive enactments of a foreign gov- doubtful. Who can doubt that this pro- ernment must be proven, but that the laws of nature are supposed to be known, and to govern in all courts. The name of William Wickham will be recognized, si. uavn, uy eery irginian, as iuu ot a lawyer whose opinion is entitled to the greatest weight. And I will conclude this array of American authorities by quoting a remark of his reported in the case of Butt against Rachel, in 2d Hen- Thus, where it was to the interest of bis cause to have maintained the natural ' right to hold human beings as slaves, ho concedes the. point, and bases it where j alone it can ever stand, upon the positive, municipal regulation of each particular j State or government. I think, sir, I have demonstrated that the law of nature will : never carry slavery into the Territories of ; JNebraska and Kansas, or maintain and j protect it when there. Southern gentle- men need not " Lay that flattering unction to their souls." I proceed now to show that quite as little in that respect is to be expected from the constitution of the U. S. That blessed instrument will protect slavery, and the rights of slaveholders, whenever it exists ; whenever the municipal laws of any State or Territory recognizes it, its broad aegis will be extended over it; but it is pow erless to establish ; and whatever may be the sentiments of the North as to the ex tension of slavery, I am proud and happy to believe that a majority there are wil ling and ready to do all that may become them to preserve and enforce the consti tutional guarantees which, as slavehold ers, we claim at their hands. Upon what principle is it said that the constitution of the United-States authorizes and estab lishes slavery in its Territories. - It is, I believe, always placed upon the ground that the Territories are the common prop erty of the whole Union, purchased in some instances with-the common blood, and sometimes with the common treasure of all, and that it cannot be so governed as to exclude any interest therefrom. Iherc seems to be some plausibility in this argument. Let us examine it. If it is true at all, it ought to apply to all tho common domain, and Congress has no right so to dispose of it as to make it in accessible to any great interest in the country. But what is the tact upon this subject. The irovernment owns millions of acres of land in precisely this category, which lies within the limits of btates which the slaveholder with his slave, property is as much excluded as he is from the sou of England. No man from any quarter of the Union complains that the public lands lying within the State of Illinois are precluded from slave settlement ; and yet upon the principle contended for, the public domain in that State belongs as much to the southern as to the northern man, and ought to be as free to settlement by him with his property as to any citi zen of the United States. The true prin ciple, sir, I conceive to be this: the pub lic land as property, wherever it lies, be longs to the general government, and is the common property of all, to be used, enjoyed, and appropriated in subordina tion to the municipal law which prevails over it. In the State of Illinois this mu nicipal law-making power resides in the State government; in the Territories it resides in the general government; in both it is supreme, and is always to be distinguished from the ownership of the soil. It makes no difference that the su preme municipal power and the owner ship of the soil is lodged in the same in dividual, as is the case in the Territories. They are essentially distinct, and must forever remain so. The one relates to property, the other to individuals, and the one is subordinate to, and under the con trol of, the other. There is another view of this matter which I think quite conclusive. Slavery, by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, is a municipal law. It is dependent for its existence upon the law of the particular place, which law is not merely declaratory of a natural right, but is supposed to be enacted with refer ence to the interests of those to be affect ed by it. Now, those who say ' that the constitution of the United States will car ry slavery into any. territory, upon the ground that the territory is common prop erty, must further contend, for the same reasons, that Congress lias no right to abolish it therein; because, if they have the right, they might commit mat injus tice upon the South, which southern gen tlemen say the Constitution protects them lm' , m"01 dilemma m which the people of the Ter- ntories wiu oe piacea. iney cave s Vem.' 'hteir 4 . J r : v : J 1 " " its converse aiso mua pe tree ; ana rrtvritlpmpn whn Admit trutt llnnorrAc has o -o right to legislate upon the subject of slavery in me lern tones, are compellel to .abandon e. position that the I' const!- tutSonl proprio vigore, would carry that institution aad establish it there. " But, sir, even if the constitution of the United States would establish slavery in - the Territories, I should ike to call the attention of those genUsmen who think that Congress has the right to legislate upon the subject of mat. provfco,- CQm- njonly called the "Badger proviso." not ' viso steps in, and not only prevents the ' revival of any old Spanish or French law ; which would tolerate slavery, but also j prevents an v law, even that of the con- . sumuon liseii, irom Doing pvi in force, protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery." But it is said that the constitutional right is saved by this language of the bill : " But to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate - their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the con stitution of the United Slates." This cannot be' true, because an examination of the structure of that sentence shows at once that the words "subject only to the constitution of the United States" apply to and qualify the rights of the people to "torm and regulate their domestic insti tutions in their own way," and have no reference to the condition of the Territory anterior to any action on the part of the people for that purpose. Slavery Among the Old Germans. The little historical tract of Tacitus, "De Germania," is one of the most val uable portions of ancient history that has come down to us. It carries us back to the very cradle of that proud, imperious, and aggressive race that now leads the civilization of the world. It shows us that the infant nation was strongly marked by those characteristics which are at this day so fully developed in the Anglo-Sax on stock. "The British constitution," says Montesquieu, "originated in the woods of Germany." The Germans had kings, but their power was limited. lhey had a senate of nobles, or house of lords, but they were not permitted to de cide only upon minor matters. The peo ple, in their assemblies, discussed the great affairs of State ; and from their de cree there was no appeal. , lhe uermans had slaves among them, who were managed like the serfs of the middle ages. ' They were adscripli glelcc, attached to tho soil. They had their own houses and lands, for which they paid rent. 1 he account which Tacitus gives of them is as follows : " Their slaves have not, as with us, particular employ ments assigned to them throughout the household. Each slave is . master of a habitation and family of his own. The lord requires of him a certain quantity of corn, cattle, or cloth, as Irom a tenant; and, so far only, the subjection of the slave extends, lhe wife and children of the master perform the other domestic duties. It is rare to scourge a slave, to bind him, or task him with labor. They are sometimes killed by their masters, not through seventy of cliastisement, but in the heat of passion, like a private enemy, except that it is done with impunity. Freedmen are little superior to slaves, rarely of any importance in the family, never in the State, except among those tribes which are ruled by kings. There they rise above the free-born, and even the nobles. In the other tribes, the in ferior condition of the freedmen is a proof of liberty." Seveial facts here mentioned are wor thy of notice : Though servitude among the Germans was mild, still it produced, as usual, the bitter fruits of violence and prejudice. The master became imperi ous by the exercise of power; and when in a rage, often took the life of his me nial. ' fie did this with impunity, be cause his peers and judges were in a like ! condemnation. 1 he legislators protected each other, and left the serf to his fate. Such is ever the result of unlimited pow er. It is never safe to intrust the lives and liberties of one class in the commu nity to the arbitrary control of another. . The historian informs us, that the freed man neither obtained rank nor honors. He was despised because he had been a slave. The badge of servitude was up on him, and he could not rise. Such is usually the condition of freedmen in re publics. In monarchical governments no such prejudice exists; and why? Be cause there the lines which separate the different classes in society are ; distinctly drawn. A noble is never mistaken for a plebeian. It matters not how he obtained his nobility, whether by birth, wealth, in dustry, or flattery ; if he holds the rank, his title is respected, and all the world pays him homage. So, under the government of imperial Rome, favorite freedmen who ministered to the vices of the emperor, were made his confidants and his minis ters. The same is true of the Turkish empireatthis day. In 1 848, Lieut Lynch remarked : "The Secretary of the pres ent Sultan ofTurkey was a poor boy. He owes his station to his talents and study. The late Sultan wanted a page to wait on him. He ordered the best scholar to be taken fronr'one" of the public schools. The Secretary was the fortunate boy ; and by his fidelity he has risen to his present high station. ullere is an instance where a plebeian was exalted to the highest of fice in tne gm oi tne monarcn, totneex- The Viz- from tho sov- family , must be a slave ; for j the beautiful ladies of the harem . are all purchased 01 me siave-aeaiers or ueor- child follows edjm of men and manners. He adds; r f-A,r , mo uxvuutt.j w iivcuwvu tribes is a proof. f libeKy." ' Tin other inis as- sertion contains .a law which is always manifested where the evil passions of men are not restrained by public opinion or legal enactments. - Men - always ehvy those Who are on a line with thera in the race of, preferment. ; The runner in the course wul jostle him who bangs upon his shoulders is upon the point of passing nun. . :rhu, Virgil represents JNisus de- priving his rival of victory self had fallen:- rhen him- " lie strove th' immediate rival's hope to cross, And caught the foot of Suliiu as row ; So Saliu lay extended on the plain ; Enrvalu springs rut tlir prize to gain", ' And leaves th crowd ; applauding peals attend llie victor to tiie goal, who van(iuih"d by bis friend. Such, precisely, is the conduct of men in the race of honors. Those who are far above them, out of their reach, they never envy or assail, but rather revere and honor. But let a candidate for his place,- rank, or office, spring up from be low him, and he will thrust him back and trample upon him. He does not like to be jostled by a new comer. He is apt to envy and hate rising talent, if it comes from a stratum of society below him. He is willing to rise, but he wants all be low him to lend him their shoulders, and not to cling to his skirts. In ancient ivjun.-, a nuiuf iiuiiuj naa aiwavft ail oo- v i i . . . i. . . . . , . - , , ject of suspicion .with his equal. ; and r , v. ' 4 ; ity with the patricians, was steadily and j y ,.0. , u. ou rejmum., wuuu. , uo wug- minor Trw mm oil tho nrrhte nf pitiTanchin Si ""Li VU UalU iUl lliB Ilt!Iil3 0i V lUSCUMll , Poo o 1 is subject to prejudice. He receives kind- er treatment from the aristocratic English- man than from the democratic American; notthattheEnglishmanhaslargerornobler sympathies than his cousins on this prfde in heritepond glance,.. he "twub of the water, but simply because conde- j fhe crimsoa ct &Tld .-breathes per- scension becomes the monarch, the noble, rmo j . ,1,5, , . . , , , , 'ilumedair; there is pride in each grace and the aristocrat ; and where the rank of i fni rM.omnt os tv ca,t. i,nir all classes in society is accurately ascer tained and known, no man fears reproach for showing kindness to those below him, or reverence for those above him. But Americans are too independent to do ei ther ; hence, as in ancient Germany, the freeman is degraded and the slave des pised. This comes from following our instincts rather than reason in obeying our evil passions rather than that charity ' which suffereth long and is kind.' Says Bacon, "The desire of power in ex cess caused angels to fall ; the desire of knowledge in excess caused man to fall ; but in charity is no excess, neither can man nor angel come into danger by it." Independent. Uses of the Beard. The beard upon the human male face was given by God for the express purpose of subserving a use that nothing else could subserve. Physiologists kuow that each hair composing the human beard is furnished with, a distinct gland, elabo rately and beautifully complete. Under neath are innumerable nerves, immedi ately connected with the various organs of .the senses, ramifying in every direc tion, and performing important functions. In shaving the upper lip with a dull ra zor the eyes water, showing a connec tion between the nerves of the beard and those of the eyes. Many cases of weak eyes, according to good medical authori ty, may bo retraced to the removal of the beard. This hair when in full growth forms a natural protection to tho nerves, and also holds, as it were, in suspension a quantity of warm air, through which the cold air in - breathing passes, and then becomes rannedand attempered, and fit to come in contact with the lunjjs. I venture the assertion, that there is not a man in all the land that can give a satisfactory reason for shaving. The only reason that a shaver can give for perpetrating this unnatural act is, that hi3 father and grandfather did so before him, and he follows their example. Shav ing does not conduce to the preservation of health, but exposes the throat to the vicissitudes of the weather, lhe shaver takes from the lipsand chin the hair which would form a natural filter to the lungs, and thus mechanically prevent dust from coming in contact with that delicate or gan. And instead of having produced momentary happiness, it is generally a hard operation. Nor does it add to mas culine beauty. Man, in vain effort to ac quire effeminate beauty, scrapes and grubs all his life, but never can retain a smooth fair face for even a single day. And whether he improves his face by cultiva ting docked bristles instead of hair jag ged and mutilated stump instead of a natural and graceful foliage may well be questioned. Would you have the lion shear his mane because his female has none ? No ! man was not made to be ( converted into a smooth-faced woman. His nature is rougher, and intended to exhibit masculinity rather than beauty. To speak of a pretty man is to detract from his manhood. Considering this contemptible fashion in a pecuniary point of view, we will , find that a man " bar berously" expends in forty years a suffi cient amount of money to purchase two farms, well stocked in the West. Think of this, sensible men, and let the scissors do the razor's work in future The Chi nese shave their heads, with the exception of one little spot; and could they not de fend their unnatural and uncouth custom as well as yours ? Besides the origin of shaving is low and contemptible : A fop pish prince with a smooth face, he per suades his courtiers to shave, that he might not be odd, and they yielding to the solicitation of their' illustrious ruler; and so we have the detestable custom, "a custom more honored in the breach than in the observance." E. Potter, if. D. - - Newspapers. ' ' - Jude Longstreet, whose views on all subjects are sensible, practical, and worth treasuring up, thus sets forth the value of a newspaper: ' ." . Small is the sum that ! is required to patronize a newspaper, and most amply remunerated is the patron. .1 care not how humble the gazette which he, takes, it is next to impossible to fill the sheet fifty-two times a year wiihout putting into .1 .t A 1L L-lI- 11.1 t.J-1 it sometmng mat is onu iu suowp tion price. Every. parent whose son is otf from him at school, should be suppuea with a newspaper." I well remember what a difference there was between those1; from . the. LouLsvilk Times: "If there of my schoolmates who had, and those 'was anyv constitutional way; of letting" who .had not access to newspaper. Oth er things being equal, the first were al ways decidedly superior to the last, in de-. bate and composition, at least The rea son is plain: they had command of more outh will nernso a newspaper : with deKhtwhcn thej- will read, nothing 14. 0 "Glorious News." Great news ! glorious news ! was the shout of the vendor in the old war time, and at the sound of tho tin trumpet the lady looked anxiously from the window, while tho maid stood with ready coin at the door; the workman hurried down from his garret ; and the serving maid, from the area depths, thrust forth her plump red arm to grasp the fluttering prize '.Great news I glorious news!" But the tin trumpet is heard no longer, nor does the hoarse voice of the news vendor resound in our public streets ; yet the War Gazette finds its way as quickly to our tables, and a myriad of readers eagerly devour its contents of joy and sorrow, as they are set forth in the col umns of the Times. I " Here it lies in the boudoir ot a coun- rpt i. 1 r 11 - !?. paper u mxu weiuuy atr- Ld foldcd FreWdedi iest the stain of vulgar lingers should have profaned its j wnftene88to desecrate mj dv,8 touch. Here lics bathed 111 the delicious fra- nce of freshlvgatLered flowers, among . . . - . ,,,J ..,.1.. e , 1 1 frniirliT vrJiimos nt rnmanw nrl nsiJi' :o j " ; j !.ij i:r ' r m ! doeds aud WMled hmrs Hush , i r w ti,. the luxurious ottoman: but there is a fearful anxiety in that trembling hand as she draws the paper quietly towards her. One glance of that flashing eye upon the printed page and the color fled her cheeks her lips and with an aspect of mar ble, terrible in its quietude, "my lady" lies lifeless amid the cushions. In a small room, where a thick steam lies heavy upon the windows, and the damp vapor clings to the rotting walls, from which the plaster is dropping piece meal to the ground, that paper has made its way not carefully folded, or brought by powdered lackey, but w it'i tap-room smells, and stained with tap-room beer. It was thrust in by a kindly pot-boy, and with a "here 'missus," deposited upon the lit tle table. Removing from the fronting tub her snow-flake arms, the washer-woT man- for such is her condition wipes her hands hurriedly upon her apron, and grasps the paper. Eagerly her eyes fol low that water-shrivelled finger, as line after line, she spells down the column of names, till suddenly she stops at okk. Again she spells it this time aloud then, dashing the paper down, she darts madly across the room to the humble bed where rests her sleeping child, and, falling on her knees, pours out her heart in Iamen tations and prayer. .- ' :: ' Here are two women whom the " great news" has made equal in grief if naught else. The lady and the poor, serf link hands at last, f heir tears flow from a like cause for the pride of the one and the hope of the other both lie stretched; helpless, shot-shattered, upon that ghast ly battle-held. . .'; "Glorious news!" and Fame puts the brazen trumpet to her lips, sending the echo of her triumph through every town and hamlet, till each patriotic heart is lighted by news, and all join in the song of joy. This we read in the papers ; but another sound strikes unon the ears of the philosopher a sound of lamenta tion ana weeping ana great mourning. Uiogenes. - .' Lo'33 and Gain. The history of accidental or ill-got ten wealth, has too often been but the portrayal of corruption , and the ppeedy downfall of individuals and nations. In Tyro and Sidon, the wealth was quickly amassed. Babylon and Palmyra were cor rupt with intemperate luxury. Rome, overladen with the spoils of the world, became overwhelmed with her own vices. These and many others are in stances of the destructive tendencies of speedy and unnatural accumulation. Of material wealth " we brought noth ing into the world, and can carry nothing out of it." There is something, howev er, that; will be carried out that is, the character which has been forming in the pursuit of wealth..' '" ' . The narrow, selfish, miserly spirit that grows on accumulation uie nervous, peevish, fretful temper, that can bear no opposition or disappointment the inflated nothingness, mat estimates everytning oy dollars and cents these go with the soul of which they are a part, constitutionally and spiritually. As do also all the care fully acquired virtues that belong to me pertect man. To this end it is important that each day of life should be a day of improve ment. Habits of thought and study are to be assiduously cultivated. Business itself may be conducted in such a man ner a3 to invigorate, enlarge, and eleva.e the mind. A man's thoughts must trav el beyond the counter and desk. Tho merchant, if he would bo faithful to him self, like the lawyer, like the physician, and the clergyman, must extend his re searches beyond the province of his own profession, and bring the contributions of all regions of thought to, buua up - Him self in the strength of intellectual man hood. " . . i . If any one pursues buinessto the neglect of mental or moral culture, he sacrifices the great end of life to the jonce felt, forms a part of his whole being; comparatively worthless means. He aad cannot be separate from it; it' be may gain money and lose knowledge ; comes ji portion of iha naa r to-day, he may gain the splendor of houses and i just any faith or conviction, the dis equipage, and lose the accomplishments j covery of poetry, the awakening of relig. own soul.' JIunCt Mer. Mag. " ' . . Pretty, Good, f v : - ' The following remark on.that irritable member of the States, South Carolina, s South Carolina our of the Union, we cannot separate' them from our conscious would hold Tip bo:h hands for tho ' meas- n Tuey shall follow it whithersoever ure, and run the risk of her conquering that shall go ; and become part' of their the balance of the United States and lay- nature, divioe aai?immortal.--f'! irtgtbem uadertribute. t Bat as it is, we tray $mond, . ' - f''T must try and get along with her, .anil w,jr thank our stars and stripes that we but ae fnnl in the family. - . ' 1 ' Tobacco Chewera. "' " j One of the greatest : nuisances that' a j decent man can be guilty of, Is to chew j tobacco. He is forever fpittimr the tM- Jty stuff somewhere it makes but little difference with him where. If he would but swallow bis favorite dish, -it would make it some better ; but tobacco chew ers seem to have an idea that they are a privileged class, to spit when and where they please whether it be in the parlor, church, theater, concert room, printing office, or anywhere else it is all tha same. They vuttt to spit, and they vill spit, and spit thy do. What a beautiful sight to see one side of the face pushed out by a plug of V nigger bead or cav endish," as though tne man had a severe at'ack of the mumps, while the juice of the weed is running down at the corners of the mouth ! and then to have his med itations interrupted by the entrance of a friend a lady or gentleman, it matters not which to him lo see him dodge about to discover some hole or corner wherein he can deposit his mouthful of yellow salirk before he can speak ! Oh, lis nice, rn it ? Many a wile has had her patienc sorely tried, bv thi filthy practice, in cleaning carpets and paint. . . ' lhe truth is, th'-re can be no such thing as neatness where there is a sqnirt- er of tobacco juice about. Wo have swi too much of the dirty habit to know there can be ; and we wonder why the Ladies don't do and sny more to discountenance its use. We thiuk they are in a measure to blame that this pernicious habit has become so strong among men. A little spunk on their part would, we think, do a good deal 111 breaking their ' liege lords of this rile practice. The Baltimore Patriot, speaking on this subject, says : lhe private mastication of tobacco, in one's own home, parlor, bed-room, or kitchen, as the case may be, is an affair to be settled with one's self. We do not intend to interfere with the police regula tions of the home they are . in abler hands than ours. If indulgent wives choose to have their door-steps and balcb uy floor discolored, their carpets ruined; and their parlors and bed-rooms irrevo cably defiled with tobacco juice if they relish the contact with their own months, of lips that have been all - day saturated with yellow saliva if thev like the smell of tobacco-sccuted breaths, coming from between dirty and disgusting teeth we have nothing to say. But we have a right to protest, and we do protest, against the outrageous public nuisance of tobac co chewing. No man has a right to go to a theater, or any other public gather ing, and, seating himself in the midst of cleanly Christians, squirt out al random streams of tobacco juice, around him. To do this in those parts of the house where only .men are placed, is in the last degree rude and thoughtless ; but to car ry the revolting practice into the presence of ladies into the dress circle of the theater, the concert saloon, the church pew and it is habitually done in all these places is little short of blackguardism." Chelsea Telegraph.,. . Schools Upon cite Sabbath. , No institution contributes more to the peace, . prosperity, morals, and respecta bility of a community than its cunuay schools. The law can only punish,' while Sabbath schools prevent crime. Colleges, seminaries, and public schools, it is true, enlighten the mind and develop mental genius; but the especial objects of the Sabbath school instruction are the heart, the life, the destiny, the soul. The nat ural demand of the Foul for a religion of some sort for a Diviuity to do homage to is far greater than the aspirations af ter fame or wealth. A kind heart is more to be desired than a wise head, where the two qualities cannot be combined. The conquests of. genius are as the flashing of vivid lightening that cracks the gloomy, thunder-cloud and leaves the world to wonder at its power. But the heart that feels the thrill of kindness, that is good and true and pure, beams ;liko the ob structed rays of mellow moonlight upon the world, imparting pleasure, elevating the desires, subduing the passions, and leading men to imitate it virtues. ? Not,; even the family circle is so well calcula-. ted to improve the heart of a child as the instruction of the Sabbath school; for here greater truths than oyer pnrentutter ed are taught, and the child learns what many jnen. never learned, " who is my neighbor? " To a faithful teacher thei is no more delightful empl6yment than trf teach children susceptible as they al ways arc the simple truths of the Bible ; and when we contemplate the silent in fluence which tliefe Sabbath school in structions have in forming the future character of nian or woman, the position becomes ono of great importance and re sponsibility. :'. ; The Immortality of Affection. Who, in the course of his life, hath not been so bewitched, and worshipped some idol or another ? Years after this passion has been dead and buried, along with z thousand other worldly cares and ambi tions, he who felt it can recall it out of its grave, and admire almost as' fondly as he did. in hw youth , that -Jovery queenly creature. 1 invoke Jthat beauti ful spirit from the shade, and love her still; or rather I should say,' such a past is al ways present to a man tsaeh 'a passion :mg dud Kienheimy become nart of mv frame and 1 influenced, 'my whole body--naV spirit, subsequently thou 2h 'twas trot aud healed .forty years, 'ao' " Parting and forgetting I. What' faithful heart can do these ? ' Our "gireaf thougaU our great aifcctioos,! the truths 0f our.life, never leave us. i Surely w& wrsalth was overvalue!. wiioc