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FROM BROTS ROE
Political Notes and Observations from the Popocrat Candi date's Owh City. HIS PLATFORM ANALYZED. A Constant Appell to Class Preju dice in the Interest of Sil ver Mine Owners. Bill*! nous men are studying tin' money question. Mr. Brynti Inis *• >-u lit to tell his audiences over und «vir again tlinl the business in«-.. of the country are against free silver partly tie. mise they don't know anything :iie.ut the question and partly bemuse they are dishonest, ln tliis >ir. It ryan iiiifdouds his follow ers and niisr<*i>ro>«»ntu tin* husim-ss nn*n. It may bo trtio that what is chIIoiI free nilv«»r agitation started first among the farmers rattier than ammi# the* husitoss mon, but later the basin«*«« men have read the free-silver literature, have read both sides of the question, until at tin* present time the business men of the nation are thoroughly informed from a business standpoint and from a nonpar tisan standpoint on the money question. It in probably true that tin* politicians that oppose silver are moved by prejudice and Hell interest to a certain decree just •a the politicians wlm favor free silver •re moved by aelf-iiitereat to a certain decree; but the business men. the men who are managing the business concerna of the country, the hankers, and the financier» huve made it n part of their buaiueHH to read up on the money ques tion» to become thoroughly informed, and they have passed upon the question from a business and not from a polit irai .stand point. Mr Bryan, recognizing the mor al force of the business judgment of tin* country and knowing that this business judgment condemns free coinage ns a dangerous tiling, seeks to discredit the business mind of the country by denounc ing it ns ignorant and dishonest on the money question. Mr. Itrynn professes to desire n restoration of the industries of this country. At the same time he denounces the business men of the conn, try and proposes a plan which he knows they arc afraid of. The threat of free trade in the cam paign of 'l>2 and in the election of 'Iff!, frightened the business mind of the coun try, first into distrust and doubt and then into a panic, the effect of which is still on. The question above all others at this time is how to remove this business depression from the business mind. Mr. Bryan says that free coinage will revive tho industries, hut at the same time he admits that the business mind is against it and is afraid of it. The effect of this threat of free coinage is to make every capitalist hide his money, to make every banker afraid of investments, to make CTery dollar creen into the darkest corner of the safety vault, and by this process of money hiding and money hoarding which la now going on all over the Fnited States, the circulating money of the country is disappearing from active use faster than all the government mints could coin new money if they were now under a free coinage law. IsoFtormi? men are crowding around Mr. Hryun to hear his speeches and many of them appear to" he pleased with what he says. He talks kindly to the laboring man and his words are as sweet as honey. Hut the thinking labor ing man kuows that so long as industry, that is, the mind force which is man aging industry, is afraid of free coinage, that all plans for the enlargement of in dustry or the employment of labor are suspended, pending the discussion of the money question, and that these plans will he taken up and carried into execu tion only when the business mind of ♦he country is assured by the election of McKinley that there is to he a sound business policy in the government of this nation. George Groot, ehalrmsn of the Nation al Silver party. speaking at l.ine.dn. Web., on Sept.....her 8, from the steps of the state capitol building, with Mr Bryan sitting near him, denounced the bankers us the enemies of society, and declared that the financiers of Wall •treet should he hung to the telegraph pole*. On the evening of S.*teniher 7 In front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin coln, Neb., Ignatius Dnnncllv of Min nesota denounced the hankers and the financiers of this country as the ...... mie» or the people, enemies of prosperin' and declared that their inlluenee upon this country ought to lie set aside. Now tviiat do tho followers of Mr. Rrvnn rx poet to happen to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country, when they, by reason of their superior num ber. have voted out the hanker and the Tmaiuess man and have voted in this new system of finance? What force » T. ,ho of this business mind force when it has ....... displaced'' When the country has struck down its R resent bankers, its present financiers a present business men, its present mauagers of industries and commerce When the common people by a majority vote have paralysed this business power what other force will take its place ®mt form plans for the employment of labor, for the carrying on of comunree and for the management of all the indus triai forces which give vitality to the material body of the nation? On tho afternoon of September 8 in front of the state capitol building at Lincoln. Mr. Hrynn, after denouncing the business element of the country he rouse it is against him in this contest congratulated himself that the laboring men of the country believed in him and that «Dough of the farmers believed in V® t . h *' 1 th «"« 'wo elements united in this election would enable him to sween the country in November. This he char •cterues a victory of the people, because it will bring them better times. It mav be very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he looks out into the fnc.-s of laboring men and farmers who applaud such speeches as thia, but what reason have these la boring men and farmers to expect bet ter timea through the election of Mr Bryan, when he himself admit* that the business men of this nation regard his election as a menace to business and prosperity? Can you revive business by doing that which paralyses the hope anil courage of business men? When the industries of the nation revive, there must be aoine mind force In the country to bring it about. There must also be capitalists who believe in the future and who are ready to invest monev. There must be banks and these hanks' must not only have funds, but they must i*. will ing to invest these funds, and ther must believe and have confidence before they ran consent. Mr. Bryan admits tbit they are not consenting now; will they consent after election? When Ignatiooa Donnelly was de nouncing tue bankers and the financiers as tbs enemies wf thair country, in his speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln, »'•ne one n- ! I. "What about Mr. S«-w e I loi I» rt plied, know noth in- 1 f Mr Se ..ill ind I don't want any * I • i ' > - • ' du with him. If I had my way ho would •■•me ..ff of that ticket in ..... four I rs." Mr. Donnelly then "'eld into a I. Mi r tirade against all hankors an 1 l.nsini'ss men in geicral. ttml the- hiboT.ng men who heard him applauded his utterances. Now it must 1 '- 1 v • ■ "'ocrri'd to the more thoughtful of those labor men that every day's work and everv dollar paid to labor in ist first 1 thought out and planned by same I. Before labor can ta giri in a • I y industry flicrf mn^t h<* some f h « • ? * ir !i t f • • r « • • • : I ! * « I sonic bn * ini«m judtf fn* fit which [!.lss <*m u[»on tin- pl um of ■irai industry and believes that it will s'lceei 1. I I ; i rc 111 r i s f |,e f i n a n iers. bank -» and i.apitnlist» to consent and ' '!' ir ' "iisi-nt must I»- based upon the la.in that the industry will succeed* If Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Brian ware <api tj!lists and basin, ,s men, then they tIn rnselves might promis., employment V; l:, r ,r 11 111'* leans prop,-..,I by 'Ir. 1 » mriell.v ami Mr. Bryan wa-rc re 'ei\mi> the end r-eniont of the business judgment .,r otlieis who have ,-apital, I' 1 ''" 'I might se, nr reasonable that free eoina -e might revive industry and bring better times. business Mr. Bryan mid his corps of free silver orators constantly deiioiuire idle capital. .Ir. Bryan kii<<\VM tli.it id!«* cnpitnl is al wajs the result of lack of .............. 1 al-., knows that idle capital makes idle men. II one set ,,f men have the ■ •apitnl and .'mother set ,,f are work, rs stand ready to be e„,p|, by this eaiutul. then there rntist I Ktaiul be* iif> j* < 1 i t d * - to curry nut ibis plan. then ir but it;i » u im I that tin* nu n who control ft pi tab bi-ititf a fra i<l of bis new plan, ition of h ti riiioii v between the p. copie own the «•»pit ,1 and the mcii who 1 n ady 1 n K*» Î o work or there will > work. II' 21 ;.l an is prop, ised w . hieb '» capital :i fmii 1. and il Hi le wol rkers 1 rcudv h y their vote* and their inn tb _ ^ ...................... ... will hoard their » ipital ami keep it* idle rather than risk it umler condition* wlm l. they believo will bo di-isf mus. I »M« S It then avail «•mything to the Iabor iiijf iiiJiti that this eapital is denounrod as the cm uiv of the oountry ? Kdison was «»iioo a !;.Im irinic man. hut is now u cup îtalisf. \\ lien In* was a laboring man bis «»id hi« pinna wore in n certain decree dependent upon the plans and t },«* opinions of somo one **)*«■. W'li. n Kdi Hon was a In hou r, employed in eon Ntriietitu; mneliim s, whet lier hi* was em ployed or m»t depended upon bis em ployer. If tin 1 employer found bv experi ence that tile wniix in whirl) be was en g}»f*"'l WIM mij.nditablr t.. him, then Mr. JMismii lost Ins joh. Now. M r. I'dison, x»*rti«»ns out is a worker having ci «»Ivcil by his own of a coud lit ion u h«*r<* lu» with his hands only, inti w here he h : i h hccorm* n irr« which controls industrv, i im mrtniit to labor than h r ........... ..... before. I hen he roil Id eoiment to t In* einolny ment of only one man, himself. Now lie ean consent to the • mpln\im-nt of thousands <»f men. ami whether they are employed or rmt depends more upon bis judgment than upon their own. The industries of the world, no matter who is employed in them, have always been and always will be umler the a control and direetion of mind. Majorities have nothing to do with it except as tin* majorities are in harmony with this mind force and have the approval of its judgment. \\ hrther filM) nr nOOtt men are employed tit the Burlington imiehiites shops at Lin <• 1 ) 111 , Nehraska, during the next four yetirs, depends not upon the political judgment of the men who an* employed in these machine shops, but upon the business judgment of those who must fur nish money to pay for this labor. And this business judgment, looking always to the financial policy of the government for sixths of business safety or of business daujrer, is inspired with confnlenee or is inspired with fear as it intirprets the business prosperily of tb«* future bv the political conditions of the futur«*. If this business mind see* in tlx* «'lection of Hryun ami cheap money sums of future Klaimntmn ami «l. pression, then it is but natural that it should keep tin* number of nu n employed t.» tin* very least p«>ssible limit. IVoplf who ride in tin» Hurlitiirton trains ahmir by the town of Hav«*lo«k near Lincoln whore them» mneliine shops are located, can see tin* si y u s of busitiC'^s «lepnssmn and can int«*rprct the doubt that is m tb«* mind of tin* direetors of the ri.ail, " lull tlie.v see the si,le tracks line.l \Mth tiroken engines wliieli the sniall furie of men enqiloyeil are not able to repair. If the laboring .......... the East "ere nt work to,lay there wont,I he a market in these great centers of imlnstrv in he East for Nebraska's foo.l pro.lnet, ami then these great railmail systems «oui, I require every engine un, I everv ear Mi 1 ' "i' V "" " t" l>e i" repair nn',1 nil \ U ..... .. kept rolling night nn,| <lav carrying the great e,V M , s ,,f Kan sas. Nehraska aid low a to the f,»»lcon Kiiniiiig East. This eotnlition wonhl em |; ,;.v labor a nil give value to farm prod lids I he whole theory ,,f Western Bile ,ess depends upon the aetivitv of Eastern iii'liistry „m| the activity of Eastern in en .n' J " I "" 1 V 1 " f,,itl1 •'""I COnfi «I» in t of the Eastern Inisniess mind. A hired man eaimol he emp,loved upon r nf rr Vc h '"" .......... .... " f 'he own er of the farm. A .-arpenter cannot get employment without the consent of the builder who !" MW»«................ h.Mises, and the nil der ell nil,d gel the house to 1,11 iId without the ronsenl of the men who hare the money to build houses. I„ all lines of industry the man who works with his hands is dependent upon the "ho , works with his mind and in all countries ihe mind workers are ths eoiitr'dl"! - of industry. When the mind w.nkers and those who have the making Ot the plans |,,r industry have r.mfi denee t.iat .Industry will be profltuhle then there is emplnvment. M Ilham .Tennings Bryan and his plat torin is a inenaee to industry and Mr Bryan knows it. The -.„ivicth.n is fast! eneil deep upon him and the leaders of his eatise, that the thing whirdi thev H-e trying to aeeemplish is ngamst the busi ness judgment of the AmeTiean people I hey are eoiidemned by the mind work! ers of the nation, and because thev icalizc this they coiistanth appeal to class prejudice, hoping tlia't there are laborers and farmers who hate the busi ness men and the employers of Pi h r that when all these haters' are organised into one great armj there will |„. enough ot them to carry this el, eti„„ f ur Af r . Brjan and fyir the mine owners of Colo [sts°' iU Wh ° 80 iulor, ' st ,lis candidacy ex Silver Dollars Are Legal Tender. Many of the "plain people" of the t imed States him- wondered what is meant, when it is said Hint Congress in tS7it struck down one-half the money ill the country. The figure is forcible hut somewhat obscure. The Denver News comes to the r. », no. It »., V s- "H v the legislation of DT.I the mints' wore not only closed to silver hut l he silver money of the country was demouetixisl ■ it was i deprived of its legal tender qnalb ty. I hm* tin- silv« r money of the coun try whs struck tluwn." The New - is in error. Section «7 of the act et IN,:? contained a proviso that "this Hit shall not tie construed to affect any act doi.e, right accrued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, hut every such right is saved. This language preserv, d the legal tender quality of the silver dollar, since the right to pay one's debts in silver dollars was one of the rights accrued under former nets, which nothing contained in the act was permit ted to destroy. SOME PERTINENT BUT RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN. 9 O'Ur m ii tfwt.it tlslt p«i-Ou*«( I ft Willi b e worth / 2 ? Crop p veQtoatv ij ßryan •» eU*ff«4 Frobl —6/ Cents EÉiaet» 1 " So«* Bill. \VTa cieTs Prat air profit ? Sr K ivnturib Ki-ac ■ WU pay » iV ? ,v ¥ U I 1 *î'> -Chlcugo Tribun«?, August 26. A CANDiDME FOR IHE PRESIDENCY. As he comes upon the stage and as the applause breaks forth he smiles. It is a pleased smile ■ properly speaking, a grin. The grin of one to whom the yells of "Hurra# fur Bill" and the ap plause of a gallery is food and drink and raiment. Applause, of what kind it does not matter, is what the na ture of the man thrives upon. The rec ognition of him us a great man, a hero, a deliverer cannot hut make him smite, lie appreciates the joke. lie composes his features as he re members what is expected of him. His attitude at once suggests the hero of the melodrama—the "tank show." He looks this way, then that, and then to ward the part of his audience from which comes the most hilarious demon stration. lie grins again, ns he thinks of his side of it. If the noise continues, he turns to those about him and smiles naively. But he is not nfraid of it. The eyes glow and gratification shows in every movement, glance and action. He is introduced and stands erect and again grins. It is not the pieusing, dig nified acknowledgment in keeping with the honor to which the man aspires ( hut the smile of the magician to the audience that cheers because it is mystified. He raises a restraining baud to hush the demonstration. The movement is grace ful. nothing more. I,ike every gesture he milk, s. it lacks strength. The hands are weak, hopelessly so. if the applause continues, he waits, posing as if for the camera. He is patient. A dignified statesman's very presence would com mand silence after the first hurst of ap plause. It would not he necessary for the great man to wait until every un couth wit had made his joke, but this mull lacks the dignity of the position. II,- plays for the gallery, and the gallery w histles, stamps and claims him for its very own. lie begins his address with a well turned sentence, which he knows will please his audience. In fact, from first to las*, it is his effort by skillful ro trents never to offend, lie is callable of a fair flight in words, but at no time is he an orator. At no time does he bring a known fact to the notice of his hear ers. then an argument, then one condi tion, ami still another, and then, as a climax, ns one indisputable, unanswera ble declaration, rounded and full, guard ed and protected by logic, launch it forth at his listeners. His flight of words— alleged to be oratory—are made to divert the mind from questioning his asser tions. He soars in an outburst, the ground work of which is ns old as the human voice, to please the ear of his listeners and keep their thoughts on tho wing. These flights appeal to nil that is emotional. They are seldom original; they express no new thoughts, and they hear his undo, mark, lie makes asser tions w hile the audience is under the in fluence of his heroics. Ho pours forth wlmt he thinks, and declares it to he true, but when the time arrives in the course of his remarks when the facts to hack his assertions should he heard, behold another flight in Fourth of July fireworks. I.nhor applauds itself, and this man knows it. lie recognizes that "sacrifice," "crucified." "down trodden." "the peo ple," "sweat of the face." and similar words ami phrases arouse in the ordinary audience an imperative desire to applaud. Eor logic he uses heroics, for argument words used by truly great men, but which no more apply to bis subjest than to the crucifixion. He compares himself to the Man of (.alliée without a blush. Me defies facts ns Ajax did the light ning. lie declares that something enn he got out of nothing; that u miner will be aide to get rk'1 cents' worth of metal coined in to $1 and in the same breath insists that the miner will sell that metal to anyone 1 who will buy it for öd cents and give the : buyer the ,bailee to make that profit ! instead of himself. W hy the miner will sell at ö" cents and lose the coined profit. 1 he explain* by a highly colored account of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to a cross of gold." He refuses to believe that cnptital is of j any use except to starve and grind dow n ! mankind. Insinuation», that every man should have more than enough in spite of his hihits, his drunkenness or his improvi dence. he lavishes upon his hearers. Declarations, that a country is all wrong which gives every man who will work with head and hands a chance to lie above those who will not, he belchea forth in torrents. "My friends." he says, and adviaes those to whom lie applies the term as a sane man would hesitate to advise his 1 worst enemy. He distributes elisff. coolly predicts a panic, quotes the words of Christ as glibly as tho rowdy uses his name, and having directed the eyes of his hearers upon a bubble which Hosts pleasingly j about, he says; "I thank you." Paul Armstrong. j In all parts of tho country women have organized campaign committees, working under the direction of the Woman's bu reau of the national Keiuhlican commit tee. They distribute literature nnd use their personal influence with husbands, hro*hers and other relatives to secure their votes for tho good cause, paying especial attention to first voters. I 1 : ! 1 j ! 1 j j I A CREAMERY LESSON. Effects of Industrial Depression in Cities Erought Home in a Practical Way. STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER. Decrease in the Consumption of Food by Laborers Affects the Sale of Farm Products. A atoek-foeder of Kansas, recently In Kansas City, tells a story that is worth repeating for the excellent lesson which it teaches. In a certain town was a creamery. It gathered the cream from the farms within a radius of ten miles and manufactured nbout 4 ,hi pounds of butter per day. Beyond the limits of this circle from which cream was gath ered there were u number of farmers who desired to Bell cream, hut were not nble to do so because the wagons from the creamery did not reach their farms. One day a delegation of these farmers called at the office of the creamery to consult the manager with reference to the enlargement of its liusin<>ss so as to include them and their neighbors. They explained to the manager that by send ing his teams a few* miles farther in all directions ho would double the qunu » Ity of cream gathered, double tho amount of butter produced and consequently double the profits of the creamery. The farmers were disappointed when they saw by the look on the manager's face that their proposition was not favorably received. There had bii'ii a great deal of gossip among the farmer patrons of the creamery that the price paid for cream was too low and that the profits of the concern were larger than they ought to be, and now these farmers could not understand why a business which was making exorbitant profits should not bo willing to enlarge itself, to double its output and consequently to double its profits. The manager explained that to enlarge the circle of their farmer patrons would require an additional number of men and teams to gather tho cream, would require additional machinery and an en larged plant with more huttermnkors nnd other operatives, all of which meant an additional investment of money in which he'did not feel justified nt this time. He explained t liât the price of butter was low. that thousands of laboring men in the cities being out of employment were not eating butter, but were buying oleomargarine and other cheap imita tions of butter, and because of all these discouraging circumstances he was unable to consider u proposition to enlarge the business of the creamery. The manager went on to explain that a creamery in Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended upon the big cities for its customers. In small towns many of the people keep cows of their own. hut in the big cities such ns Denver, Kansas City, Omaha, St. Louis, St. Paul. Minneapolis and Chicago, where thousands of laboring men are gathered, the farmers find their best customers not only for dairy products but all the other food products of the farm. The families of these la boring men are extravagant eaters and extravagant buyers of farm products when they have the money to buy with. When the laboring men in these cities are employed they consume vast quanti ties of butter, eggs. Hour. meal, beef nnd poultry. The thousands of creameries in Kansas, Iowa and Nebraska had more orders for their product than they could supply before the Democratic panic stooped the industries in the cities and threw the laboring men out of work. In the last two years the demand for food products have been less nnd less, showing that the families of the laboring men in the cities are growing more and more economical in their consumption of food. In a long conversation with the manager of the creamery, these farmers gathered the idea, as they had never understood it before, that the food-pro ducing farm is dependent upon the food eonsuming city for its market nnd that tho price of food and the demand for it depends upon the employment at good wages of the laboring people of the cities. This much the farmers had al ready understood in a general way, but they had never stopped to realize the far more Important truth, that the manage ment of these great laboring employing industries devolves entirely upon the trained business minds of the bonds of these industries whom the Popoerntic or ators now denounce as plutocrats, and enemies of the common people. It is very fine sport for eloquent office-seek ing politicians to denounce the men who manage the labor industries, to call them "plutocrats," "goldbugs." "robbers." "op pressors" and other offensive names, hnt after all these eloquent speeches have been delivered and after all this mis chievous talk has had its affect i i upon the farmer mind, the the great truth, still remains tin the ntind of the business man must origi ate all the plans for the employment , idle labor, and whether these industrii are little by little enlarged each year, er ploying more and more men, or whetln they are little by little narrowed eat year, employing less and less men, d iiemls, not upon the judgment or the p litical views of the men employed, bi upon the judgment of the men who en ploy. When the farmers in the counti and the laborers in the city suffer then selves to he led into some great nation; movement which the business mind b lieves is dangerous, then this businei mind, in order to protect the interests ovi which it presides, begins the process , narrowing its operations to suit the ne conditions. A farmer may believe in free coinaf and a laboring man may believe in fn coinage, but if the business mind of tl country on which both the farmer nr the laboring man is dependent is afraid , free coinage, then the threat of fr< coinage, instead of breathing new life ii to industry, strikes it with the paralys of death. Every earnest thinking man in th country at this time, whether he lie farmer or a laborer, above all thing above all party or personal preference desires to see the industries of the natin revived, because labor can find ompln; ment und farm produce find u market i no other way. \\ lien all tho arguments have been et Imitated on both sides, the whole quo tic»!) narrows into this proposition, tht activity in industry is dependent upn the confidence the business men have i the financial and tariff policy of the ni tionnl government. Farmers may inn confidence in some untried and 'catch proposition, and the laboring man ran have confidence nnd even he enthusia tic, but if the mind of the business ma hesitates then industry languishes, thousand laboring men may stand read to go to work in a factory. And tl farmers may stand ready' to provid these laboring men with food hut if il managers of the factory are afraid i start it, then it will not start. It ma appear to these thousand laborers an to these farmers that the inn nagera r the factory are unreasonable, and <hf they have more power in the nation thn they ought to have, but the truth wi remain forever, that mind, and not nr Jonties, is the controlling force epö "'r h ' h : industry of the nation depend and that the judgment of one trahie business mind is worth more to a on mutiny than the judgment of many me who work with Iheir muscles on th farm and in the factory. JONES' S1I.VKR MINK. The present interest in anything rein mg to fdver recalls James Bussell Low ,11s witty rhymes of twenty years igi A DIALOGT E. "Jones owns u silver mine"—"p raT «■! Is Jones? • " 11 D ° n owm "* ny earS " lth horr °rs like Jon, "Why. Jones Is Senator, and so |„. strives To make us buy Ills ingots all our llvèa At a stiff premium on U„. market price A s her currency would be so nice!" sure, n0S ' llauï "-"A coinage, to t T ° r p,oa*tmo. f "" Wllh Wu " ten Y °" shrinks* trcat ,hn cro "d; your dolls * m *'drinks R 0Teen 1 ,lm8 while they mix th " JOn wit m w!Sft p q «t k8llv "' then?"—"you ''j'o ur * U ' n wn's"''i'' hl " " ,lm ' '"'ass. worse ~ K1 " y " ur Iteration' Than the slow torture of an echo-verse 1 1hat J Is, UU " ,hl " K J,mea w °a't own That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his ____ —Cleveland World.' He is Mistaken. J", 1 "*, speech at Springfield, O.. o Wednesday, Candidate Itryun spoke o the nation a peasantry." There ar no peasants in tiiis country, and th man who attempts to make sin h a las' ification is unworthy the support V, the free American sovereigns. Fvor man is a prince and no man is a tient ant. \\ , the ballot in his hand' th voter ranks with Vanderbilt. The rie man of today may ho the poor man ti morrow, and he who is n t)t endow«? "!!*) wealth at this moment mav he millionaire betöre the close of *a do. ade. I his arraying of the people o the United States into classes is th most pernicious thing that has over bee a*empted in this country, and th demagogue* who are engaged in the nr fto t ^K i VÎÎ, r " lpt ,,, ' s •' rv, ' ,hp «'ontemi into which they are sure to fall. Remember This. When Bourke Cockrnn, in his recen front speech in New York, uttered th following sentence, he uttered a sentene which should be posted over the door o every honest laboring man. whether Rr publican or Democrat, in this country "I can take a SB) gold pice and defy a] the power of all tho governments of thi earth to take 5 cent*' value from il I can go to the uttermost ends of th earth, and wherever I present it it value will be unquestioned, unchallenged That gold dollar the honest masses o this country, without distinction of part divisions, demand shall be paid the la borer when he earns it. and no powe on earth shall cheat him out of th ÄI *U* k'* «'row'."—Galesburg Eveoin, WOMAN'S WORK IN THL AMPAIGN. Never was there before a presidential campaign in which the women of the country have taken such an active part as in the present struggle. In three «tâtes of the Union, Wyo ming. Colorado and Utah, women have the same voting privileges as men: but feminine interests in tile campaign are by no means limite,! to those states. Intelligent women all over the country seem to feel that the contest has an im portant hearing upon the welfare of their households. They think that the cause of protection and sound money is bound up with the prosperity of the family, and they feel a great interest in the Re publican presidential candidate because of the nobility of his character and bis devotion to his home life. The Woman's bureau is under the di rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well known orator and political writer of Des Moines. In., for several years president of the Woman's National Republican as sociation. The bureau is established in commodious quarters in the Auditorium Annex, Chicago, quite away from the noise and activités of tho national com mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided with every convenience, and assisted by capable aids. The Woman'* Republican association is composed of thinking, active women— women intensely alive to the best Inter ests of their country and homes. The Woman's association is not a suffrage association. Many of its members do not believe in suffrage at all. It is not a moral reform association, although many of its members are engaged in the philanthropies and reforms which illu mine tliis decade of our national history. They do not seek to utilize the Repub lican association to advance any of these reforms. Its members are simply, and all the time. Iteiuhlicans, laboring for the support of the principles of that party nnd for the election of Its candi dates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associates and assistants in the work are women of capabilities in various lines. Mrs. Thomas W. Chare, the general secre tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. I., and from there exercises a watchful care for the work in the New England states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac quaintance nnd is identified with many groat charities, philanthropies nnd soci eties, nside from her political duties. The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var wick Boswell of New York city, has su pervision over the headquarters of her stnte, located at 1473 Broadway. Miss Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per sonal visits uni,mg the women In the tenement districts of New York, for the purpose of showing the women the mean ing of the free coinage of silver and how it will affect the purchasing power of their dollars. She finds these women with well-defined views on the currency question and ready to defend them, na they do in insisting thnt the voters in their families shall maintain them at the polls. Miss Boswell has enliated a large number of voting business women to help spread the doctrines of sound money nnd protection and to help secure votes for the Republican candidates. In the Chicngo headquarters Mrs. Fos ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs. Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide experience in general business and news paper work in this country and in Eng land. Next to her comes Miss Anna Brophy of Dubuque, In. Miss Brophy is not only valunble for her education and wide general knowledge, but because every piece of work which passes through her hands receives her critical attention as to its correctness. Its ac curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs. Foster after opening her headquarters, was to issue an appeal to the patriotic women of the country, urging them to nrgniiiz.o committees or clubs for study of the issues of the campaign, and to help promote the cause of national unity and protection. The responses have been most gratifying, coming as they have from Oregon to New Jersey. These women arc directed in their work of or ganizin'- and advised how to make their efforts effective. The weapons of the women are personal appeal and litera ture. These are used to convince the women that their own persoual welfare, including the interests of children nnd of tho home, are on the sida of the Repub lican party. This conviction assured little doubt remains as to how the vote influenced by these women will be cast. Free Wool and Free Silver. During the many weary months after the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the death blow to the wool industry free trade journals assured their-readers that tho blow would not be fatal. In time the industry would revive. Considerable pru dence was manifested as to dates, but the prediction was confident -that in the course of time tho industry would re cover from its paralysis. The Philadel phia Record was one of the most san guine of these free traders. Thnt journal simply knew that its theories could not ho wrong. Free wool must and would enable our manufacturers to recover the home market for woolen goods and grad ually get a good hold on the markets of the world. In a recent issue the Rec ord threw up the sponge. It admits that free wool is not strong enough to carry free silver. The confidence with which it attributes the failure of its free wool theory to some other person's free silver theory would, if transferred to the money market, revive business even in these free trade times. Says the Record: "The distrust engendered by the sil ver craze lias checked sales of ninnti faetured goods, increased the percent age of idle mills and so narrowed the outlet and cripjiled the financial re sources of Eastern distributors of wool that the latter have practically ceased purchases of the staple in the country markets, nnd in many cases have re fused to make even reduced cash ad vances on consignments." The silver ernze did not materialize until free woo! had had nearlv three years in which to show what ft could do. During all that time the wool in dustry went from had to worse. Now the people are asked to believe that free silver did all the mixchief.—St. Jo seph (Mo.) Herald. Give it to the Indians. "Let ns restore the conditions that ex isted prior to 1873," says Mr. Teller. Very well; let ns tear up all the rail roads that have been built since then; let us reduce the acreage of wheat and corn and cotton to what It was then; let ns send back to barbarism those parts of the world that have since been reclaimed to civilizatfon; let us plug up the Rus sian oil wells and destroy the wheat fields of India and the Areentine: let us smooth over the hills of Leadville and Cripple Creek, and fill tip the mines, and reduce the production of silver from SITtMXtO.OOO a year to $«0.000,000; let us kill off about 30,000,000 of our people, so as to make the population what It was in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our money, as we bad then, and gold at a premium of 15 cents or more on the dol lar—in short, let us try to turn back the hand on time's dial, nnd make everybody as happy and wealthy as all the people are now ' zed to have been before 1873.—Col, do Springs Gazette. FIVE.