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Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, March 27, 1858, Image 2

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Mr. HAMMOND. I wiabtosay that Mr. Keitl
| quond that paw-age Dom Mr. Pinrkney's speech
, on flic Missouri question, which had been quoted
on the opposite side of the case previously. His
object in quoting it was to hIiow that Mr. Piiickncy
did not support tho Missouri compromise upon
principle, hut he did not indorse the aoutinienta
expressed by Mr. Pickney in tliat extract.
Mr. CRITTENDEN. I accept the explanation.
Certainly 1 had no intention to misrepresent any
gentleman by reading the statements expressed in
this pamphlet. I say it w8s not anticipated from the
first that Kansas would be a slave-holding State.
What is the South to gain now by having it admitted
f It may gaiu a triumph in the admisaion of rhia
constitution?admitted against the will of lite majority
of the people. It ia a triumph, but ia it not a
baren one f Is it a triumph worthy of the South f
It will produce nothing but increased bitterness
and exasperation, perhaps, on the put t of those
against whose will it is forced, not only in the
Territory, but elsewhere. It may give ne?v exasperation
to the slavery question ; new agitation, which
God forbid. It would be a victory without results,
without profit, barren, sterile:?as to all the ordinary
and beneficial fruits, there is none. 1 do not
know how anything is to bo gained to tho South,
supposing, os I verily believe, aud as every gentleman
here believes, that it canuot bo a slave
State; that there is a majority there opposed
* wKa will nnf it dnwii Vuaa t.lii* !
and we may have a few years lunger of exasperated
struggle and exasperated agitation in the country.
That is all the coneequence of the barren victory
which would be obtained by admitting Kansas with
this constitution. That is uot & fruit, I thiuk, which
any one would wish to gather. Now, if you attempt
toinforcc it, we are told by Mr. Walker?I know
nothing about it, but from all that he and Mr.
Stanton tell us, and they are Democratic witnesses
?there is danger of resistance and danger' of rebellion.
* Where is the necessity, then, for our doing it
now ? Can we not resort to some other me:ins by
which we may uvoid all these cousi qtierccs of
exasperation, cf danger, of resistance, of tumult,
or of agitation, upon this subject; and cud this
contest in a short time by authorizing the people
* of Kansas, under the high mandate of this Government,
to form for themselves a constitution,
if they want to come into this Union?a constitution
fairly to be made, and fairly to express the
will of the people It defers the subject but a
little while. Is it not better to do that; is it not
better to suO'er the evils we have, than to fly to
others we know not of? I think^vety prudential
consideration is in favor of our forbearing to enforce
this constitution on the people of Kansas,
and of our affording them an opportunity of making
their views fully and perfectly understood. This
will be in accordance with the generous principles
and policy that the South has pursued heretofore.
The Kansas-Nebraska bill was recommended
to the South, cbiifly, by the repeal of the Missouri
compromise, and the recognition of the
right of the people of a Territory, when framing
a constitution of State government for themselves,
to be " perfectly free" to frame it as they
pleased?admitting or excluding slavery, and regulating
their domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to the constitution of the United
States.
My opinion is, that the repeal of the Missouri
compromise was a blunder; but I concur in the
principle that the people of our Territories, whi n
they come to form a constitution for themselves,
have a tight to form it as they please. I am now
acting upon that great principle of popular rights.
I feel myself bound to give the benefit of it to the
people of Kansas. Let the majority make such a
constitution as they please. That is the great American
principle, that rises above all others. Let
them govern themselves, and as the majority decide,
so let the constitution and so let the laws be. I
think we are infracting that great principle?the
principle of the South itself, on this very identical
subject, by forcing this constitution, at least of
. doubttul authenticity, upon the people, lr there is
a majority in favor of it, it is not much trouble for
them to ratify it. If there is a majority opposed
to it, they are entitled to have their will and their
way. They ore entitled to that upon principle;
they are entitled to it by the eipress pledges of
the Kansas-Nebraska law.
Sir, I feci that 1 have already occupied a great
deal of your time?more than I was entitled or
expected to do; and yet there are some general
topics upon which I wish to suy something, though
not so immediately connected with the direct
question before us.
Mr. President, I am, according to the denominations
now usually employed by parties in this
country, a southern man. I have lived all my life
in a southern State. I have been accustomed from
my childhood to that frame of society of which
slavery foims a part. I am, so far as regards the
necessary defense of the rights of the fjcuth, as
prompt and as ready to defend them as any man
the wide South contains; but in the same resolute
and determined spirit in which I would defend
any invaaioq of its rights, and for which I would
put my foot as far as he who went furthest, I will
concede to others their rights, and I will maintain
and assert them. Ho who knows how to value
hia own rights will respect the rights of others.
When the Missouri compromise was abolished,
great fears were excited in the North, and some
vague hopes entertained in the South, that slavery
might be established in Kansas, and extended in
that direction. I did not believe it. I believed that
the Missouri compromise line Axed in 1820, was
about that territorial line, north of which slavery,
if it could exist, would not be profitably employed;
and our experience since has shown that the wise
men who made that compromise judged rightly.
I believed that the Idas of making Kansas a slave ?
State was a delusion to the 8outh ; that her hopes
would never be realized, if ahe entertained such a
hope aa that I thought, therefore, it would have
been better, without examining scrupulously into
its constitutionality, to let the Missouri compromise
stand. I regretted its repeal. I did not believe
the South woidd gain anything by it, or that
the North would gain by it.
That compromise was a bond and assurance of
peace.' I would not have disturbed it. It was
hallowed in my cetimtion by the memory of
the men who had made it. It was hallowed by
the beneficial consequences that resulted from it.
It was hailed, at the time it was made, by the
? South. It produced good, and nothing but good,
from that time. Often have you, air, [addressing
. - Mr. Toombs,] snd I, snd all of the old Whig party,
triumphed in that act as one of the great
achievements of our lesder, nenry Clay. It was
from'that, among other things, that he derived the
proudest of all his titles?that of the pacificator
and peace maker of his country. We ascribed to
him a great instrumentality in the paesago of that
law, and over and over again have I claimed credit
and honor for him for this act. This, for thirty
Tears, bad been my steadfast opinion. I have
been growing, perhaps, during that time, a little
older, snd am a little less susceptible of new impressions
and novel optaiona. I cannot lay aside
the Idea that the law which made that line of di
viRii/u www n wumiuiiuiiM uiic. l rwiiPTeu mi
then. Tbe people since here generally believed
It. I must be permitted to retain that opinion
Rtffl; to go on, at any Pate, to my end with the
hope that I bare not been praising, and have not
been claiming credit for othera for violating the
Constitution of their country.
Sir, the men who passed that measure were
*great men; they were fhr-aecing men. Without
argument now, I am content to rest my laith upon
the authority of thoae great men?Clay, Pinckney,
Lowndes, President Monroe, 'he last of thepatriarcha
of tlie Revolution, with hia learned and
able Cabinet?and then, what ia more than all,
thirty-five years of acquiescence in ft, and peace
wider H, in these States. Whatever quarrela you
may have had abont it in Congress,* there was slwaya
enough to uphold and sustain that law; and
never, until 1864, was it repealed, or its constitu*
thmality questioned, that I know of. I regretted
its repeal, because I feared that it would lead to
new agitations and new dangers. Hss It not I
What has been our experience!
?Tbe author* of the measure whioh repealed that
compromise?honorable and patriotic I know them
to be, many of them my personal friends?promised
themselves from it greater peace and greater
repose by localising the slavery question, as it was
said. This act was to localise tbe question of
slavery, and all agitation was to be at an end.
It was to give peace to tbe country. The President
in hia message at the commencement of
this session, or in nis special message?1 do not
know which?imagines the country to have been
In great agitation on tbe eu'ijcct of slavery, when
- the Kansas-Nebraska act came and put a atop to
k R until, some thne afterwards, it was revived.
I Why, sir, exactly the contrary seems to me to
I be tbe true history of the transaction. We were
ft beoomlng tranquiliscd under tbe compromises of
p 1860 In addition to the Missouri compromise;
II waa subsiding into submission Mid acquiescence,
when, to obtain a greater degree of
peace and secure us for the future agaiust all
aghution, thia bill of 1864 repealing the Missouri
compromise was passed. What has it produced!1
lias it localised the question of slavery ? lias it
given us peace ! All can answer that question.
It has given us anything but a cessation of agitation.
It has given us trouble, nothing but trouble.
That has been the consequence of it so far.
I inn as anxious now us any man hern to close
up this Hcgjie. 11 would vote for the admission of
Kansas upon almost any teims that would give
peace and quiet. If I thought this bill would do
so, I should vote for it. I would suppress all scruples
for the sake cf that peace. If I was sure
such would be its result, I would vote for It, thinking
myself justified by the price that was to be
paid?the peace of n?v country and the restoration
of good will among my fellow-citizens. I
do not hope for it. I fqar further trouble. We
lire iir'liin told that, this will bsve the effect of
localizing tbe question of slavery, and that we
shall be no more troubled with it; that the mischief
and clamor, and agitation will ull be confined
to the limits of Kansas. This is the same hope
that was disappointed when the Kansas-Nebraska
bill was passed. The same hope was indulged iu
then, and since then there has been nothing here
but agitation on the subject increasing with every
day.
Again, we liavo the idea of localizing it presented.
Now, iir, ifit is to be debated anywhere,
it will be debuted here; and, perhaps, if it is to
be debated anywhere, it is best that it should bo
debated here; because we might hope, Mr. President,
that in this body it would be debated with a
spirit of moderation and conciliation that would
deprive it of many mischievous consequences if it
were agitated und debated among men without our
years, without our responsibilities, and without
the restraints which our condition and our knowledge
impose upon us. Even here we do not dehate
it in the right way. We allow ourselves to
become too mucli excited about it. To this great
country, what is Kansas and this Kansus question,
and the two or three hundred slaves who are there,
that you and I and all the American Senate should
be here day midnight, and using such language of
vituperation nnd inventive on this subject as we
often do ? Look at our grent country, und the
great subjects which claim our attention as her
legislators; look at thqm all in their majesty and
their magnitude, and then say, how little, pitiful, in
comparison, is the question about which we are
making so much strife and contention.
On tliis subject, and on many others, it scorns to
me that it becomes us, of all the citizens of this
great Republic, to set to our fellow-citizens examples
of moderation and conciliation. What
good does the mutual charge of uggression, often
fiercely repeated? What good do these invectives?
Especially let me say to my friends of
the North, why indulge in invectives of the most
reproachful character, upon those who, in fpurtren
or fifteen States of thi6 great country, arc
slaveholders? Does that give you any cause to
traduce them? Can you not live content with
ttie institutions which please you better, and leave
these fellow citizens, who have just the tame right
to adopt slavery that you have your institutions,
to enjoy their liberty in peace alsoj Is there anything
in the difference of our institutions which
ought to make us inimical to one another? IIow
was it with our fathers ? Did not they live together
in pence and harmony? Did not they fight
together? Did not they legislate together? Did
they ever abuse and reproach each other about the
question of slavery? Never, that I have read of.
Why is it thuf we cannot do as they did? Ilavc
wo degenerated from those fathers, or have we
grown so much better and purer than they were?
I doubt whether we are any better; and 1 do not
believe, notwithstanding all that is said about
progress, that we are at all more sensible than
those fathers who made the Constitution of the
United States, and laid tbc foundation of this
great Government. They gave us an example of
brotherhood; and when we look at sll that connects
us, all that unites and makes us one people,
how much more powerful would its influence seem
to be to connect us together, than the question of
slavery and anti slavery to divide us? We are
united by circumstances of which we cannot divest
ourselves. We arc united in language, in blood,
in country, in all the memories of the past, in all
the hopes of the future. This is our connection,
i 1 ./.l.iln. A .k?.
uuu pviuiiug kW !? Iv Ull^llkCBk UCDklllJ lllBk
ever awaited any people. All tbe unnumbered
blessing* of the. future are in full prospect; but
there is this little, this comparatively small matter
of contention, that we seem disposed to nurse up
into continual occasion for philippics and for reproaches.
This is not the right temper with which
to regard the subject. Crimination and recrimination
is not the way to strengthen our Union?
that Union of brotherhood, of good will, of cooperation
for all great national purposes, which
our fathers formed.
I was gratified to hear comparisons made of the
mighty resources of the different sections of this
country. It was a proud exhibition. .The honorable
Senator from South Carolina [ Mr. Hammond]
gave us, in a very interesting and eloquent manner,
the mighty resources qf tbe South. Thcv are beyond
estimate?beyond calculation. This is replied
to by s gentleman from the North, whogives
us the mighty resources and the mightv power of
New England and the non-slaveholding States.
Well, sir, if the conclusion which might be drawn
from it was true, that each of those sections would
by itself make a mighty country and a country
that any one of ua might be proud of, what a
magnificent country is made when we put it all
together 1 What a magnificent abode for man,
such as the Almighty never gave to any other people,
and never placed on the surface of this earth!
It arems to the the roost natural union in the
world?the South, with her great and her rich
productions, whi e the North abounds with ingenuity,
labo-, mechanical skill, navigation, and commerce.
The very diversity of our resources is the
natural cause of union between us. It would not
do fcr us all to make cotton, nor would it do for ua
all to work in your manufactories. Nature seems
to have organized here this country, adapted to a
union of people North and South. Nature bar
given her sanction to the Union.' Nature hsa
traced that Union, and you alone diaturb it. Gentlemen,
you alono disturb it by making this subject
of slavery the cause of dissension. The dissension
has been kept up, though we but seldom come
to any practical question that calls upon us to
act on the subject. Now, if we were through with
this petty Kansas affair, what a summer sea of
boundless expanse lies before us, where there is
nothing but repose. There is no other territory
that tou can disoiite about in mv lifetime, or the
lifetime of any man here. This in the list point
on which a controversy can probably be made.
We have pone through many difficulties on this
subject. Now wo have reached the la t of ft,
the least of it. Let us settle this matter in
peace; let us settle it in good temper: and I
see nothing before us but a long period of repose,
and, I hope, of mutual conciliation. Of one thing
I am certain, that criminatien and rectiminatkni
between the Nprth and the South, the getting up
and maintaining of seciicnal feeling, sectional passion,
sectional prejudices, can do no good to any
section; snd there is not one Senator here who
does not recognise and feci all this as much as I
do. 1 am certain of it.
My vote on this subject, sir, hss nothing sectional
in it. The only difficulty I have in voting
is, that this is regarded by some as a sectional
question ; and I am on ohe aide of that section,
and I am voting for the other s<de of it, if we
divide on it as a sectional qucslion. Now, I do
not regard it as a sectional question. My allegiance
is not to any particular section. I do not
want to know any such thing as a section in my
conduct here. I want to be governed by a ct nstitutional
spirit, and a constitutional and a just
principle, in all I do, no matter whether it relates
to the North or to the South. I do not want to
increase the sectionality which exists in the country
by placing myself or my vote upon it so Isi
as regards this question. I want to wipe out thai
sectionalism. I wish that no one here would vote
upon it as s sectiosal question. I do not. { vote
upon it as a Senator of the United States of Amer
ica. That is my country," and my great country
The Constitution of the United States intended U
wipe out all these lines of division and section
slism. It is we, we, that dis'nrb our own Ur.ion
It is we that make sections; it is we that mak<
sectional lines to divide snd distract the country
whose Constitution, whose present interest, whot<
future hopes, all tend to unite us.
There are some doctrines which hava been sd
vanced here with which I disagree, snd upoi
which I will briefly express my views. Boms gen
tlemen have argued, and tlmy have the authorit;
of the President to sustsin them, thst the Kansas
Nebraska act gave mil the authority that is usu
ally confer-ed by whet is called an enabling act 01
the people of a Territory. I never considered ii
bo. I do Dot believe it U to be couBidcred bo. Some
gentlemen, uu the other hand, maintain that, under
the Kansas Nebraska act. the convention were
bound to submit the constitution to the people for
the popuhr nuffiage ; indeed, that it is the right of
the people to have every convention submit every
constitution to them. I do not agree to that doctrine.
The people are too sovereign to be required
to do that. They can confer upon a convention
the power to make a constitution that shall be good
without reference to any other power. The sov:
' ereignty over the Territory is in this Government.
It belongs to the people of the United States, ono
and all. The people of the States own it; und
they are the real sovereigns of (lie Territory, and
we, as their representatives. They have no more
power in the Territory than wo give. They have
no government but what we give. It is not in the
nature of things that they should have. All squatter
sovereignties, und sovereignties of all sorts,
vanish before the Bovureiguty of the people of the
United States.
But the President says, in reference to this Kansas
constitution, that although it contains a provision
that after 1861 a convention may be called
to change it, the people can, nevertheless, change
it before that time. That is to say, the people, by
their "irresistible" power can at any time, notwithstanding
the protisions of their constitution to the
contrary, change it us they please. Sir, the President
of the United States is very high authority;
but it is, in my humble judgment, a very dangerous
doctrine and a very uuttuc one. The people cannot
bind themselves by a constitution ! I thought
that was one of the great virtues and purposes ofa
constitution. We admit them to be sovereign.
Why cannot they mako what sort ofa constitution
they please ? The constitution which sovereignty
makes, in all its parts and in all its purposes, must
be the rule of conduct for all. It cannot be abolished,
except in the manner prescribed and pointed
out in the constitution itscli, if any manner is preset
ibed.
If the President's doctrine on this subject be
true, what becomes of the Constitution of the United
States? Instead offollowiug the mode of amendment
prescribed in the Constitution, the people, by
their 'iriesistible' power, may in any other manner,
at any time, change the whole frame of our Government.
There is not a State constitution iu the
Uuion that does not impose some restraint as to
the manner of change. What would a constitution
be if it were just as liable to change as any ordi- I
nary act of the Legislature? It would lose its 1
character. Those who talk to the people about the
unlimited nnd illimitable power they possess are
teaching a dangerous doctiine. That is a sort of t
sovereignty which the people cannot exercise. It
may be made very flattering to their ears, but it is
impracticable in the nature of thing-'. It cannot be
exercised at all. The people must exercise their
sovereignty through agencies. They must exercise
it through representatives and governments ; they
only exercise it sufely through constitutions. If j
they could not make constitutions bind themselves :
their sovereignty never would be safe. If it were
not invested in a constitution, it would be constantly
escaping into the hands of some of those
gentlemen who could talk most eloquently to the
people about their irrexistiblc tovereignty. That
would be the end of that sort of sovereignty in the
people.
The people must understand that their sovereignty,
their practical sovereignty, is to be exercised
through representatives aud delegates, over whom ;
they are to hold the proper control; and to hold
that control, and to fix and make permanent and
operative their sovereignty, they must put it in the
form of a constitution. That is the only security for
popular sovereignty. Therein it exists, and therein
alone can it exist prac'.ically. It is not true that the
people cannot bind themselves, and are not bound, i
by the restrictions of their constitution. They may
rebel against their own constitution; they may
violate their own law and constitution, just as they
could violate the law or constitution of any other
people; but it does not follow that, because they
could do that, they have not created a political
obligation on themselves by a constitution only to
amend that instrument in the guarded, temperate,
gradual method which the constitution may have
provided for and prescribed.
Sir, I am sorry to have occupied the time of the
Senate so long. I can say, with the President of
the United States, that ou this important occasiou
I have endeavored to do my duty, with a full sense
of my responsibility to my God and to my country.
Under the conviction that the best results toi?e
obtained under the present circumstances, unless
some material amendment can be made to the bill,
will be attained by rejecting this constitution, I
shall give my vote against it; but so anxious am I
to conclude this subject, that I intend, before it is
finally acted unpn by the Senate, to propose an
amendment. This would not be the proper time
to offer it; I am not prepared now to offer it: but
the effect of it will be to admit Kansas into the
Union upon condition that this constitution of hers
be submitted to a fair vote of the qualified electors
of Kansas, to be ratified by them ; and if so
ratified, the President, on infotmation of the fact,
shall proclaim It a Slnte of the Union without further
-piocecdings; and, if it be not ratified, to
have a new constitutional convention convened,
lly amendment will be on enabling act in effect,
but admitting Kansas for the present.
t3P" Rev. Mason Noble will preach la
the Sixth Presbyterian Church, corner of Maryland
avenue anu rnzm street, to-morrow ;r*unany.^ aer ices
to commence at elcrcn o'clock.
Ilia Lecture iu the afternoon, will embrace hie visit
to Bethany?description of Lazarus' tomb?and the
miracle of his resurrection from the dead.
ORAIID
COTILLON PARTY
or thk
UNION
FIRE COMPANY, No. 2,
OX EASTER MOXDA V,
April 5 IftSfl, at Rtott'i Hull, corner 20th
anal Pennsylvania avrnnr ( tickets 91.
C. W. MURRAY,
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Cots, Leads, and Metal Furniture made to
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Coknir or Ihmava Avbmck and Ficokd Strut,
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Also on hand an assortment of Letters Tor
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FASHIONABLE CARD ENGRAVER,
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PRINTER AND STEREOTYPER.
Cnts, I.rnriK, and Metal Fnrnitnrc made
to ord^r.
OORVER OF IRDIXRA AVKXt't AKD REOOXIi ATRIKT.
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THE AMERICAN.
w
WASH 1NOTON, MARCH 27, 1858. thl
=============== ll>l
" THE UNION OF THE UNIONISTS, FOR nu
THE SAKE OF THE UNION 11" wl
???^va
MR. CRITTENDEN'S SPEECH. th
We had hoped to be able to present our readers ba
the whole of Mr. Crittenden's great speech in this i ff
number of the American, as revised* by himself, th>
including his rejoinder to Mr. Toombs, but the lat- Le
ter hits not been furnished to him by the reporter K<
yet, and we are compelled to omit it. It will ap- cai
pear in our nex'. frc
Ma. Siuxoss' Spkiccii on the Kansas question
will be published in the American as soon as we ^
can obtain a corrected copy. We shall also publish
it in pamphlet form. It is an admirable one 11
for circulation, as it hits all round. m
de
fjy W c respect fully announce to our friends gi(j
in Congress that wo aro prepared to print ^
Spcechs, and will do ro upon thq usual terms;
that is, for an eight page speech, 50 cents per
hundred. In 16 pages, $1.
tn
We request subscribers in the Sixth Ward
not to pay any monies due the publisher of this
paper to any person who cannot show a written (t)
authority, dated after this day.
C3T We welcome to our exchange list the old cn
conservative, able, ever-dccorous Wh ig paper, the ch
Alexandria Gazette ; one of the most valuable and wl
valued in the Union. th<
We are not honored with an exchange by ?U
cither tho Baltimore American or Patriot, though u
both these papers are laboring in the same cause r
that we are. Well, gentlemen, we should be very
glad of your company, but if not agreeable to you, J11
we will endeavor to get along without it. Our own a
tirninu linvo llfl nrntiv woll fluid fur nnrl wo
do not feci at all aa if they were likely to tail us in ?l1
future.
CO
The religious revival is rapidly spreading Ki
over the whole country. It is announced in the an
papers here that the lady of a Senator is to give is
a fancy ball next week ; better would it be if she
would turn her ball into a prayer meeting. Let th
those who go to dance, return to pray. dij
im
THANKS, BROTHERS, THINKS. be
We are under lasting obligations to those edi- set
tors who have so kindly spoken of the Washington an
City American, and thus made known the exist- be
ence of an American paper at the seat of the Fed- mi
eral Government. ph
The commendations they have bestowed upon
us are most gratefully appreciated, and we can do
assure them that they have materially and favora- foi
bly affected our subscription list. Not a day passes th
now that we do not receive letters saying, " we co
have seen your paper highly spoken of by such or ho
such a paper; we did not know before that an Qe
American paper was published at Washington, tri
but are glad to hear there is. Herewith we send pe
you subscribers. Let us have your paper." fel
MR. ANDERSON, OF MISSOURI.
fit
Mr. Anderson was elected to the present Con- Bi
gress by the American party of the 2d district of we
Missouri, over a Democrat. But since he has been
here he has voted regularly, we believe, with the hie
Democrats, and might as well call himself one. be
His course having been much censured by those foi
to whom lie owes his election, he has published ag
an address to the voters of bis district, through do
the Washington Union, and offering himself as a J ,
candidate for re-election, and justifying his course. mi
We presume be will now have no Democrat- go
ic oppone it, and will most likely be re-elected. tic
RASCALITY IN A COURT. tio
tio
A deputy sheriff and constable have been de- mj
tected in Philadelphia, in packing a jury in tho ?t
French murder case. Judge Ludlow committed [ i
the deputy sheriff to prison for ten days,?no ade- tal
quate punishment?and the high constable has tbl
been bound over to answer the charge of perjury, qoi
Let rottenness and rascality be rooted out, and thi
hunted down like rabbits and rats. H'e had a w;
specimen of it here, in the "Bloody Monday" trials, qq
and in the packing of the grand jury that sat on
that occasion ; but we had no Judge Ludlow on
the bench.
THE DEBATE IN THE SENATE. en
spi
On no occasion since the discussion of the com- Se
promise measure in 1850, when Clay, Webster, qu
Cass, Calhoun, Badger, Dickinson, Davis of Mass., tic
Mangum, Dawson, Berrien, Phelps, Soule, and oth- Se
eis?now nearley all gone to that bourno from "c
whence no traveller returns?were present, has ab
there been a debate in the Senate at all to be com- th
pared, in the interest it has excited and the ability
it baa called out, to that which baa juat closed. mi
Among the very able apeechea mado, and not on
particularly noticed by ua heretofore, we may m
mention thoee of Meaars. Seward, Collamer, Fee- P'
aenden, Foot, Simmon*, Wade, and Hamlin, on an
one aide, and of Hammond, Toomba, Bayard, and w(
Green on the other. Gen. Ilouaton haa alao die- hu
tinguiahed himself by aome exceedingly eloquent, he
derated, and patriotic remarks. But hia hand* an
hare been tied by instructiona. er
eii
TROUBLED WITH THICK COSING u
FANCIES. W
tri
The Union ia constantly peering into "the dim p(
distance of the future," to see if it can diacorer cx
the ahadow which coming erents cast before ; and
it; or one of its assistant*, for it ia "the child of 0f
thirty-six fathers," haa diacorered a ahadow of eril
portent, " dim, daik, and dismal 1" Something
that looks " rery like a whale," with a head made
up of Douglaa Democrat*, a body of Americana, Pp
and a tail of B^ack Republican* I cfl
In plain phrase, the Union sees a party in the ex
dl itance made up of all thoee who are opposed to
the Lecompton fraud and the Federal Democracy; (|4
and while it affects to laugh its teeth chatter with w,
r?*r- ; g<
Tna Losno* Policxmk* walk about 20 miles a
day each,beaidea attending the police office. There RU
ia no disorder in London ; no regulators, acroug- *'
era, wallopers, acrimagers, rampoodles, and ram- J
rats, as there are here, where our policemen lie low '
and snooze away the time, in comfortable naps, I
knowing that when the iky falls, they will catch I '
i ... v...r i j
iurmwt aiiu iivv ucivrv, we ^^rouniiu.
Brorssnoo* Fraud* ar? charged upon the War -hi
Department, in the purchase of home* and pro- cl
vision* for the army. The contractor*, it is Raid, tl
will realise more than a million of dollar* profit.
It it by each corrupt means that the Prttidml b<
rules Congress and the country, and the people la
are set aside as if of no account. in
??- CI
A down-east editor has discovered the reapective
qualities of a distinction and a differ- w
ence. He says that a " little difference" frequently
makes many enemies, While a "little K
distinction" attracts hosts of friends to the one 01
on whom it is conferred. ai
The last official act of Lord Palmerston was to
send a donation of ?100 to Mrs. Mogridge, the
widow of the admirable writer so long known as '
"Old Humphrey."
Business is stagnant in thj eastern pities, f<
and money abundant, because there is no business ti
to employ it in. o
HT The vote upon Lecompton in the Senate,
i regret to eay, showed a want of unity among
b few American* in that body. The gallant,
b experienced, the eloquent Crittenden stood '
?11fully up in resistance to the last; contesting it *
th all his ability, all his eloquence, and his chi- '
lry. Side by side with blm stood the fearless, *
e able and the honest statesman, Bell, who did 1
ttle against the measure with good will and
'ect. But we regretted to observe voting with '
e Administration Democrat*, and supporting '
comptou, Mr. Thompson, of Kentucky, aud Mr. (
rnnedy, of Maryland. We say " regretted " be- 1
use wo view this subject in a different light 1
im the last mentioned Senators, and had in
Igcd a hope, at one time, that they would be '
ind standing shoulder to shoulder with Senators 1
ittenden and Bell. We can only say we think '
b latter have won golden opinions from the great '
dy of the American people, by their manly and 1
termined opposition to what they and we con- (
ler a most unmitigated fraud and outrage.
ALLIES OF TI1E BLACK REPUBLI- ]
CANS."
This is a favorite expression with the adminis- <
ttion, and is applied to all, Democrat* and
inericant, who will not bow down to Baal, or I
ichauan, and do the bidding of a would-be matMr.
Douglas and the great mass of the Demo- <
itic party at the North, to wliom Mr. Bu- t
anan is indebted for hjs election,?Mr. Douglas,
torn Mr. Buchanan w is so anxious to oblige in
9 appointment of his friends to office in the
tset of his administration,?Mr. Douglas, evi- <
ntly at that time Mr. Buchanan't favorite for the (
esldcncy next to himself?Mr. Douglas and all f
Dse Democrats who are in favor of leaWng the (
ople of Kansas "perfectly free to form and regu- (
,e their own domestic institutions in their own (
ty, subject only to the Constitution of the United j
ites," are now denounced as "the allies of the f
ack Republicans," simply becauso they will not |
nsent to force a constitution*upon the people of .
U18U9 which they have had no hand in forming,
d no fair opportunity to vote upon, and which
the object of their utter deteEtation I
Does the administration suppose it can effect any
ing by a resort to such denunciatory and ununified
language? Dose it suppose that it can
Limidate anybody, or that it can, by calling memrs
of Congress "allies of the Black Republicans,"
t the constituents of apy member against him,
d thereby defeat his re election ? If such be its
lief, it must have formed an exceeding lowestiite
of the intelligence and integrity of the peoB.
We know that its power is great, wielding as it
ies, the immense patronage of the Government
r base, corrupt, political purposes, and we know
at it has by this means secured votes for Lempton
which, left to the dictates of their own
meet judgment, never would have gone for this
farioas fraud; but these men, and the adminisition
itself, will find that there is power in the
ople too,?a power that can and will make itself
t in the next Congressional elections.
A certain Democratic member of the House
>m a northern State, a personal frjend of Mr.
ichanan, being asked if it were possible that he
is going for Lecompton, replied in the affirmative.
3 was then asked if he supposed the people of
i district were in favor of Lecompton ? To which
promptly replied that be did not doubt three
urths of them, and.perhaps nine-tenths were
ainst it. Why then, inquired his interrogator,
you go for it ? " Well," he replied, " I know
im "a dead cock" any how; because, as the adnistration
make it a party measure, if I do not .
for it the politician? will defeat my re-nominain,
and if I do, the people will defeat my elecn
at the polls. But if I go with the administran,
and am defeated at the next election," he
ght have added, "thePresident haa many things
his disposal, and can abundantly reward me, as
telieve he will, therefore I will stand by him and
te my chances." We know that in his heart
is subservient politician disapproves the Lempton
constitution, and the not sending it to
s 'people for their adoption or rejection ; but
th him party feeling over-rides his duty to his
untry, as it docs with many others.
MR. CRITTENDEN'S SPEECH.
v? e navo great pleasure in presenting onr reaai
this week, with the eloquent and patriotic '
cech of Senator Csittendeh, delivered in the
nate a week ago upon the Kansas-Lccompton
eetion. It was listened to with great admira>n
by the crowded lobbies and galleries of the
nate?a large portion of the House of Reprentatives
being present? snd it is to be sent
road over the land in large numbers, many
ousands having been ordered.
Mr. Crittenden, if not the oldest Senstor, has
rved more years in that body than any other
e, and has, therefore, the largest experience as
:h. He has been Attorney General under two
esidents, General Harrison and Mr. Fillmore,
d his name has long been familiar as house-hold
>rds to the American people, with whom it is
it a synonym for talent, eloquence, largeness of
art, frankness, honesty, political integrity, and
ardent love of bis country?his whole country,
ery part and parcel of it. His name, ever assorted
with that of " the great statesman of the
est," never fails to warm the heart of every,
je Whig, and to recall the stirring scenes of the
>lmy days of that glorious party, of wh?ch be may
claim, " quorum part, magna fu\No man in
e nation has a stronger hold upon the affections
the American people than Mr. Crittenden.
MR. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH.
Renator Douglas delivered his long eipected
eech on the admission of Kansas nnder the Lernipton
constitution, in the Senate on Monday
ening.
np ppoim aooni mree nours, una without any
mire to flatter him, we must say that hia speech
as in every respect worthy of hia high reputation,
-atifying to hia friends, troublesome to his oppoints,
and if not a convincing argument npon the
ibject, it was because those who are convinced
(ainst their will, are of the same opinion still.?
he galleries of the Senate were filled to overling
early in the day, it being eipected that
r. Douglas would address the Senate during the
ly ; but though it was arranged that he should
>oak at seven o'clock, rfler the Senate had taken
recess, yet so anxious were the people to hear
im that a large number remained from nine o'ock
in the morning until ten o'clock at night?
lirteen hours.
The lobbies of the Senate were filled with memars
of the House, and as there were crowds of
dies?and thousands of men?who could not get
ito the galleries, already crammed to their utmost
ipacity, the ladies, on motion of Mr. Gwin, were
linitted into the Senate Chamber, every part of
hich was soon filled.
So great was the rush and desire to get into the
alleries, that the Vice President was compelled to
rderthe Sargeant-at-Arms to prevent any Airther
Itempt to press in, by closing the doors.
Mr. Douglas labored under the disadvantage of
aving to go over much ground already trodden
y many other Senators, and some that he had
sen over before. But he made some new and
trong points, and, as a whole, his speech will be
>und to bo a masterly review of the Kansas queson,
and a most able argument against the course
f the President and the majority of the Senate.
I
gBB". J ' _ . _ - *
ACCOMPLISHED AT LAST. *
Judos Loaiso, of Boston, his been rentoved
Void his office of Judge of Probate of the county t]
>f Suffolk, by the Governor of Massachusetts, s m
Banks, upon the address of both branches of the Q
)Ute Legislature ; an act which Governor Gakd- m
< , American, refused to perform.
The only crime, or offence, of which Judge Lor- c
ng was guilty, or with which he waa charged, was
.hat be executed the law of Congress, commonly (j
sailed the Fugitive Slave Law ; and for this, the g
iltra anti-slavery party of that State have perse- 1(
reringly sought to inflict punishment upon him.? n
They have accomplished their unworthy purpose
it la*t, of removing him from office ; but in doing
ihis, they have injured the fair fume of " the Old c
Buy 8tatu" vastly more Jthan they have -injured t|
jim; and havo made a record that will stand as
in eternal disgrace to all who had any hand in the o
xansa -lion.
We are glad to see that some of tho leading *
papers belonging to the Republican party in Masstcliusetts
and other Northern States, condemn the t
removal of Judge Loring in the most unqualified ^
;erms, characterizing it as arbitrary, impolitic and
malicious; the fruit of faction, fanaticism and fe- t
tocity. ,
Wo should not be surprised if this unjust perse:ution
of Judge Loring should make him the sue- ?
:es8or to Governor Banks, or Vice President of p
;lie United States.
THE CONTRAST. [
o
Below are some just remarks upon the sentences t
>f the Royal British Bank Directors, passed upon n
;hem by Lord Campbell. The trial, conviction and ^
lentences passed upon these public swindlers, and *
the entire escape of all such criminals through the j,
nestles of the law, in this country, or their being u
screened from prosecution, conviction, and punshment
by the fact that they are men of 44 high ]<
standing" in the community, presents a contrast
between England and the United States, in this *
particular, by no means fiatteriDg or creditable to 1
Wealth and respectability cannot protects crimnal
from punishment there, while here they form
a complete panoply. A rascal is a rascal there, o
in spite of wealth and 41 social positionand juries
and judges are not deterred from doing their duty a
to the public in convicting and punishing the *
guilty, by the fact that the criminals are 44 respectably
connected," and that great sympathy is felt ?
for their families and relatives." No sympathy is g
felt here for the swindled, but only for swindlers; g
none for the murdered and their bereaved fami- t
lies, but only for the murderer and hit family.
So in regard to public swindlers. They go un- J
whipt of justice, and walk our streets, and peram- t
bulate the Capitol with an air of defiance, making t
at the same time an ostentatious display of that 0
wealth which they have obtained by means not c
more honest than the counterfeiter, the pick- j
pocket, the horse-thief, and the burglar obtain (j
their 44 pickings and stealings." And who shun p
the public swindlers ? Who refuse to return their F
audacious salutations, or decline taking their prof- *
fered band f . Few, very few, if any, have the re- t
solution* to do it, though they know that the indi- f
vidual ought to be, and would be, if the law could t
be impartially and rigidly enforced, within the *
four walls of a State Prison,-laboring for that very , *
public he has so successfully robbed. t
But is it matter of surprise that such things E
should be when we see the Government itself go- 1
ing openly into the market to buy up political sup- [
porters? That they do so is notorious. With fat c
jobs and contracts, made purposely tempting; with a
dices, honors, distinction, power, and preferment ''
in que hand, and barbed arrows, wliips, and de- '
nunciations in the other, the President walks into B
the halls of legislation, or sends for 44 prominent i
and influential men" to the 44 White House" from t
every section of the country, and thus prepared, J
tampers with their integrity, and buys their sup- (
port; or, failing in this, opens his battery of de- c
nunciation upon tbem through his organ, the d
Union, as renega4ps, traitors, and Black Jlepub- 1
lican*! Such ia tbe example of political morality "
let by tbe American Government; and of on*
thing we may be sure ; namely, that the stream
can never riae higher than the fountain ; that
where there ia a low standard of political morale, (
there cannot poaaibly be a high atandard of any
other: '
The Sentence* of the Royal Brit-ith Bank
Director*
"The certain puniahment of crime in England,*
and the impartial manner in which justice ia admin
iatered, without regard to the reepectable atanding
of the partiea convicted, are deaerving of aerious
conaideralion with ua. The recent aentence of tbe
officers of the Royal Britiah Bank for conepiracy
ia a caae in point. It ia evident that "financiers,"
auch aa our own country ia unfortunately curaed
with, and who are aeldom, if ever puniahed, 'find
no favors with the criminal oonrta of England.
There they aeem to be placed upon a footing with
other thievea, and disponed of aa their merita demand.
We quote aa follows from the sentence
parsed upon the directors of the Royal Britiah
Bank.?Sun.
"Lord Campbell said: f shall first para aentenee
upon you, Humphrey Brown, Edward Eadaile.and
Hugh Innea Cameron. After a long, and I hope
impartial trial, you have been convicted by a jury
of jour country, upon the clearest evidence, of an
infamous crime. You were charged with conspiring
to deceive and defraud the shareholders of
the bank U> which you belonged by false representatkms,
and it ia clear that yon did so. I acquit
you of having originated this bank with the fraudulent
Intent to cheat the public, but it ia now
demonstrated that for years you have carried on a
system of deliberate fraud, and fabricated documents
for the purpose of deceiving the public for
your own direct or indirect benefit. It would be a
disgrace to the law of any country if this were not
a crime So be punished. It is not a mere breach
of contract with the shareholders or customers of
tbe bank, but it ia a criminal conspiracy to do
what leads to great public mischief, in the ruin of
families, and reducing the widow and orphan from
affluence to destitution. I regret to aay that in mitigation
of your offence it was said that it was a
common practice.
Ilnfnrtnnotolt m Uvlfw Kna Koan
into cerUin commercial dealing*, not f om any defect
in the law, but from the law not being put in
force; and practices hare been adopted without
bringing a consciousness of shame, and, I fear,
without much lose of character among those with
whom they associate. It was time a stop should be
put to such a system, and this information was
properly filed by her Msjesty'a Attorney General,
and thejury hare properly found you guilty. I hope
it will now tie known that such practices are illegal,
and will not only give rise to punishment, but
that no length of investigation, no intricacies of
accoonts and no devices will be sble to shield such
practices. On aocront of this being the first prosecution
of this nature, I pronounce a milder sentence
than I otherwise should; but the mildest
aentenoe I can pfonounce upon you, Humphrey
Brown, Edward Esdaiile, and Hugh Innes Cameron,
is that you be imprisoned in the Queen's
prison for one year.
"Richard Hartly Kennedy, the jury have recommended
you to mercy, and I think there are
grounds which justified them in coming to that
conclusion; but still there is strong evidenoe
again t vou. That paper for which thejury sent
shows that, though you were a respectable member
of society, and filled creditably the office of
sherifT, you lent yourself to this deception. You
did not derive any personal advantage from It, but
it is clrar to my mind that when you joined in that
last report you were fully aware that the bank was
insolvent, and you knew It to be fhlse. The lightest
sentence I can give you Is nine months imprisonment
in the Queen's prison."
t _?
ir Col. A. 8. Johnson, commanding the Utah i
army, has bean made a Brigadier General
I
NOT THE CAUSE BUT THE OCCA- I
8ION."
Mr. Simmons said in his speech in the Senate H
ie other day, that the Le'compton Constitution H
as not the came of so much agitation, but the H
ecation. Thereby implying that there were those H
ho were disposed to agitate at all events, and H
sited hold of this as and ocoaaion, rather than a !j|H
ause for so doing. H
We think he was right; we have not the least H
oubt but that thee are thoee who earnestly de- H
ire to break up the Union, and who are determined
a find some cause or occasion for doing so. Kan- |H
is disposed of by being admitted into the Union, H
0 matter bow, they will get up some other ques- H
ion upon which the North and the South must ne- H
esaarily disagree, and make a row-de-dow about
h it; and so they will continue to do till they are H
itiier put down by the people, or succeed, or die
IT. We will not say that we know such is the fl
urpose of certain men who- occupy high places, H
nd exercise great influenoe over the public mind * |H
1 their own States, hut we are so near knowing,
hat we have no doubt on the subject. We could H
ut our finger upon them. H
These prominent men, if they would speak out H
beir real sentiments, would probably utter the H
ery language used by a Southern editor, as quoted JH
nd commented on by the New Orleans Bulletin, H
rhose article the Natchex Courier approvingly coies.
The disunionist says: H
" We confess that we have very little faith in the |jl
pirit of resistance among the people of the South; H
nd about the only prospect that we see of getting H
ut of this glorious Union is, that one of these davs : I
he North may take a notion from mere wanton- jj^B
ess, and by offering na Rome new indignity, to >^B
ick us out, and then kick us for being out?all of
rhich wo shall no doubt submit to aa kindly as we'
uve continued to remain in the Union under every ^B
adlgnity they have been able heretofore to offer
" Only think," remarks the New Orleans Bui- H
"Only think of the small chance of consolation
rhich remains to him ! If the North would only
ake it into its head to ' offer' some dreadful 1 inignity'
to the South how happy would he bet
ie would then in the fulness of his soul exclaim: f^B
'Now is the winter of our discontent
Made glorious by the summer sun' H
f disunion; and to *
' Cry havoc and let slip the dogs of wat, H
nd let chaos come again, oh, how it would fill him
rith 'incommunicable bliss!' *
"We say that the real monomaniac should ek- H
itc our pity rather than any other emotions; and H
hough it may be found absolutely nesessary to re- H
train excesses growing out of monomania, it is H
generally best, whenever it can be done with safety, H
o let it alone to die of sheer exhausation. Butthere H
9 a vast difference between monomania and downight
hypocrisy. The former we may pity; the H
itter we always despise. The distinction between H
hese two is palpable, upon the political chess- t H
toard of the country just now, to the commonest | !
ibserver. We cannot stop to point out all the cir- H
u instances of it, it is plainly discernible; and shall H
llude only to one. Some of the sectional presses H
n this part of the country, aware that undisguised B
lisunion sentments would be execrated by the
leople, artfully seek to instil the poison jnto the fl
mblic mind by earnestly profeuing the greatest H
.tfachment to the Union, and at the same time H
loing every thing that they possibly can secretly, H
o undermine and destroy that for which their af- B
ectian is so strong t They manifestly think, too, B
hat the people will not see through the disguise, B
rill be deceived through specious and deceitful B
ppearances, and will therefore not really under- B
land what they are driving at. They will find B
hemselves, we think, greatly mistaken in the esti- B
nate they thus set upon the intelligence and pa- B
riotism of the people, and the compliment thus B
>aid the latter, will, we presume, be duly appeci- B
.ted. These sectional disunionists in disguise take B
special pains to give publicity to the sentiments B
nd fragments of speeches of Northern Abolition- fl
its, giving them ludicrous prominence and impor- fl
ance, which must be as highly gratifying to the fl
rani ty of the said abolitionists as it will be surpri- fl
ing to them. This indeed is an old device of the fl
lectionalists of different part a of the country, in fl
he dispicable work of alienating brethren. They fl
isve long been quoting and elevating each other I
nto importance, but the trick is now so throughly B
inderstood by the great conservative masses of the - I
ouDtry, that it is Impotent to do harm, as it cbo I
leceive nobody but the moat ignorant, many of fl
rhom are not much in the habit of reading, while , fl
ithers cannot." I
SENATOR KENNEDY. I
We have greatly regretted that Senator Eenne- I
>y deemed it hia duty to separate himself from I
it. Crittenden en the Lecomptoo question ; but I
ie took a different view of that question and I
oted for it. In the course of bis speech apon I
he question, Mr. Kennedv save utterance tn the I
ollowing manly language, which we moet cordialy
commend:
" Sir, I am proud to have an opportunity to '
tand here in the face of the world, upon the floor
if the Americin Senate, and to aay that I am not
.shamed to proclaim that an Amerioan nationality
oust be preferred ; that American internet must
M promoted; that the decisions of the Supreme
3ourt must be maintained ; that alien suffrage and
quatter sovereignty must be repudiated ; that
ho rights of conscience must be respected. I am
tot here to vindicate myself from the mere paltry
iharges that may be made in misrepresentation of >
rhat have been vulgarly denominated Kuow
lothings in this coontry. The first and highest
ind the holiest principle to me is the maintenance
if the Constitution of this country, the enforcenent
of its guarantees, the perservation of the
Ights of the States under the Constitution, withlut
which yon can have no Government, you can
isve no law.
"These, Mr. President, are some of the leading
neamres of that contemned and despised party
hat I have the honor to represent. Is there a
irinaiple here, let me ask, that is not in oonfbrmiy
with our great charter of law and of liberty f
s there one thing I have uttered that is not taught
>y that paper? The distinguished Senator from
lew York the other day paid bis respects to my
>aity by alluding to it as sn 'ephemera! organxn?ton,
based up in fritolrm* and foreign idea*. * It
s not so ephemeral as he imagines. I should be
isppy if I could ssy that the principles of the
gentlemen's party were only frivolous. They might
KMMibly be characterised by a harder term. The
trinciplea which I have the honor to advocate here
o-dny are to b? found in the Constitution of the
Jnitcd States, not outside of It, oor above it. I
isy this with emphaais, but with all respect to the
liatinguished gentleman, and for this reason, I
annot, in the deoieion of the present question,
iold the slightest political affiliation with the telets
or doctrines of that Senator.
" While I hare all the feeling that I am uttering
low for the Southern interests, and for the South,
jorn, reared, and educated, aa I hare been, in the I
"outh, yet let me say that no Senator on thii floor 1 I
ias a heart more expanded and more thoroughly
n consonance with all the principles of the Union
.han I hare. No man will stand here longer than
[ will rlndicating the Union. The principles of
my party are based on one great idea?the pernerration
of the Union, by perserring the rights of
[be States in the Union. All other questions that
same into Its party platform were collateral questions,
connected intimately and directly "With, and
pointing to, this one particular purpose and object.
I might go further, and say more perhaps
than would be justifiable upon the floor of the I
Senate of the United States, in rindication of a - J
party, the members of which, whom I find in this / I
body, I am happy to say, howerer few they may 1
be, are gentlemen who command the respect of I
those who are associated with them hers, and of I
the oountry." m W

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