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A paper issued from any of the great centres of a nation, but especially from the political Metropolis, in the present age, not in this country only, but in Great Britain, France, and wherever there is the least freedom of discussion, is a medium through which those holding similar sentiments in regard to public affairs and public policy, may make known, discuss and defend their views, and expose the impropriety of the principles, and the impolicy of the measures of their antagonists. It should I ? i.1- 1-L A- _i A! 1' i carnuBiijr tauur w give a proper direction 10 public opinion by enlightening the public mind. The Ahbricak is the only paper published at the seat of the Federal Government which advocates Americon doctrines; the only sentinel of the party stationed where a near and dear view can be had of the movements and doings of their opponents at their headquarters. Here political information concentrates, and from bene* it radiates to every part of the emSire ; here party measures and movements are etermined, and political campaigns planned; here stratagems are concocted and thwarted, and here at certain seasons of the year politicians most do congregate; here, in short, is the centre of the great political maelstrom hi which so many thousands are constantly plunging and forever gyrating. I If the American party is desirous of being a national party, it rfhoutd not be without a paper her* through which it can make known to all peoplp its views, aims and opinions, and which shall also refute the calumnies that are from time to time uttered against it through ignorance or a less excusable motive; and we, therefore, take hope that the America:*, standing, m it will stand, upon the platform of the I American party, advocating, as it will advocate, the paramount rightB of native-born citizens, eschewing, as it will eschew, all interference with slavery as a national concern, and maintaining, as it will maintain, perfect freedom of opinion and of conscience in religion, will find favor in the eyea of ah truly patriotic citizens in the Ignd, and commend itself to their generous support. - * Lest we may not have been specific enough in declaring our principles, we add, that the Faekwpu. Adumhs of tne Father of his counS, as illustrated by the broad light of his ad nistration, iSoiy political tegt-ljook and iaae meeuia ; and shall be our compass and chart PLATFORM (V tka Amtrietm J'artp, adopted at U* aaaaion qf Urn Hdtionml QmncU, J urn s, 1867. 1st. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being, for His protecting care vouchsafed te our fathers In their suooeeml Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their de(WMMdaiits, in the preservation of the liberties, (?e independence, and the ntrion of these States. Ad. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of oar civil and religions liberties, sud i he only aura bulwark of American Independence. 8d. American* mmat ewla Am triml, and So this end H(i/t??-boni ciUaens should be selected for nil Blale, Federal, and municipal offices or governine; t employ menu in preference te all others: nevertheless, 4 tn. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to ell the rights of nstlve-born citizens; but 6th. Ho person should be Selected for political i k.iku ? a :? 11..' 1 -i y ^?v?nr.i v? ??MTXJ WT IWflKU liirVU, ^ WI1U recogMKi iby allegiance or obligation of any deaoriptien to any foreign prince, potentate or power, Or who reinsee to reeogtiiae the Federal and Bute oouetitutioni(each within it* aphore ) aa paramount to all other lawa, aa rule* of polHieal action. ftth. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the rceerved right* of the aeverel Btatae, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good Will, between the oitiaona of the aovorol Stale*, and to thia end, non interference by Cougrcaa with que*dorrt appertaining aolely to the inditidual t tatea, and hon-lntervention by each State with the a#air* of any other State. 7th. The recognition of tho light of the nativebarn and naturalised citiaena of the Unitedr8uto*, permanently maiding in any Territory the eof, to frame their comrtitoboti and lawn, and to r folate their dameetic and aooial affair* hi their own mode, autyect only to the provision* of the Federal OooSii Cation, with the privilege of odmiaaioa Into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one lUpreaentetivo in Congress Pramdmi Jwov*. that none but thaee who are ciliaona of the United Stated, under the conatination and law* thereof, and who hate a fixed raaidonco in any on oh Territory, ought to participate in tho formation of tho conrtitutioo, or in the enactment of Ifltr* for oaid Territory or Bute. ' ' 8th. An enforcement of the principle that no Btati or Territory ought to admit othera than dtiaenaef the United States to tho right of raffi-age, OF of holding political office. 9th. A change in the low* of natnraHuaUor. task ing a continued red.donee o f twenty-one ream, of all no* heaain before provided tar, * inrfiapen aablo requiait* for oitiaenahip heme/tor, and axeluding all panp j and peroOn* convicted of crime, frwn landing upon orr ahoroa; but no intorferaoce with tha vested rigb a of foreigner*. 10th. Opposition to a ay anion between Church Mid State; no infonerance with religioua faith, or rn n?Wp, and no teat < ath* for office. v 11th. Ffee and thorough lnteatlgation into any and all affeged ahoae* of pnbtlc ftinrtlonariaa, and t rt economy hi public expenditure*. >9ta. The maintenance and enforcement of all law* const! ? lonaHy enacted, mull aald law* shall J<r repealed, or shall be declared nnlt i.nd void by oompeteatf ndirial authority. pji.Hth. tree and open diacnaalnn of all political principles embraced in our platform. | " * . I . " f I j ? I DETOTUD 1 ' - ' ' ~'4 *" 1 >' ? ' 4 . in, ? V . I v i % i t n? \* i u't >J I . | | II l I i L . i , SPEECH or HON. JOHN,A. GI1MEH, OF NORTH CAROLINA, On the Admission of Kaasas umIw the Lecomptoa Constitution, In the House of Representatives, March 30, 1868. Mr. Chairman, I hare been an attentive listener ' to the arguments on this Lecompton question for three months. Whilst some of the speeches have been calm and considerate, I feel constrained to say that, by iar, the larger number have been violent and extremely sectional, tending directly to weaken the respect, which the North and the South should have for each other, and which is essential to the safety of the Union itself. 1 have heard and read speeches deliveied both in this House, and iu the other end of this Capitol, by gentlemen from the North and from the South, the true spirit and meaning of which is disunion. True, most, if not all, proftss to love ihe Union and the Constitution. Their speeches are filled with expressions of high veneration for the Constitution of our fathers. They indulge in patriotic strains. Their addresses are robcu in the most beautiful habiliments, overflowing with professions and assurances most imposing. The spirit of disunion is, however, the core. It is presented, and perusal and handling secured, as ;ou would an asp, in a casket of beautiful flowers, 'he design is evidently to infuse the poisonous spirit of disunion?whore, for it, there could be no reception, were proper labels attached. Professions of patriotism are uttered in loud and eloquent tones, for peace and harmony, whilst the evident drift is to exasperate and make wider the breach. With pain and regret am I forced to the belief, . there are gentlemen on this floor, who, while they oppose the admission of Kansas with the Lecompton Constitution, do really desire the bill to pass for the sake of certain consequences, disastrous to the peace and harmony of the country, which they expect to grow out of it. On the other hand, I fear that among other gentlemen, advocating this measure, there are some, whose regret is, that the Lecompton Constitution and the manner of securing its presentation here, were not more odious to the people of Kansas and the free States, so that their ultimate ohjaot might be the sooner secured by a bloody conflict of Northern and Southern arms on the plains of Kansas, and, in case of a failure in this, such bitter sectional excitement, shall certainly ensue, as to produce a fusion of all political parties in the free States, combined as a purely seotlonal party, against a similar lusion of all parties in the slave States, by which disunion is made certain in the end. These speeches I will not particularize. They have unfortunately gone forth to the country?these of the North to be read in the South, that they there may have samples of how Northern people hate and despise Southern men; and those of the South to be read In the North, that they may know how they are roomed and detested by the citizens of the South. The designs and purposes of both sides, it is to be feared, are the same?to arouse, drill, and prepare for strife the minds of a great people now happy, with bright prospects for the future, and who, bv their united energies, in advancing the industrial and literary Interests of the whole country, are doing much more for the true happiness and prosperity of ns all. Without Intending to b? offensive or personal, I must be permitted to say, I envy not the man who can look on our country as it is, and with MmnMiiM I#. -W.. levered and divided. The nan who can contain* plate that ttrribU day, when, by reason of civil war, oar beautiful and growing cities, towns, and villages, shall be oonsumed by fire?opr manufactories raced to the ground?-our commerce broken up?our lorely fields and gardens made the foraging grounds of ribaldrous soldiery?all international trade and communication cut ofT?all municipal and family peace destroyed?our sons dragged from their homes?amid the eight and tears of affectionate mothers and sisters, to the bloody fields of ciril strife j aad all this Ufwing out of s question as to how, when, or in wbrR manner, forty thousand people ONLY, in Kansas, shalLseltle for themselves their own domestic affairs?or rather, how they shall toonett get clear of a few slaves? and get two " Fm-BoVr Senator* and one Representative In Congress. I say such a man has no feeling in common with me?and nonr, I trust, trith the great body of the honest yeomanry of this country, of all sections. We have our troubles, I admit. We have had sectional troubles of a similar kind before. We have had, as now, disunion threatened, but thanks to ths good sense of.the peopU, they have never ^et inclined to take the prescriptions of those who boastlngly decline to sing pcans to the Union 1 Eugland, from whom wa derive our nature and manv of the free principles of whioh we boast, had her troubles. She has had her diucnafen*? hot White and Red rows?her land hasnbeen tinged with blood in civil strife?and once the head of Iter King was brought to the block?but her people were attached to their government and their Constitution. The storm passed sway. The political atmosphere again became pure and hrafthfql; and the government was maintained and improved. And it is my honest conviction, that there is too much good sense in the people of three Ifnitrt Stain to be led away with the idea of dfmion, on aconeot of any difficulties growing out of this question, surrounded by such prvunpr gircummnccB. 1 prcoiri me J Wili 1101? unless misled and deceived. But?figuratively peaking??iiay wil bring to the Mock the political head* at all who shell inaiet on any aueh remedy for auch complaint. Mr. Chairman, it ia not to he diaguiaed, that our Southern people are anxioua about appearanoea for the future. They aee the free States in nun her and in Representation, already In the majority in both Houses of Oosgcce*, and thia majority noon to be largely increii d; that while the Sooth fall* into thie minority, they have witnessed, for the last few yearn, among many people of the free State*, an increasing apfrit of bitter hoetility to the South and her institutions. Hut let ua like (talesmen be calm, briefly town the history of this thing, and inquire why it is. Though by the census, the actual figures show that the natural tncreana of population in the slave States has been equal to the natural native increase of the free States, yet ths free States have excelled us in the settlement of new Territories and raising up new State*. In the first place we of the Southern States have been, and now are, the advocates of freetrade, and many for direct taxes. We have opposed the policy of discrimination In favor ef our own domestic industry in the old. States, ia mgu- , lating and raising revenue, and no more than anough to defray the expenses of the Government , economically administered. To this policy we have made in subatanoa, use- < eeasful opposition?ihtreby in a good degree cut- i ting ofT much of the induoement, that would have i retained the industrious and energetic population < in the old States, who, in eonaequenoe, have moved < to (he Territories, there settled, mads new and free < States, and became produoera instead of con- < sum era of the earth's productions. i In the second place, a majority of Routhcrn ' Cditicians have uniformly favored the policy of 1 viting, alluring, persuading, and in fast hiring ' emigrants?not only tha cilivena of the States, ' hut of tha whole world, to move and settle in one 4 Territories. Homestead*, hy way of pre-emptions, in tha Tarrkorie*, are offered to ail the world ' The language of the whole policy ia in substance, ' "come ye all the Earth, and settle in our Tcrrito- ' rich?here you can become clticena. and without ' waiting to ba naturaliv.ed, according to tha law* of ' the Union, you oan vote and hold officethe 4 result of which has been to run irom the old States, (*Iave and free) into tha Territories, uiuch * / ' ethlu rO POLITICS, LITIKAT WASHINGTON, of their population, and particularly that portion, ^ though young, industrious, and worthy, who have, or take but little interest in the institutions of the South,?and beaidea, we ind growing out of this, that hundreds of thousands of foreigners are flocking to us every year?that foreign paupers are by thousands and thousands being set upon our shores. In feet, I find from the beet official statements, that the number of foreign emigrants that came to this country from June the 1st, 1860, to December 31st, 1861, was five hundred and fifty-eight ^thousand?for the year 1862, three hundred and sevonty-flve thousand?for the year 18WL three hundred and sixty-eight thousand?for th^ear 1864, nearly the same. The war in the East diminished the number, but I venture the prediction that between the years 1860 and 1880 there will have come to this country foreigners enough to place in each of twenty new Muii-H mnra nnnn lation than is now in the Tcrritority of KanSaa. Tiieae foreigners make their way mainly to the Territories, or crowd into tho free States, occasioning increased emigration from them. These facta being undeniable, I submit, how important it is for our Southern politicians to turn their attention to them. While the people of the North were willing to dispense with and ch(ck this immense immigration among them, for reasons of a social character, to diminish thMr taxes, prosecutions and the intnates of their poor houses, jails and penitentiaries, I respectfully ask, why should not the South, to a man, for reasons as well understood as expressed, hare joined in this great movement f and if in the first movements and organizations any rules wero adopted too strict or stringent to be generally enforced, or "too severe on the honest immigrant, to have given their potent aid and influence in modBying the same, so as to have carried most useful results to our beloved South? But it has been theii pleasure to pursue a different course, and the results thereof have, in no small degree, contributed to the embarrassing circumstances that now seem I to gather around us and swallow up our influence in the National Council. The argument has been, ; "settle and populate the Territories," forgetting the fact tb<tt in the last seventy five years our population has increased from threo to some twenty-seven millions?nine/old?and If the same ratio of inerease shall obtain for the next seventyfive years, the result will be nine times twentyseven millions?showing how important these Territories may be (sold at reasonable prices paid into the treasury,) for the homes of our own posterity, and of honest worthy foreigners, who come to us as they did in former days, from a love of our free government, and who arc willing to settle among us, sure of being protected in all their rights of religion and propertv, sad who are willing to wait until they have understood and become familiar with our people aBd their Institutions before claiming the right to participate in their government. These suggestions I have made to Southern gentlemen here, and throughout the slave States, that on reflection they may determine whether they hare not been remiss in failing to coine to the aid of a oause quite material to Southern influence and Southern interests. I was very much entertained, Mr. Chairman, by the specah of the gentleman from Lousiuua [Mr. Sanuidos] and, if I had time, I should like to incorporate at least half of it in mine, to show, in addition to the millions that have already come, how many more millions of paupers arc to come under our present system of inviting them to come here. But, Mr. Chairman, what is it that we have been discussing here for the last ninety days ? This discussion has been either intentionally or accidentally conducted so as to bring out the extreme sectional views of gentlemen from the Booth and from the North. It is only within the last eight or ten days that any conservative man has been permitted to address the House on this agitated question. It is said that this is a question whether any more slave States shall oouie into this Union, and speech after speech is made and sent to the South to tell the Southern people that we are solemnly debating in the House of Representatives the naked question whether any more slave States shall come into the Union. Why, Mr. Chairman, if that were true, if that were the only question here, it might have been settled wi hiu twenty-fosr hours after this debate commenced. If that were the only question, I take it that all oar American friends would vote for it, every man from tho South would - vote for n, i mow mm our i/ouguta juemocraw wouiu voic for it, And I am inclined to thiuk that tbc FreeSoli wing of the Democracy?these Buffalo-platform men?could be got to rote for it, with a Unix* amendment. That is my opinion. But, Iff. Chairman, is that the question? On what has this debate arisen ? On the special roessage of the President. Does he say that whether there ahatl be any more slave States is the question ? No sir; that meaner, as I understand it, means these two things?and it means nothing more and oothing less?to the South, " come in Leoompton," and to Northern gentlemen, " it is the surest and readiest way, and the only certain way, in which yoa can confiscate Southern property and get clear of negroes in Kansas.n I have listened to gentlemen hers professing great regard (or the interests of the South, and, whilst ail) of them hare been eloquent on the first part of the picture, they hire all, save and except a gentleman from the chivalrous State of South Carolina, passed over that portion as tenderly as sucking dove*. [Laughter.] I will read from the President's message, in order that there uny be no mistake about: * As a question of expediency, after the right ' has been maintained, it may be wise to reflet* ' upon the benefits to Kansas and the whola ooun1 try which would result from its immediate ad' mission into the tTnion, as wall as tha disasters which may follow its rejort>ow. Domestic pesoe ' will be the happy oonseqncnee of H* admission : ' and that fine Territory, .which haa hitherto boen 1 torn by dissensions, will rapidly increase in popu1 lstion and wealth, and sooedflr realise the blessings end the comfort* w hicn follow in the 'train of agricultural and mechanical industry. 'The people will then be sovereign, and can re1 gnlate their own affair* in their own way. If 'a majority of them desire to abolish domestic 'slavery within the State, there is no other pos' sible mode by which this cui be effected so ' speedily as by prompt admission. The will of 'the majority is supreme nnd irrestlhle when ex' pres?ed in an orderly and lawful manner. They can make and unmake constitutions at pleasure. ' It would be absurd to say that thev can impose 1 fetters upon their own power which they cannot ' afterwards remove. If tbey could do this, they 1 might tie tbsir own hands for a hundred as well 1 as for ten years. Thase are fundamental principles of American freedom, and are recognised, I 1 believe, In some form or other, by every State 1 constitution; and if Congress, In the act of ad ' mission, should think proper to recognise them, 11 ran perceive no objection to euch a course. 1 This hat been done emphatically in the constitu'tion of Kansas. It declare* in jihe bill of rights 1 that 'til political power la inherence the people, and all free governments arc fbunfll on their au' thoritv, and instituted for their benefit, and therefore they have at all tiraee an inalienable and indeafeaaible right to alter, reform, or abolish their 1 fbrm of government in tuch manner as they may 1 think proper.' The great State of New York is at this moment governed under a constitution 'framed and established in direct opposition to the mode prescribed by the previous constitution. K therefore, the provision changing the Kansas constitution after the year 1884, could by possibility be construed Into a prohibition to itiake a change p rev ions to that period, thia prohibition would be wholly unavailing. Tha Legislature already elected may, at Its very first session, submit the question to a vote of the people whether they will or will not have a convention to amend their constitution, and adopt ail necessary means for giving effect to the popular will. " (t has been solemnly adjudged, by tlie highest judicial tribunal known to our laws, that slavery Jk RE, AGRICULTURE, REV D. C., SATURDAY, A] ' exists in Kansas bjr virlne of the Constitution of ' the United States. Kansas is therefore, at this ' moment, as much a alave State as Georgia or ' South Carolina. Without this, the equality oi ' the sovereign States composing the Union would 4 be violated, and the use and enjoyment of a Ter4 ritory acquired by the common treasure of all 4 the States, would be olosed against the people 4 and the property of nearly half the members of 4 the confederacy." And then he concludes with this very oheering doctrine for Southern men and Southern interests: 44 Slavery can, therefore, never be prohibited in 4 Kansas, exeept by mean* of a constitutional 4 provision, and in no other manner can this be 1 obtained so promptly, if a majoilty of the people 4 desire it, as by admitting it into the Uniou un4 der its present constitution." Tho President points out the way in advance. He stimulates the Pree-So tiers in Kunsas to dislike the constitution. He requests this prompt means of get.ing slavery out of Kansas to be recoguized [ in the bill of admission. Here is the message. I submit it to the Chsirnian, to the Committee, and to Southornineu?suppose, that instead of having tho name of James Buchanan attached to it, It nad had the name of the distinguished gentleman fiom Ohio, Joshox R. Giddihus at the end of it, 1 ask, if that name had been attached, whether it would not have been an entirely different case f We would pronounce it a rank abolition document. And yet, sir, our Southern friends come up here and talk about associating witli Abolitionists, and of hugging Abolition doctrines as a sweet morsel! Why, Mr. Chairman, the whole thing in that message is, 44 in xeitk Kan*a*?out withtlavery ire Kama*"? ? j xli i- *1 o lm1 wu aviuubii>?ijjr wuu siuiio timig ia 111 i,ue ornate oill, that the South is called upon to rally as one man to the support of. I have aaked many of our Lecompton friends if this Grkkn amendment, which they have got in tho bill, speaks the language of this message ? Some say no, others s <y it does; and there is another class who lie answer the girl gave to her mother, w' d, if a certain gentleman was courting he plied, "it is a sorter so, and a sorter not f , and rather more a sorter so than a sorter not so." [daughter.] Now, that amendment is a very little thing?only a few lines. There 1b not much of it, but I tell you I never read it over but it reminds me very much of the boy .who was scolded for not making the potatoe hills on a wet moruing large enough. " Well dad," said he, " It is a fact that they are mall, but I tell you they have got a darned sight of dirt iu 'them." [Laughter.] Sir, if this iB a pill gilded over to moke it acceptable to some Ort*n men, Southern men ought to be ashamed of it. I know that this peculiar policy is practised in our little electioneering scuffles in our country, aud I suppose everywhere else, but I never supposed it ought to obtain in the Congress of our nation. Once when I charged a friend of mine with having said some foolish things in a speech which he had made, and told him that I thought he had hurt our cause, he said: " Ah, Gilmer, you do not know the folks as well as I do.* A great many peoplo are Lke a nest of young birds, If you tap the side of the tree, they'll open their mouths, and swallow the worm down." | [Laughter.] Southern men supposed that we bad I got something by the Dred Scott decision. I, for one, as a Southern man thought we had obtained something ; I thought that we had got upon safe ground; that we had perfect equality in the Territories ; that we could go there with our institutions and our property, and be just as safe there as the men who go there from soy other section with any other species of property. But if this is the meaning, if this Is the result of the Dred Scott decision, then those of us who go into the Territories with our slave property, have to run two chances?first that the people may exclude ui when they coinc to form i heir constitution, and il they do not run us out at first, then whenever the majority of the people desire it, they may run us aud (sir negroes out. And this is the doctrine upon which the South ia to stand?this ia tba I doctrine, mark you, which AlaDaraa and other Statea ' are to go out of the Union on, if they cannot get | It la not from any objection to the conatitutioh of i Kansas that I, as a Southern man, oppose her admission. 1 would be pleased that we could fairly and properly get slavery permanently in Kansas. But I object to this doctrine, that we can be proi tected in our property while in partnership, du! ring the Territorial state, but the moment we besome an incorporation?a Stale?every man that owns joint etook is instantly liable by constitutional provision lo have his property confiscated. And this Is tne doctrine which we have been told here, month after month, and day, sflcr dty, that every Southern man must stand upon, otherwise he is an Abolitionist and opposed to the interests ' of the South I Mr. Chairman, what is the question which hat I agitated the country for the last fonr years ' It it i one that has taken up the entire attention of Congress. We have been figuring about it until, I believe, not only the country but the Government itself is upon the verge of bankruptcy. This question commenced with two faces?one for the Free 1 Soil Democrats of the North, and one for the South; and the same identical double face ie in this bill, and 1 will detain the Committee only for a moment, while I refer them to some history ol It. We had onr troubles some years ago, growing out of the discussion of the compromise mca: surea. In January, 1651, the venerable fathers ol the land, Whigs and Democrats, gathered together, with Henry Clay at their head, and drew up 1 pledge to the country that from and after that day | their influence weuid be exerted against every | man for office, Slate or Federal, who would reI fuae to stand upon tbe platform of the adjustment | measures of 1860. The people rallied to that standard. The Democratic convention met in Haltimore, in 1862; the Whig oonvrntion met et the same place, and tbey both bowed down at the 1 same altar of peace upon this agitating question. They re-affirmed in subst nice what Mr. Fillmore said in December, 1851, that this compromise of 1860 should be a finality, and there sboeld be no more agitation of the slavery question in or out of Congress. To that both of the great leading parties were pledged to the country. They put their candidates upon that platform. General Pierce was elected. He was installed. Unfortunately, however, lie in a short thne made some iqjudicious appointments; he turned out tbe true Democrats or the North, men who 1 am proud to find standing in the same ranks they did then. Van Rurcn, Dix, Cochrane A- Co., the Buffalo platform men, were then coming in, and the party was shout to break up. Something had to be done. The Administration was going down. A prescrip Hun nmi ro oe mane, n was given?ann on me principle that you prescribe to one choked with a turnip, get him to swallow a pumpkin, and it would relieva him. [Laughter.] They went upon this Cincinnati platform. I am not going to detain the Committee to ahow how our friends viewed it in the Booth. That is well known. I desire to ahow bow the matter stands with the Administration, to show what the Democratic Prec-Soiler* aaid before, afterwarda, and all the time. A few months before the Cincinnati convention met, a distingnished Free-Soiler wrote to the North. Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Woodbury, and all these noisy men of the BuflWIo convention, began to give evidence that they wanted to return to their friends. Here is'one ; I give it as a lair specimen of their letters and speeches. It is the letter of lion. C. C. Oambreling: " HnwvinoTos, Dtcrmbt 8, 1885. " WttUAW n. Lcm.ow, Esq.: "Mr pi a a si a: Even Southern men In Kansas acknowledge that it will inevitably be a free State. 'This ? rw* tastsnroooi.it ron sj.av?st ; for the half dorrn Territories remaining are airrnJp fret and will remain so. "There would not haro been half the trouble about Kansas, but for Atchison's struggle to get ' htck into the Senate. As the question now stands, 'there ought to be ne difficultv whatever in unit ing the Democratic party?lot the principle of merit ? "**- V - - ? f 8 , A N D GENERAL MISCEI PRIL 17, 1858. 4 tho Nebraska ami Kansas biil?#uqatter sossr4 eignty?whatever its origin, gives us every Terri4 tory belonging to the United States?and all we 4 have now to insist upon is, that it shall be honest4 ly enforced?that Kansas shall have fair play. 4 Practically there is no difference worth quarreling 4 about. 44 It appears to me to be perfectly absurd fbr us 4 to be grumbling about4 squatter sovereignty' at 4 the preseut tiiue, when squatter Sovereignty will 4 make free every inch of territory now belonging 4 to the United States. 44 After the acquisition of California, with the 4 prospect of the addition of more Mexican territory, when tieu. Cass proposed the doctiiue of 4 non-intervention, it was au important question, 4 as it might have led to the introduction of many 4 slave States ; but after the South had been com4 pletely checkmated by California'* declaration in 4 favor of freedom, tee had no reason to object to the ' doctrine of non-intervention, or squatter sover4 eignty. We have now, besides Kansas and Nebraska, New Mexico, Utah, Minnesota, Oregon 4 and Washington, making seven Territories, whioh 4 will give us seven free States. Some think the 4 fate of Kansas doubtful, but the invasion of the 4 Missouri rowdies, independent of natural causes, 4 will make it a free Slate. These borderers came 4 over first to vote for pro-slavery men?the sec4 ond time to vote against them In tho location of 4 the Capital?and tiie third time to m^ke a blue4 ter under Hhtnnnn. nlutuL r th* ^ * whisky. "Under such circumstances I cannot conceive * what we can possibly gain by resisting a principle 1 which hus bithei to excluded tlavery from our Ter4 ritorici. "The slaveholders will not get Kansas, and they ' arc now deprived of the pretext or going itito the ' Territories south of thirty-six degrees thirty mjti' utee, under that compromise. They generally op1 posed non-intervention on that ground, and con' tended for carrying the compromise line to the ' Pacific ocean. It is certainly not for our interest 1 now to have that compromise line rettored. Why ' the South should have voted for its repeal is a ' question for themselves to settle. They all, at the 1 time, admitted that Kansas would never be a slave ' State. I hope our friends will meet the issue ' boldly, and leave the question of State organize' tion to the people of the Territory, who have the ' natural and best right to decide for themselves. 11 Let thk squatters settle?but insist that that ' principle of ths Nebraska aot shall be honestly ' can ied out; that the squatters shall have fair play, 'and shall not be controlled byjnvaders from Mis' souri, or any military power whatever. As to 4 'more slave States,' there are none in prospect; 4 and it is useless to embarrass ourselves by antici4 paling questions which may or miy not arise." Now, sir, these two wings are standing to-day exactly where they stood before. Tell me, if you please, why these men you are hugging to your bosom on the other side, stand with you ? these men who were, and sow are, rauk Free-Soilers ? Tell us why the Green amendment is admitted? Which would you rather have for your bedfellows? I > tell you the difference is very much like the slave's reply when a>ked whether Jim and Muse were not very much alike? Hesaid, "Yes, veryinuch alii indeed; and particularly Afoae." [Laughter.] is not so much, I fear, that they care about getu negroes into Kansas, or getting them out It m not any principle of this kind. It is, I apprehend, a mere contrivance by which jobbing has been carried on in this country to keep certain men in power. In fact this whole management and shuffling reminds me of what occurred in one of our ! North Carolina towns somo years ago. A silly fellow declared himself a candidate for town constable. The boys had a circular printed for him. It was printed on both sideslike this?with Lecomplon , on one side, and Green upon the other. On one r side, he addressed himself to the debtors: 44 Fellowcitizens, vote forme, and If I am elected constable, I will never force you to paysoent, even at any extremity." On the other side was an address to the creditors: "If you will come up and vote for me, and I shall he elected, I promise, upon my honor, I will have your money paid, In every instance, at r tire drop of a hat" Mr. Chairman, I am not disposed to detain this Committee with a review of the decision of ths Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. All I have to say is this: that my views upon the constitu uonamy 01 ine Missouri compromise were known long before that decision waa made; and I thought that the compromise waa not in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution. Although mj opinion incline* to that of the Rupreme Court, and did I before the decision was made, yet, from the length of time it had been a compromise, I waa disposed | to look uponfit as a compromise which had better i be abided by. As in the case of two neighbors whose bouudary lins is in dispute?a boundary which can only be settled by the provisions of a ' deed, and no agreement they might make by parol 1 would change tne line fixed bf The deed, any more than any agreement between two sections of the country by Congress, oould he changed. But when the neighbors hare established a line by parol agreement, staked and chopped it off, and hare lircd in peaee, harmony, and prosperity under It for more than thirty years, if they should come to me and ' ask my ad rice, whether they should break up this . oh! landmark?now the true line being ascertained by the deed?and go back to their rights according to law, I should say, as a man, a neighbor, and . as a Christian, also, that they had better let the old landmarks stand and abide by them; and by no meaDS revive eld disputes and quarrels. So with | the case of this Missouri compromise. I do not believe the South is going to gain anything by its repeal, and I firmly belicra that the only reward [ the South will ever get from its repeal will be to ' her injury, and anything but an advantage to her ' true interests. But Itissaid that the only way to pacify the conn' try is to admit no amendments to this bill; that It cannot he bettered ; that in no way can it be improved ; that it has got to be passed in the shape , is which it is presented, even though a proposition should be presented, which, if carried out, would , more elfectuallly pacify and quiet the country and settle the whole question. Why, say they, it would be intervention. Now, let me detain the Commit tee a moment to show ridiculous that idra is. What ia this thing of noo intervention t Why, ia it intervention to leave the people of a Territory perf. otly free aod nutrsmmsied to settle this, with all other questions, in their own way, fairly and prop eriy, subject only to the Constitution of the United Stalest Now, sir, do we conaidsr it any intervention, in the euee sf a trial by jury, after the verdict is announced, to aet the same aside, and grant a new trial npon affidavits which clearly prove and minij hic jiiu^w iiim mp fproici wm UDUlHlpa 07 fraud, by perjury, by deception, or by any malpractices ? Is it any intervention for an honeat and conscientious judge, after being satisfied of the fact* by reliable affidavits, to sav that he doubted whether the verdirt had been fairly obtained, and in the exercise of the discretion which iave?t d in him, decide to grant a new trial, in order that justice might be done ? Is that an interference with the right of trial by jury f And suppose a iury is empannellcd to settle the question, and they come back to the judge, and one of the Jury gets up and aaya the verdict is so and so, and another says it is not so, and the judge tells them, " gentlemen, you had better retire, get together again and consult, and agree upon yonr verdict, and, when you come in, it will be recorded"?ia that any inteferenoe ? I wanted to show how ridiculous this idea is. Is that intervention ? What are OaRss'sand Perm's amendments? Let our Northern anti-slavery men, of all parties, understand that the President of the United States hss given a true construction to the Peed Scott derision, and yon will never hate any more fnsa about this matter from them. The President aays it means that when the people of any State see proper to get together in a legal way, to get up a convention sanctioned hy law, a mere majority vote of their assembly FV<* Soil, they may form a constitution and the negroes will all slope. That an , L A N Y . 1 111 ' -> la giving the Abolitionists a new cue, and one which will run out the institution of my beloved section from all tba Territories, oertainly, and endanger it in many of tha Statea. Mr. Chairman, 1 desire to look upon this question without reference to any section, or how it will effect any body other than the general good and peace of the whole country. If uo other plan can be devised and agreed on, I may feel myself constrained to vote for the measure, being urged by Southern friends and sectional pressure. And if I do, the Grekn amendment stricken out, it will not be (and I say it here,) a measure which my sound judginuntcan approve as the better plan. Ifloould, 1 would put the whole responsibility upon the Democracy, where it belongs, for I do believe if they would relax a little, and honestly act tbeir heads to work with our Southern friends and other conservative men in this House, this whole matters might be put upon a footing entirely satisfactory to the South?to the East?to the West?to the North?satisfactory to the people of Kjmsas? and without any compromise of any principle? substantiallv hu the mannar indicated h* Imra. tgfore. I must Bay that when I hear it asserted here, and everywhere, and the proofs strongly tending to show that the government of Kausas was, in the first instance, ruthlessly snatched from the people, unconstitutional test oaths applied, by which the minority, who by fraud obtained the control of the government, and by which the inujority were kept from participating in the government?when I am told?and the proof tends that way?that not more than one-half of the counties of the Territory were permitted to be represented in the convention, I doubt the propriety of supporting the constitution framed thus. I dissent from the idea that a majority of the counties of sny State can make a constitution that is binding on the minority of counties who did Rot have a chance to be represented in the convention. Why have you more judges than one f It is not simply for the sake of numbers, but that there may be conference, argument, interchange of vietvs. We may be today all inclined one way, and to-morrow a greater and better mind than any of us, representing but one district, may make a suggestion sufficient to change the opinion of the whole Congress. We know that the election of the 4th of January -was recognised by the Secretary of State, who gave instructions that that very election should be fairly held, and the votes fairly and impartially taken; that vote turns out to be over ten thousand against tiie constitution. We are told, too, aud assured, that the Legislature of the Territory, representing the will of the people, are uuaniroously protesting against this thing; and we are also told that the whole constitution rests on fraud, deception, and violence. And, permit me to sav, further, as a Southern man, that when I see my Southern friends on the Special Committee in this matter, declining to obey the instructions of the ilonse, and shrinking from inquiry, it leaves the suspicion stronger on my mind that these reports are true. I hope that they are not. 1 hope that the deeds perpetrated there have not been so horrible as they have been represented; but when 1 - chivalrous gentlemen from my own section 'the Union turning their back upon an iuveatilion, and saying that we bad better not look to these things, I take it for granted that there is more in these assertions than 1 before supposed. But, sir, this Special Committee was directed to do another thing. That was, to tell us whether this Territory had within its confines ninety-thre# thousand inhabitants. Now, I ask every men here, ou what figures, and on what evidence, he can satisfy bit mind that there are ninety-three thousand in Kansasf What was tb? last census? Mr. SU5RMA2?, of Ohio. Twenty-three thousand. Mr. GILMER. How long ago was that? Mr. SHERMAN, of Ohio. Last June. Mr. GILMER. Then where, I appeal to Southern men, do you get the requisite ninety-three thonsand population? But they come forward and say that the Republicans wanted to have Kansas admitted under the Topeka constitution, and therefore tbev are estopped. And the? also My that at the last Congress our Democratic friend* undertook to paM an enabling act, and therefore tbvy are estopped. Well, that may apply to the Republican#, and may get them out of court. It may very veil apply to our Democratic Southern fiends, and turn tb >m out of court. But what are they going to do with the poor American*? We aay that the Republican* were mistaken, and that that waa only a movement of intemperate real. We want to know what the facta are. I venture to aay that there are not four individual* there to every alngle voter. The experience of thio country ahowa that in a territory where there are but few female*, and few old or very young persona, the voter* are in the ratio.of not more than ono to every throe or four. Well, now, take the ten thouaond voter* and multiply that figure by three?you have but thirty thousand of population there. M uliiply it by four, and you have but forty thousand. Multiply it by five, end you heve but fifty thousand. Multiply it six?whet we ell know ie fer beyond the ratioend you heve only got aixty thousand. And yet here are Southern geDtlemen?men who want to protect the equality of Southern representation In Congress?coming forward here in hot haate end denouncing ea an Aholitioniat every man who will not oonaent to allow the thirty thousand or forty thousand quarrelling people of Kanaas to com* in aa a State, and to aend here two Jim Lane* end somebody elae like them, to vote in the Congress of the United Bute*; and that all for Southern interest! That, mark you, la advancing the great interests of the South! I know there ie not a man here who can aay that be has evidence that there ie a population of ninety-three thousand people In the Territory of Kanaaa. The fact is not *o; and the fact that our 8outhem friend*, having the control of the Special Committee, declined to Inquire into that important point, prove* that it ia not so. But, Mr. Chairman, permit me to aay, In conclusion, that w# are aot left iu the dark, and witkout precedents as the proper eourae to be pursued in a difficulty of this kind. Kentucky, after several attempts, was admitted into the Union and al uweu io irame nnr consul uuon sunaequenuv, in h?r own way. 80 I believe now, that Kansas should be showed to come Into the Union, and that she should he allowed to aettle thia question and frame a constitution for heraelf. Do this, and Kanaaa will he aatiafled?the limine will he aatiafled?and the whole Union will he satisfied. A Jttum'i Wint.?At Watertown, (N. Y.) on fbmday morning 1a*t, throe prisoner*, bj ft-ighning sickness, got the jailer, Mr. Barker, in their power, gagged and bound him, and locked him in a cell. Thia done, they^-obbed him ef hi* money and the key* of the prison, and were calmly taking their learo when they were "brought up all standing" by beholding the jailor'* little wife pointing at them a loaded revolver, and calming informing them that ahe would put a bullet through the first man who attempted to oome forward. A parley ensued, In which the prisoners threatned to kill her husband if ahe did not lot them pans out, but ahe avowed her determination to Are upon them tha moment one attempted to pas* the door, and hehi them at hay for about halfan hour, when help arrived and they were driven back to their cells. Srtrttri,a* Cars* or I>*ath.?Mr. William T). Hrown, died at Nashville, Tennessee, a few day* since, in consequence nf swallowing, during sleep, a piece of gold plate and three artificial teeth, whirh he had forgotten to remove on retiring to bed. 1 M I ! ! 1 . l'f? ' I NO. 17. _i_i: ? i ,n i SKNATOtt KKNNKUY?AJLIJBNM. We present our readers with Mr. KkWK shy's speech upon the Minnesota bill, giving his reasons for voting against hor admission with the constitution sent here to Congress, which allows " white persons of foreign birth, who *h*l) have 1 declared their intention to become citizens, conformably to the laws of the United States upon the subject of naturalization," to vote. Tho ground token by Mr. Kbnsedy is the right one, and we commend him for Ids course. We hold with him, that no State has a constitutional right to permit any man to vote who has not become a citizen of the United States. Tho idea of allowing aliens to control the destinies of this empire?aliens who may become citizens or may not, just as they please, after they have thu3 interfered in our national affairs, and perhaps elected a President for us, and who cannot be punished for treason should thev lew open war upon us, because they owe tbo country no allegiance?is most absurd. Bat absurd as it is, those who think they can acquire power by the aid of the votes offoreigners, will advocate and justify the practice, and even argue that the States have the right thus to remove alienage, though the power is given exclusively to Congress! But we will not argue the question; read Mr. Kknnedt's remarks, and his extracts from Mr. Calhoun: SPEECH or TRI HON. ANTHONY KENNEDY, OP MARYLAND; AGAINST THE ADMISSION OF MINNESOTA. Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, before the final vote is taken, I desire to say a few words in explanation of the vote I shall give. I do not rise for the purpose of discussing at length any of the provisions either of the bill or of the constitution submitted to us. I intend to vote against the admission of Minnesota upon tho simple and broad ground that in my humble judgment its constitution contains provisions directly at variance with the Constitution of the United States. I am opposed to it because I , it iuvolves a principle, in my humble judgment, directly in conflict, not only with the Constitution of the United States, but with the rights of the Southern States. It claims the constitutional power to confer tho right of suffrage upon a class of inhabitants not recognized by the Constitution of the United States. It involves a principle which comes directly in conflict with the principles of a party that 1 have the honor to represent on this floor, whose great leading doctrine m directly in conflict with this principle; and I should be unjust to myself and recreant to the duty that is duvolveij^iipon me, if I did not vindicate the principle of that party, to a slight extent, at least, in giving the reason why I vote against this bill. I am not now referring particularly to the bill for the admission of Minnesota at all: because really that bill is a matter of vary little importance to mc; but I intend to vote against tbs admission of the State with this constitution which she has sent here. Its seventh article, in regard to the elective franchise, declares: ' "Sec. 1. Every male person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards, belonging to 'either of the following classes, who shall have 'resided in the United States one year, and in ' the State for four mouths next preceding an - ' election, shall be entitled to vote at such elec' tton, in the election district of which he shall 1 at the time have been for ten days a resident, ' for all offices that now are, or hereafter may be elective by the people: " 1st. White citizens of the United States. "2d. White nersons of foreign birth, who ' shall have declared tlicir intehuon to become ' citizens conformably to the law# of tho United ' States upon the subject of naturalisation. " 3d. Versona of mixed white and Indian ' blood, who have adopted the customs and hab' its of civilization. " 4th. Persons of Indiaa blood residing in ' this State, who have adopted the language, 1 customs, and habits of civilization, after an ex' animation before any diathctoeurt of tbeState, ' in such manner as may be provided by law, and shall have been pronounoed by said oourt capable of enjoying (he rights of citizenship I 'within the State.'' " Sec. 7. Every person who, by tho provie; ' ions of this article, shall be entitled to vote at j ' any election, shall be eligible to any office ' which now is, or hereafter shall be, elective by ' the people in the district wherein he shaft have ' resided thirty days previous to such election, ' except as otherwise provided in this constitu' tion, or in the constitution and laws of the 'United States." Now, sir, the ground I take, and the ground taken by the party that I have the honor to represent, is that alien suffrage and squatter sovereignty must be repudiated. Having asserted these principles before the people of my own State, and being prepared to vindicate them here, I cannot give my sanction to the admission of a State with a constitution containing so clear an infraction of the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, as thst article contains ; for if you admit the right of aliens, not nat uralized, to take part in your elections?men who really cannot claim the . protection w the Government; who have no right to come here and petition for a redress of grievances until the mantle of citizenship has been put upon therfi, in accordance with the laws of Congress and the Constitution of the United States?yon permit that class of indij viduals in this country to control directly the action of Congrcs.*, and, perhaps, the destiny of this nation. Sir, I know that I am taking very broad ground in making this declaration ?I know that I am assuming much in this bedy when f undertake to say thst people who are not citizens of the United States have no right to vote by the suffrage which mav he conferred upon them, bjr the action of a State goiernmcni; diu u nan oeen conicnnen on tnis fl??or, and ably and strongly by some of the giant ink-Hoot* of former days, that the principle on which I act In this matter Is a correct one. We are now, in some degree, reaping the fruits of the loose and cheap right of suffrage which has been conferred upon the people of this country. There has been of late a power aggregating itself m one section of the country upon the adverse proposition to that which I hare stated here, whlcn, if not chocked, if not controlled, will before long sweep from as that right and that equality which we of the Southern States hold in this Union. Upon a former occasion, I said that I was opposed to squatter sovereignty, because it disturbed the principal equilibrium that had existed between the States, on a strict construction snd enforcement of the gtinranUos of the Constitution of the United States. I opposed H because it opened the door to an unequal contest with persons who came here and claimed, through their Kepreaantatirss ifho had a