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Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, April 17, 1858, Image 1

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carnuBiijr tauur w give a proper direction 10
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most do congregate; here, in short, is
the centre of the great political maelstrom hi
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and forever gyrating.
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paper her* through which it can make known
to all peoplp its views, aims and opinions, and
which shall also refute the calumnies that are
from time to time uttered against it through
ignorance or a less excusable motive; and we,
therefore, take hope that the America:*, standing,
m it will stand, upon the platform of the I
American party, advocating, as it will advocate,
the paramount rightB of native-born citizens,
eschewing, as it will eschew, all interference
with slavery as a national concern, and
maintaining, as it will maintain, perfect freedom
of opinion and of conscience in religion,
will find favor in the eyea of ah truly patriotic
citizens in the Ignd, and commend itself to their
generous support.
- * Lest we may not have been specific enough
in declaring our principles, we add, that the
Faekwpu. Adumhs of tne Father of his counS,
as illustrated by the broad light of his ad nistration,
iSoiy political tegt-ljook and iaae
meeuia ; and shall be our compass and chart
(V tka Amtrietm J'artp, adopted at U* aaaaion qf Urn
Hdtionml QmncU, J urn s, 1867.
1st. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme
Being, for His protecting care vouchsafed
te our fathers In their suooeeml Revolutionary
struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their de(WMMdaiits,
in the preservation of the liberties, (?e
independence, and the ntrion of these States.
Ad. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as
the palladium of oar civil and religions liberties,
sud i he only aura bulwark of American Independence.
8d. American* mmat ewla Am triml, and So this
end H(i/t??-boni ciUaens should be selected for nil
Blale, Federal, and municipal offices or governine;
t employ menu in preference te all others:
4 tn. Persons born of American parents residing
temporarily abroad, should be entitled to ell the
rights of nstlve-born citizens; but
6th. Ho person should be Selected for political
i k.iku ? a :? 11..' 1 -i
y ^?v?nr.i v? ??MTXJ WT IWflKU liirVU, ^ WI1U
recogMKi iby allegiance or obligation of any deaoriptien
to any foreign prince, potentate or power,
Or who reinsee to reeogtiiae the Federal and Bute
oouetitutioni(each within it* aphore ) aa paramount
to all other lawa, aa rule* of polHieal action.
ftth. The unqualified recognition and maintenance
of the rceerved right* of the aeverel Btatae,
and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good
Will, between the oitiaona of the aovorol Stale*, and
to thia end, non interference by Cougrcaa with
que*dorrt appertaining aolely to the inditidual
t tatea, and hon-lntervention by each State with
the a#air* of any other State.
7th. The recognition of tho light of the nativebarn
and naturalised citiaena of the Unitedr8uto*,
permanently maiding in any Territory the eof, to
frame their comrtitoboti and lawn, and to r folate
their dameetic and aooial affair* hi their own mode,
autyect only to the provision* of the Federal OooSii
Cation, with the privilege of odmiaaioa Into the
Union whenever they have the requisite population
for one lUpreaentetivo in Congress Pramdmi
Jwov*. that none but thaee who are ciliaona of
the United Stated, under the conatination and law*
thereof, and who hate a fixed raaidonco in any
on oh Territory, ought to participate in tho formation
of tho conrtitutioo, or in the enactment of
Ifltr* for oaid Territory or Bute.
' ' 8th. An enforcement of the principle that no
Btati or Territory ought to admit othera than dtiaenaef
the United States to tho right of raffi-age,
OF of holding political office.
9th. A change in the low* of natnraHuaUor.
task ing a continued red.donee o f twenty-one ream,
of all no* heaain before provided tar, * inrfiapen
aablo requiait* for oitiaenahip heme/tor, and axeluding
all panp j and peroOn* convicted of crime,
frwn landing upon orr ahoroa; but no intorferaoce
with tha vested rigb a of foreigner*.
10th. Opposition to a ay anion between Church
Mid State; no infonerance with religioua faith, or
rn n?Wp, and no teat < ath* for office.
v 11th. Ffee and thorough lnteatlgation into any
and all affeged ahoae* of pnbtlc ftinrtlonariaa, and
t rt economy hi public expenditure*.
>9ta. The maintenance and enforcement of all
law* const! ? lonaHy enacted, mull aald law* shall
J<r repealed, or shall be declared nnlt i.nd void by
oompeteatf ndirial authority.
pji.Hth. tree and open diacnaalnn of all political
principles embraced in our platform.
| " * . I . " f
j ? I
' - ' ' ~'4 *" 1 >' ? ' 4 . in, ?
V . I v i % i t n? \* i u't >J I
. | | II l I i L . i ,
On the Admission of Kaasas umIw the
Lecomptoa Constitution,
In the House of Representatives, March 30, 1868.
Mr. Chairman, I hare been an attentive listener '
to the arguments on this Lecompton question for
three months. Whilst some of the speeches have
been calm and considerate, I feel constrained to
say that, by iar, the larger number have been violent
and extremely sectional, tending directly to
weaken the respect, which the North and the
South should have for each other, and which is
essential to the safety of the Union itself. 1 have
heard and read speeches deliveied both in this
House, and iu the other end of this Capitol, by
gentlemen from the North and from the South,
the true spirit and meaning of which is disunion.
True, most, if not all, proftss to love ihe Union
and the Constitution. Their speeches are filled
with expressions of high veneration for the Constitution
of our fathers. They indulge in patriotic
strains. Their addresses are robcu in the most
beautiful habiliments, overflowing with professions
and assurances most imposing. The spirit
of disunion is, however, the core. It is presented,
and perusal and handling secured, as
;ou would an asp, in a casket of beautiful flowers,
'he design is evidently to infuse the poisonous
spirit of disunion?whore, for it, there could be
no reception, were proper labels attached. Professions
of patriotism are uttered in loud and eloquent
tones, for peace and harmony, whilst the
evident drift is to exasperate and make wider the
With pain and regret am I forced to the belief,
. there are gentlemen on this floor, who, while they
oppose the admission of Kansas with the Lecompton
Constitution, do really desire the bill to pass
for the sake of certain consequences, disastrous
to the peace and harmony of the country, which
they expect to grow out of it.
On the other hand, I fear that among other
gentlemen, advocating this measure, there are
some, whose regret is, that the Lecompton Constitution
and the manner of securing its presentation
here, were not more odious to the people of
Kansas and the free States, so that their ultimate
ohjaot might be the sooner secured by a bloody
conflict of Northern and Southern arms on the
plains of Kansas, and, in case of a failure in this,
such bitter sectional excitement, shall certainly
ensue, as to produce a fusion of all political parties
in the free States, combined as a purely seotlonal
party, against a similar lusion of all parties
in the slave States, by which disunion is made
certain in the end. These speeches I will not
particularize. They have unfortunately gone forth
to the country?these of the North to be read
in the South, that they there may have samples
of how Northern people hate and despise Southern
men; and those of the South to be read In the
North, that they may know how they are roomed
and detested by the citizens of the South.
The designs and purposes of both sides, it is
to be feared, are the same?to arouse, drill, and
prepare for strife the minds of a great people
now happy, with bright prospects for the future,
and who, bv their united energies, in advancing
the industrial and literary Interests of the whole
country, are doing much more for the true happiness
and prosperity of ns all.
Without Intending to b? offensive or personal,
I must be permitted to say, I envy not the man
who can look on our country as it is, and
with MmnMiiM I#. -W..
levered and divided. The nan who can contain*
plate that ttrribU day, when, by reason of civil
war, oar beautiful and growing cities, towns, and
villages, shall be oonsumed by fire?opr manufactories
raced to the ground?-our commerce broken
up?our lorely fields and gardens made the foraging
grounds of ribaldrous soldiery?all international
trade and communication cut ofT?all municipal
and family peace destroyed?our sons dragged
from their homes?amid the eight and tears
of affectionate mothers and sisters, to the bloody
fields of ciril strife j aad all this Ufwing out of s
question as to how, when, or in wbrR manner, forty
thousand people ONLY, in Kansas, shalLseltle for
themselves their own domestic affairs?or rather,
how they shall toonett get clear of a few slaves?
and get two " Fm-BoVr Senator* and one Representative
In Congress. I say such a man has no
feeling in common with me?and nonr, I trust,
trith the great body of the honest yeomanry of
this country, of all sections.
We have our troubles, I admit. We have had
sectional troubles of a similar kind before. We
have had, as now, disunion threatened, but thanks
to ths good sense of.the peopU, they have never
^et inclined to take the prescriptions of those
who boastlngly decline to sing pcans to the
Union 1
Eugland, from whom wa derive our nature and
manv of the free principles of whioh we boast,
had her troubles. She has had her diucnafen*?
hot White and Red rows?her land hasnbeen
tinged with blood in civil strife?and once the
head of Iter King was brought to the block?but
her people were attached to their government
and their Constitution. The storm passed sway.
The political atmosphere again became pure and
hrafthfql; and the government was maintained
and improved. And it is my honest conviction,
that there is too much good sense in the people
of three Ifnitrt Stain to be led away with the
idea of dfmion, on aconeot of any difficulties
growing out of this question, surrounded by such
prvunpr gircummnccB. 1 prcoiri me J Wili 1101?
unless misled and deceived. But?figuratively
peaking??iiay wil bring to the Mock the political
head* at all who shell inaiet on any aueh
remedy for auch complaint.
Mr. Chairman, it ia not to he diaguiaed, that
our Southern people are anxioua about appearanoea
for the future. They aee the free States
in nun her and in Representation, already In the
majority in both Houses of Oosgcce*, and thia
majority noon to be largely increii d; that while
the Sooth fall* into thie minority, they have witnessed,
for the last few yearn, among many people
of the free State*, an increasing apfrit of bitter
hoetility to the South and her institutions. Hut
let ua like (talesmen be calm, briefly town the
history of this thing, and inquire why it is.
Though by the census, the actual figures show
that the natural tncreana of population in the
slave States has been equal to the natural native
increase of the free States, yet ths free States
have excelled us in the settlement of new Territories
and raising up new State*.
In the first place we of the Southern States
have been, and now are, the advocates of freetrade,
and many for direct taxes. We have opposed
the policy of discrimination In favor ef our
own domestic industry in the old. States, ia mgu- ,
lating and raising revenue, and no more than
anough to defray the expenses of the Government ,
economically administered.
To this policy we have made in subatanoa, use- <
eeasful opposition?ihtreby in a good degree cut- i
ting ofT much of the induoement, that would have i
retained the industrious and energetic population <
in the old States, who, in eonaequenoe, have moved <
to (he Territories, there settled, mads new and free <
States, and became produoera instead of con- <
sum era of the earth's productions. i
In the second place, a majority of Routhcrn '
Cditicians have uniformly favored the policy of 1
viting, alluring, persuading, and in fast hiring '
emigrants?not only tha cilivena of the States, '
hut of tha whole world, to move and settle in one 4
Territories. Homestead*, hy way of pre-emptions,
in tha Tarrkorie*, are offered to ail the world '
The language of the whole policy ia in substance, '
"come ye all the Earth, and settle in our Tcrrito- '
rich?here you can become clticena. and without '
waiting to ba naturaliv.ed, according to tha law* of '
the Union, you oan vote and hold officethe 4
result of which has been to run irom the old
States, (*Iave and free) into tha Territories, uiuch *
/ '
of their population, and particularly that portion, ^
though young, industrious, and worthy, who have,
or take but little interest in the institutions of the
South,?and beaidea, we ind growing out of this,
that hundreds of thousands of foreigners are
flocking to us every year?that foreign paupers
are by thousands and thousands being set upon
our shores. In feet, I find from the beet official
statements, that the number of foreign emigrants
that came to this country from June the 1st, 1860,
to December 31st, 1861, was five hundred and
fifty-eight ^thousand?for the year 1862, three
hundred and sevonty-flve thousand?for the year
18WL three hundred and sixty-eight thousand?for
th^ear 1864, nearly the same. The war in the
East diminished the number, but I venture the prediction
that between the years 1860 and 1880 there
will have come to this country foreigners enough
to place in each of twenty new Muii-H mnra nnnn
lation than is now in the Tcrritority of KanSaa.
Tiieae foreigners make their way mainly to the
Territories, or crowd into tho free States, occasioning
increased emigration from them.
These facta being undeniable, I submit, how
important it is for our Southern politicians to
turn their attention to them. While the people
of the North were willing to dispense with and
ch(ck this immense immigration among them, for
reasons of a social character, to diminish thMr
taxes, prosecutions and the intnates of their poor
houses, jails and penitentiaries, I respectfully
ask, why should not the South, to a man, for reasons
as well understood as expressed, hare joined
in this great movement f and if in the first movements
and organizations any rules wero adopted
too strict or stringent to be generally enforced,
or "too severe on the honest immigrant, to have
given their potent aid and influence in modBying
the same, so as to have carried most useful results
to our beloved South? But it has been theii
pleasure to pursue a different course, and the results
thereof have, in no small degree, contributed
to the embarrassing circumstances that now seem I
to gather around us and swallow up our influence
in the National Council. The argument has been, ;
"settle and populate the Territories," forgetting
the fact tb<tt in the last seventy five years our
population has increased from threo to some
twenty-seven millions?nine/old?and If the same
ratio of inerease shall obtain for the next seventyfive
years, the result will be nine times twentyseven
millions?showing how important these
Territories may be (sold at reasonable prices paid
into the treasury,) for the homes of our own posterity,
and of honest worthy foreigners, who
come to us as they did in former days, from a love
of our free government, and who arc willing to
settle among us, sure of being protected in all
their rights of religion and propertv, sad who are
willing to wait until they have understood and
become familiar with our people aBd their Institutions
before claiming the right to participate in
their government.
These suggestions I have made to Southern
gentlemen here, and throughout the slave States,
that on reflection they may determine whether
they hare not been remiss in failing to coine to
the aid of a oause quite material to Southern influence
and Southern interests.
I was very much entertained, Mr. Chairman, by
the specah of the gentleman from Lousiuua [Mr.
Sanuidos] and, if I had time, I should like to incorporate
at least half of it in mine, to show, in addition
to the millions that have already come, how
many more millions of paupers arc to come under
our present system of inviting them to come here.
But, Mr. Chairman, what is it that we have
been discussing here for the last ninety days ?
This discussion has been either intentionally or accidentally
conducted so as to bring out the extreme
sectional views of gentlemen from the Booth
and from the North. It is only within the
last eight or ten days that any conservative man
has been permitted to address the House on this
agitated question. It is said that this is a question
whether any more slave States shall oouie
into this Union, and speech after speech is made
and sent to the South to tell the Southern people
that we are solemnly debating in the House of
Representatives the naked question whether any
more slave States shall come into the Union.
Why, Mr. Chairman, if that were true, if that
were the only question here, it might have been
settled wi hiu twenty-fosr hours after this debate
commenced. If that were the only question, I
take it that all oar American friends would vote
for it, every man from tho South would - vote for
n, i mow mm our i/ouguta juemocraw wouiu voic
for it, And I am inclined to thiuk that tbc FreeSoli
wing of the Democracy?these Buffalo-platform
men?could be got to rote for it, with a
Unix* amendment. That is my opinion.
But, Iff. Chairman, is that the question? On
what has this debate arisen ? On the special roessage
of the President. Does he say that whether
there ahatl be any more slave States is the question
? No sir; that meaner, as I understand it,
means these two things?and it means nothing
more and oothing less?to the South, " come in Leoompton,"
and to Northern gentlemen, " it is the
surest and readiest way, and the only certain way,
in which yoa can confiscate Southern property
and get clear of negroes in Kansas.n I have
listened to gentlemen hers professing great regard
(or the interests of the South, and, whilst ail) of
them hare been eloquent on the first part of the
picture, they hire all, save and except a gentleman
from the chivalrous State of South Carolina,
passed over that portion as tenderly as sucking
dove*. [Laughter.] I will read from the President's
message, in order that there uny be no mistake
* As a question of expediency, after the right
' has been maintained, it may be wise to reflet*
' upon the benefits to Kansas and the whola ooun1
try which would result from its immediate ad'
mission into the tTnion, as wall as tha disasters
which may follow its rejort>ow. Domestic pesoe
' will be the happy oonseqncnee of H* admission :
' and that fine Territory, .which haa hitherto boen
1 torn by dissensions, will rapidly increase in popu1
lstion and wealth, and sooedflr realise the
blessings end the comfort* w hicn follow in the
'train of agricultural and mechanical industry.
'The people will then be sovereign, and can re1
gnlate their own affair* in their own way. If
'a majority of them desire to abolish domestic
'slavery within the State, there is no other pos'
sible mode by which this cui be effected so
' speedily as by prompt admission. The will of
'the majority is supreme nnd irrestlhle when ex'
pres?ed in an orderly and lawful manner. They
can make and unmake constitutions at pleasure.
' It would be absurd to say that thev can impose
1 fetters upon their own power which they cannot
' afterwards remove. If tbey could do this, they
1 might tie tbsir own hands for a hundred as well
1 as for ten years. Thase are fundamental principles
of American freedom, and are recognised, I
1 believe, In some form or other, by every State
1 constitution; and if Congress, In the act of ad
' mission, should think proper to recognise them,
11 ran perceive no objection to euch a course.
1 This hat been done emphatically in the constitu'tion
of Kansas. It declare* in jihe bill of rights
1 that 'til political power la inherence the people,
and all free governments arc fbunfll on their au'
thoritv, and instituted for their benefit, and therefore
they have at all tiraee an inalienable and indeafeaaible
right to alter, reform, or abolish their
1 fbrm of government in tuch manner as they may
1 think proper.' The great State of New York is
at this moment governed under a constitution
'framed and established in direct opposition to the
mode prescribed by the previous constitution.
K therefore, the provision changing the Kansas
constitution after the year 1884, could by possibility
be construed Into a prohibition to itiake a
change p rev ions to that period, thia prohibition
would be wholly unavailing. Tha Legislature
already elected may, at Its very first session,
submit the question to a vote of the people
whether they will or will not have a convention to
amend their constitution, and adopt ail necessary
means for giving effect to the popular will.
" (t has been solemnly adjudged, by tlie highest
judicial tribunal known to our laws, that slavery
' exists in Kansas bjr virlne of the Constitution of
' the United States. Kansas is therefore, at this
' moment, as much a alave State as Georgia or
' South Carolina. Without this, the equality oi
' the sovereign States composing the Union would
4 be violated, and the use and enjoyment of a Ter4
ritory acquired by the common treasure of all
4 the States, would be olosed against the people
4 and the property of nearly half the members of
4 the confederacy."
And then he concludes with this very oheering
doctrine for Southern men and Southern interests:
44 Slavery can, therefore, never be prohibited in
4 Kansas, exeept by mean* of a constitutional
4 provision, and in no other manner can this be
1 obtained so promptly, if a majoilty of the people
4 desire it, as by admitting it into the Uniou un4
der its present constitution."
Tho President points out the way in advance.
He stimulates the Pree-So tiers in Kunsas to dislike
the constitution. He requests this prompt means
of get.ing slavery out of Kansas to be recoguized
[ in the bill of admission.
Here is the message. I submit it to the Chsirnian,
to the Committee, and to Southornineu?suppose,
that instead of having tho name of James
Buchanan attached to it, It nad had the name of
the distinguished gentleman fiom Ohio, Joshox
R. Giddihus at the end of it, 1 ask, if that name
had been attached, whether it would not have
been an entirely different case f We would pronounce
it a rank abolition document. And yet,
sir, our Southern friends come up here and talk
about associating witli Abolitionists, and of hugging
Abolition doctrines as a sweet morsel! Why,
Mr. Chairman, the whole thing in that message is,
44 in xeitk Kan*a*?out withtlavery ire Kama*"?
? j xli i- *1 o lm1
wu aviuubii>?ijjr wuu siuiio timig ia 111 i,ue ornate oill,
that the South is called upon to rally as one man to
the support of. I have aaked many of our Lecompton
friends if this Grkkn amendment, which they
have got in tho bill, speaks the language of this
message ? Some say no, others s <y it does; and
there is another class who lie answer the
girl gave to her mother, w' d, if a certain
gentleman was courting he plied, "it is a
sorter so, and a sorter not f , and rather more a
sorter so than a sorter not so." [daughter.] Now,
that amendment is a very little thing?only a few
lines. There 1b not much of it, but I tell you I
never read it over but it reminds me very much
of the boy .who was scolded for not making the
potatoe hills on a wet moruing large enough.
" Well dad," said he, " It is a fact that they are
mall, but I tell you they have got a darned sight
of dirt iu 'them." [Laughter.] Sir, if this iB a
pill gilded over to moke it acceptable to some
Ort*n men, Southern men ought to be ashamed
of it. I know that this peculiar policy is practised
in our little electioneering scuffles in our
country, aud I suppose everywhere else, but
I never supposed it ought to obtain in the
Congress of our nation. Once when I charged
a friend of mine with having said some foolish
things in a speech which he had made, and told
him that I thought he had hurt our cause, he said:
" Ah, Gilmer, you do not know the folks as well as
I do.* A great many peoplo are Lke a nest of
young birds, If you tap the side of the tree, they'll
open their mouths, and swallow the worm down."
| [Laughter.] Southern men supposed that we bad
I got something by the Dred Scott decision. I, for
one, as a Southern man thought we had obtained
something ; I thought that we had got upon safe
ground; that we had perfect equality in the Territories
; that we could go there with our institutions
and our property, and be just as safe there
as the men who go there from soy other section
with any other species of property. But if this
is the meaning, if this Is the result of the Dred
Scott decision, then those of us who go into the
Territories with our slave property, have to run
two chances?first that the people may exclude ui
when they coinc to form i heir constitution, and il
they do not run us out at first, then whenever the
majority of the people desire it, they may run us
aud (sir negroes out. And this is the doctrine
upon which the South ia to stand?this ia tba
I doctrine, mark you, which AlaDaraa and other Statea
' are to go out of the Union on, if they cannot get
| It la not from any objection to the conatitutioh of
i Kansas that I, as a Southern man, oppose her admission.
1 would be pleased that we could fairly
and properly get slavery permanently in Kansas.
But I object to this doctrine, that we can be proi
tected in our property while in partnership, du!
ring the Territorial state, but the moment we besome
an incorporation?a Stale?every man that
owns joint etook is instantly liable by constitutional
provision lo have his property confiscated.
And this Is tne doctrine which we have been told
here, month after month, and day, sflcr dty, that
every Southern man must stand upon, otherwise
he is an Abolitionist and opposed to the interests
' of the South I
Mr. Chairman, what is the question which hat
I agitated the country for the last fonr years ' It it
i one that has taken up the entire attention of Congress.
We have been figuring about it until, I
believe, not only the country but the Government
itself is upon the verge of bankruptcy. This question
commenced with two faces?one for the Free
1 Soil Democrats of the North, and one for the
South; and the same identical double face ie in
this bill, and 1 will detain the Committee only for
a moment, while I refer them to some history ol
It. We had onr troubles some years ago, growing
out of the discussion of the compromise mca:
surea. In January, 1651, the venerable fathers ol
the land, Whigs and Democrats, gathered together,
with Henry Clay at their head, and drew up
1 pledge to the country that from and after that day
| their influence weuid be exerted against every
| man for office, Slate or Federal, who would reI
fuae to stand upon tbe platform of the adjustment
| measures of 1860. The people rallied to that
standard. The Democratic convention met in
Haltimore, in 1862; the Whig oonvrntion met et
the same place, and tbey both bowed down at the
1 same altar of peace upon this agitating question.
They re-affirmed in subst nice what Mr. Fillmore
said in December, 1851, that this compromise of
1860 should be a finality, and there sboeld be no
more agitation of the slavery question in or out of
Congress. To that both of the great leading parties
were pledged to the country. They put their
candidates upon that platform. General Pierce
was elected. He was installed. Unfortunately,
however, lie in a short thne made some iqjudicious
appointments; he turned out tbe true Democrats
or the North, men who 1 am proud to find
standing in the same ranks they did then. Van
Rurcn, Dix, Cochrane A- Co., the Buffalo platform
men, were then coming in, and the party was
shout to break up. Something had to be done.
The Administration was going down. A prescrip
Hun nmi ro oe mane, n was given?ann on me
principle that you prescribe to one choked with a
turnip, get him to swallow a pumpkin, and it
would relieva him. [Laughter.] They went upon
this Cincinnati platform. I am not going to detain
the Committee to ahow how our friends viewed
it in the Booth. That is well known. I desire to
ahow bow the matter stands with the Administration,
to show what the Democratic Prec-Soiler*
aaid before, afterwarda, and all the time. A few
months before the Cincinnati convention met, a
distingnished Free-Soiler wrote to the North. Mr.
Hubbard, Mr. Woodbury, and all these noisy men
of the BuflWIo convention, began to give evidence
that they wanted to return to their friends. Here
is'one ; I give it as a lair specimen of their letters
and speeches. It is the letter of lion. C. C. Oambreling:
" HnwvinoTos, Dtcrmbt 8, 1885.
" WttUAW n. Lcm.ow, Esq.:
"Mr pi a a si a: Even Southern men In Kansas
acknowledge that it will inevitably be a free State.
'This ? rw* tastsnroooi.it ron sj.av?st ; for the
half dorrn Territories remaining are airrnJp fret
and will remain so.
"There would not haro been half the trouble
about Kansas, but for Atchison's struggle to get
' htck into the Senate. As the question now stands,
'there ought to be ne difficultv whatever in unit ing
the Democratic party?lot the principle of
? "**- V - - ?
PRIL 17, 1858.
4 tho Nebraska ami Kansas biil?#uqatter sossr4
eignty?whatever its origin, gives us every Terri4
tory belonging to the United States?and all we
4 have now to insist upon is, that it shall be honest4
ly enforced?that Kansas shall have fair play.
4 Practically there is no difference worth quarreling
4 about.
44 It appears to me to be perfectly absurd fbr us
4 to be grumbling about4 squatter sovereignty' at
4 the preseut tiiue, when squatter Sovereignty will
4 make free every inch of territory now belonging
4 to the United States.
44 After the acquisition of California, with the
4 prospect of the addition of more Mexican territory,
when tieu. Cass proposed the doctiiue of
4 non-intervention, it was au important question,
4 as it might have led to the introduction of many
4 slave States ; but after the South had been com4
pletely checkmated by California'* declaration in
4 favor of freedom, tee had no reason to object to the
' doctrine of non-intervention, or squatter sover4
eignty. We have now, besides Kansas and Nebraska,
New Mexico, Utah, Minnesota, Oregon
4 and Washington, making seven Territories, whioh
4 will give us seven free States. Some think the
4 fate of Kansas doubtful, but the invasion of the
4 Missouri rowdies, independent of natural causes,
4 will make it a free Slate. These borderers came
4 over first to vote for pro-slavery men?the sec4
ond time to vote against them In tho location of
4 the Capital?and tiie third time to m^ke a blue4
ter under Hhtnnnn. nlutuL r th* ^
* whisky.
"Under such circumstances I cannot conceive
* what we can possibly gain by resisting a principle
1 which hus bithei to excluded tlavery from our Ter4
"The slaveholders will not get Kansas, and they
' arc now deprived of the pretext or going itito the
' Territories south of thirty-six degrees thirty mjti'
utee, under that compromise. They generally op1
posed non-intervention on that ground, and con'
tended for carrying the compromise line to the
' Pacific ocean. It is certainly not for our interest
1 now to have that compromise line rettored. Why
' the South should have voted for its repeal is a
' question for themselves to settle. They all, at the
1 time, admitted that Kansas would never be a slave
' State. I hope our friends will meet the issue
' boldly, and leave the question of State organize'
tion to the people of the Territory, who have the
' natural and best right to decide for themselves.
11 Let thk squatters settle?but insist that that
' principle of ths Nebraska aot shall be honestly
' can ied out; that the squatters shall have fair play,
'and shall not be controlled byjnvaders from Mis'
souri, or any military power whatever. As to
4 'more slave States,' there are none in prospect;
4 and it is useless to embarrass ourselves by antici4
paling questions which may or miy not arise."
Now, sir, these two wings are standing to-day
exactly where they stood before. Tell me, if you
please, why these men you are hugging to your
bosom on the other side, stand with you ? these men
who were, and sow are, rauk Free-Soilers ? Tell
us why the Green amendment is admitted? Which
would you rather have for your bedfellows? I
> tell you the difference is very much like the slave's
reply when a>ked whether Jim and Muse were not
very much alike? Hesaid, "Yes, veryinuch alii
indeed; and particularly Afoae." [Laughter.]
is not so much, I fear, that they care about getu
negroes into Kansas, or getting them out It m
not any principle of this kind. It is, I apprehend,
a mere contrivance by which jobbing has been carried
on in this country to keep certain men in
power. In fact this whole management and shuffling
reminds me of what occurred in one of our
! North Carolina towns somo years ago. A silly fellow
declared himself a candidate for town constable.
The boys had a circular printed for him. It
was printed on both sideslike this?with Lecomplon
, on one side, and Green upon the other. On one
r side, he addressed himself to the debtors: 44 Fellowcitizens,
vote forme, and If I am elected constable, I
will never force you to paysoent, even at any extremity."
On the other side was an address to the
creditors: "If you will come up and vote for me,
and I shall he elected, I promise, upon my honor,
I will have your money paid, In every instance, at
r tire drop of a hat"
Mr. Chairman, I am not disposed to detain this
Committee with a review of the decision of ths
Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. All I have
to say is this: that my views upon the constitu
uonamy 01 ine Missouri compromise were known
long before that decision waa made; and I thought
that the compromise waa not in accordance with
the spirit of the Constitution. Although mj opinion
incline* to that of the Rupreme Court, and did
I before the decision was made, yet, from the length
of time it had been a compromise, I waa disposed
| to look uponfit as a compromise which had better
i be abided by. As in the case of two neighbors
whose bouudary lins is in dispute?a boundary
which can only be settled by the provisions of a
' deed, and no agreement they might make by parol
1 would change tne line fixed bf The deed, any more
than any agreement between two sections of the
country by Congress, oould he changed. But when
the neighbors hare established a line by parol agreement,
staked and chopped it off, and hare lircd in
peaee, harmony, and prosperity under It for more
than thirty years, if they should come to me and
' ask my ad rice, whether they should break up this
. oh! landmark?now the true line being ascertained
by the deed?and go back to their rights according
to law, I should say, as a man, a neighbor, and
. as a Christian, also, that they had better let the old
landmarks stand and abide by them; and by no
meaDS revive eld disputes and quarrels. So with
| the case of this Missouri compromise. I do not
believe the South is going to gain anything by its
repeal, and I firmly belicra that the only reward
[ the South will ever get from its repeal will be to
' her injury, and anything but an advantage to her
' true interests.
But Itissaid that the only way to pacify the conn'
try is to admit no amendments to this bill; that It
cannot he bettered ; that in no way can it be improved
; that it has got to be passed in the shape
, is which it is presented, even though a proposition
should be presented, which, if carried out, would
, more elfectuallly pacify and quiet the country and
settle the whole question. Why, say they, it would
be intervention. Now, let me detain the Commit
tee a moment to show ridiculous that idra is.
What ia this thing of noo intervention t Why, ia
it intervention to leave the people of a Territory
perf. otly free aod nutrsmmsied to settle this, with
all other questions, in their own way, fairly and prop
eriy, subject only to the Constitution of the United
Now, sir, do we conaidsr it any intervention, in
the euee sf a trial by jury, after the verdict is
announced, to aet the same aside, and grant a
new trial npon affidavits which clearly prove and
minij hic jiiu^w iiim mp fproici wm UDUlHlpa 07
fraud, by perjury, by deception, or by any malpractices
? Is it any intervention for an honeat
and conscientious judge, after being satisfied of
the fact* by reliable affidavits, to sav that he doubted
whether the verdirt had been fairly obtained,
and in the exercise of the discretion which iave?t d
in him, decide to grant a new trial, in order
that justice might be done ? Is that an interference
with the right of trial by jury f And
suppose a iury is empannellcd to settle the question,
and they come back to the judge, and one
of the Jury gets up and aaya the verdict is so and
so, and another says it is not so, and the judge
tells them, " gentlemen, you had better retire, get
together again and consult, and agree upon yonr
verdict, and, when you come in, it will be recorded"?ia
that any inteferenoe ? I wanted to show
how ridiculous this idea is. Is that intervention ?
What are OaRss'sand Perm's amendments? Let
our Northern anti-slavery men, of all parties, understand
that the President of the United States
hss given a true construction to the Peed Scott
derision, and yon will never hate any more fnsa
about this matter from them. The President
aays it means that when the people of any State
see proper to get together in a legal way, to get up
a convention sanctioned hy law, a mere majority
vote of their assembly FV<* Soil, they may form a
constitution and the negroes will all slope. That
, L A N Y .
1 111 ' ->
la giving the Abolitionists a new cue, and one
which will run out the institution of my beloved
section from all tba Territories, oertainly, and endanger
it in many of tha Statea.
Mr. Chairman, 1 desire to look upon this question
without reference to any section, or how it will
effect any body other than the general good and
peace of the whole country. If uo other plan can
be devised and agreed on, I may feel myself constrained
to vote for the measure, being urged by
Southern friends and sectional pressure. And if I
do, the Grekn amendment stricken out, it will not
be (and I say it here,) a measure which my sound
judginuntcan approve as the better plan. Ifloould,
1 would put the whole responsibility upon the Democracy,
where it belongs, for I do believe if
they would relax a little, and honestly act tbeir
heads to work with our Southern friends and other
conservative men in this House, this whole matters
might be put upon a footing entirely satisfactory
to the South?to the East?to the West?to
the North?satisfactory to the people of Kjmsas?
and without any compromise of any principle?
substantiallv hu the mannar indicated h* Imra.
I must Bay that when I hear it asserted here,
and everywhere, and the proofs strongly tending
to show that the government of Kausas was, in the
first instance, ruthlessly snatched from the people,
unconstitutional test oaths applied, by which the
minority, who by fraud obtained the control of the
government, and by which the inujority were kept
from participating in the government?when I am
told?and the proof tends that way?that not
more than one-half of the counties of the Territory
were permitted to be represented in the convention,
I doubt the propriety of supporting the
constitution framed thus. I dissent from the idea
that a majority of the counties of sny State can
make a constitution that is binding on the minority
of counties who did Rot have a chance to be represented
in the convention. Why have you more
judges than one f It is not simply for the sake of
numbers, but that there may be conference, argument,
interchange of vietvs. We may be today
all inclined one way, and to-morrow a greater
and better mind than any of us, representing but
one district, may make a suggestion sufficient to
change the opinion of the whole Congress. We
know that the election of the 4th of January
-was recognised by the Secretary of State, who
gave instructions that that very election should
be fairly held, and the votes fairly and impartially
taken; that vote turns out to be over ten thousand
against tiie constitution. We are told, too, aud
assured, that the Legislature of the Territory,
representing the will of the people, are uuaniroously
protesting against this thing; and we are
also told that the whole constitution rests on
fraud, deception, and violence. And, permit me
to sav, further, as a Southern man, that when I see
my Southern friends on the Special Committee in
this matter, declining to obey the instructions of
the ilonse, and shrinking from inquiry, it leaves
the suspicion stronger on my mind that these reports
are true. I hope that they are not. 1 hope
that the deeds perpetrated there have not been so
horrible as they have been represented; but when
1 - chivalrous gentlemen from my own section
'the Union turning their back upon an iuveatilion,
and saying that we bad better not look
to these things, I take it for granted that there
is more in these assertions than 1 before supposed.
But, sir, this Special Committee was directed
to do another thing. That was, to tell us
whether this Territory had within its confines
ninety-thre# thousand inhabitants. Now, I ask
every men here, ou what figures, and on what
evidence, he can satisfy bit mind that there are
ninety-three thousand in Kansasf What was tb?
last census?
Mr. SU5RMA2?, of Ohio. Twenty-three thousand.
Mr. GILMER. How long ago was that?
Mr. SHERMAN, of Ohio. Last June.
Mr. GILMER. Then where, I appeal to Southern
men, do you get the requisite ninety-three
thonsand population? But they come forward
and say that the Republicans wanted to have
Kansas admitted under the Topeka constitution,
and therefore tbev are estopped. And the? also
My that at the last Congress our Democratic
friend* undertook to paM an enabling act, and
therefore tbvy are estopped. Well, that may apply
to the Republican#, and may get them out of
court. It may very veil apply to our Democratic
Southern fiends, and turn tb >m out of court.
But what are they going to do with the poor
American*? We aay that the Republican* were
mistaken, and that that waa only a movement of
intemperate real. We want to know what the
facta are. I venture to aay that there are not four
individual* there to every alngle voter. The experience
of thio country ahowa that in a territory
where there are but few female*, and few old or
very young persona, the voter* are in the ratio.of
not more than ono to every throe or four. Well,
now, take the ten thouaond voter* and multiply
that figure by three?you have but thirty thousand
of population there. M uliiply it by four, and you
have but forty thousand. Multiply it by five,
end you heve but fifty thousand. Multiply it
six?whet we ell know ie fer beyond the ratioend
you heve only got aixty thousand. And yet
here are Southern geDtlemen?men who want to
protect the equality of Southern representation In
Congress?coming forward here in hot haate end
denouncing ea an Aholitioniat every man who will
not oonaent to allow the thirty thousand or forty
thousand quarrelling people of Kanaas to com* in
aa a State, and to aend here two Jim Lane* end
somebody elae like them, to vote in the Congress
of the United Bute*; and that all for Southern
That, mark you, la advancing the great interests
of the South! I know there ie not a man
here who can aay that be has evidence that there
ie a population of ninety-three thousand people In
the Territory of Kanaaa. The fact is not *o; and
the fact that our 8outhem friend*, having the
control of the Special Committee, declined to Inquire
into that important point, prove* that it ia
not so.
But, Mr. Chairman, permit me to aay, In conclusion,
that w# are aot left iu the dark, and witkout
precedents as the proper eourae to be pursued in
a difficulty of this kind. Kentucky, after several
attempts, was admitted into the Union and al
uweu io irame nnr consul uuon sunaequenuv, in
h?r own way. 80 I believe now, that Kansas
should be showed to come Into the Union, and
that she should he allowed to aettle thia question
and frame a constitution for heraelf. Do this, and
Kanaaa will he aatiafled?the limine will he aatiafled?and
the whole Union will he satisfied.
A Jttum'i Wint.?At Watertown, (N. Y.)
on fbmday morning 1a*t, throe prisoner*, bj
ft-ighning sickness, got the jailer, Mr. Barker,
in their power, gagged and bound him, and
locked him in a cell. Thia done, they^-obbed
him ef hi* money and the key* of the prison,
and were calmly taking their learo when they
were "brought up all standing" by beholding
the jailor'* little wife pointing at them a
loaded revolver, and calming informing them
that ahe would put a bullet through the first
man who attempted to oome forward. A parley
ensued, In which the prisoners threatned to
kill her husband if ahe did not lot them pans
out, but ahe avowed her determination to Are
upon them tha moment one attempted to pas*
the door, and hehi them at hay for about halfan
hour, when help arrived and they were
driven back to their cells.
Srtrttri,a* Cars* or I>*ath.?Mr. William
T). Hrown, died at Nashville, Tennessee, a few
day* since, in consequence nf swallowing, during
sleep, a piece of gold plate and three artificial
teeth, whirh he had forgotten to remove
on retiring to bed.
M I ! ! 1 . l'f? ' I
NO. 17.
_i_i: ? i ,n i
We present our readers with Mr. KkWK shy's
speech upon the Minnesota bill, giving his reasons
for voting against hor admission with the
constitution sent here to Congress, which allows
" white persons of foreign birth, who *h*l) have 1
declared their intention to become citizens,
conformably to the laws of the United States
upon the subject of naturalization," to vote.
Tho ground token by Mr. Kbnsedy is the
right one, and we commend him for Ids course.
We hold with him, that no State has a constitutional
right to permit any man to vote who has
not become a citizen of the United States. Tho
idea of allowing aliens to control the destinies
of this empire?aliens who may become citizens
or may not, just as they please, after they
have thu3 interfered in our national affairs, and
perhaps elected a President for us, and who cannot
be punished for treason should thev lew
open war upon us, because they owe tbo country
no allegiance?is most absurd. Bat absurd
as it is, those who think they can acquire power
by the aid of the votes offoreigners, will advocate
and justify the practice, and even argue
that the States have the right thus to remove
alienage, though the power is given exclusively
to Congress! But we will not argue the question;
read Mr. Kknnedt's remarks, and his
extracts from Mr. Calhoun:
or TRI
Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, before the
final vote is taken, I desire to say a few words
in explanation of the vote I shall give. I do
not rise for the purpose of discussing at length
any of the provisions either of the bill or of the
constitution submitted to us. I intend to vote
against the admission of Minnesota upon tho
simple and broad ground that in my humble
judgment its constitution contains provisions
directly at variance with the Constitution of
the United States. I am opposed to it because I ,
it iuvolves a principle, in my humble judgment,
directly in conflict, not only with the Constitution
of the United States, but with the rights
of the Southern States. It claims the constitutional
power to confer tho right of suffrage
upon a class of inhabitants not recognized by
the Constitution of the United States. It involves
a principle which comes directly in conflict
with the principles of a party that 1 have
the honor to represent on this floor, whose great
leading doctrine m directly in conflict with this
principle; and I should be unjust to myself
and recreant to the duty that is duvolveij^iipon
me, if I did not vindicate the principle of that
party, to a slight extent, at least, in giving the
reason why I vote against this bill. I am not
now referring particularly to the bill for the
admission of Minnesota at all: because really
that bill is a matter of vary little importance to
mc; but I intend to vote against tbs admission
of the State with this constitution which she
has sent here. Its seventh article, in regard
to the elective franchise, declares:
' "Sec. 1. Every male person of the age of
twenty-one years or upwards, belonging to
'either of the following classes, who shall have
'resided in the United States one year, and in
' the State for four mouths next preceding an
- ' election, shall be entitled to vote at such elec'
tton, in the election district of which he shall
1 at the time have been for ten days a resident,
' for all offices that now are, or hereafter may be
elective by the people:
" 1st. White citizens of the United States.
"2d. White nersons of foreign birth, who
' shall have declared tlicir intehuon to become
' citizens conformably to the law# of tho United
' States upon the subject of naturalisation.
" 3d. Versona of mixed white and Indian
' blood, who have adopted the customs and hab'
its of civilization.
" 4th. Persons of Indiaa blood residing in
' this State, who have adopted the language,
1 customs, and habits of civilization, after an ex'
animation before any diathctoeurt of tbeState,
' in such manner as may be provided by law,
and shall have been pronounoed by said oourt
capable of enjoying (he rights of citizenship
I 'within the State.''
" Sec. 7. Every person who, by tho provie;
' ions of this article, shall be entitled to vote at
j ' any election, shall be eligible to any office
' which now is, or hereafter shall be, elective by
' the people in the district wherein he shaft have
' resided thirty days previous to such election,
' except as otherwise provided in this constitu'
tion, or in the constitution and laws of the
'United States."
Now, sir, the ground I take, and the ground
taken by the party that I have the honor to
represent, is that alien suffrage and squatter
sovereignty must be repudiated. Having asserted
these principles before the people of my
own State, and being prepared to vindicate
them here, I cannot give my sanction to the
admission of a State with a constitution containing
so clear an infraction of the provisions
of the Constitution of the United States, as
thst article contains ; for if you admit the right
of aliens, not nat uralized, to take part in your
elections?men who really cannot claim the .
protection w the Government; who have no
right to come here and petition for a redress of
grievances until the mantle of citizenship has
been put upon therfi, in accordance with the
laws of Congress and the Constitution of the
United States?yon permit that class of indij
viduals in this country to control directly the
action of Congrcs.*, and, perhaps, the destiny
of this nation. Sir, I know that I am taking
very broad ground in making this declaration
?I know that I am assuming much in this
bedy when f undertake to say thst people who
are not citizens of the United States have no
right to vote by the suffrage which mav he
conferred upon them, bjr the action of a State
goiernmcni; diu u nan oeen conicnnen on tnis
fl??or, and ably and strongly by some of the
giant ink-Hoot* of former days, that the principle
on which I act In this matter Is a correct
one. We are now, in some degree, reaping the
fruits of the loose and cheap right of suffrage
which has been conferred upon the people of
this country. There has been of late a power
aggregating itself m one section of the country
upon the adverse proposition to that which I
hare stated here, whlcn, if not chocked, if not
controlled, will before long sweep from as that
right and that equality which we of the Southern
States hold in this Union.
Upon a former occasion, I said that I was
opposed to squatter sovereignty, because it
disturbed the principal equilibrium that had
existed between the States, on a strict construction
snd enforcement of the gtinranUos of the
Constitution of the United States. I opposed
H because it opened the door to an unequal
contest with persons who came here and claimed,
through their Kepreaantatirss ifho had a

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