OCR Interpretation


The Madisonian. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, November 13, 1841, Image 1

Image and text provided by Library of Congress, Washington, DC

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn82014039/1841-11-13/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for

THE MAOISONIAN. ,
BY lOHK B. JONES * CO.
AG&NTS.
Lewis H. Dobelbower, 34 Catharine street, Phiadelphia.
J. R. Weldin, Pittsburg, Pa.
C. W. Jambs, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Henry S. Meeks, 464 Bowery, New York.
Oeoroi W. Bull, Buffalo, N. York.
Stlvanus Stevens, New Haven, Ct.
E. B. Foster, Boston, Mass.
Weston F. Birch, Fayette, Missouri.
Israel Russell, Harper's Ferry, Va.
Josiah Snow, Detroit, Michigan.
Fowzer Sl Woodward, St. Louis, Mo.
The Madisonian is published Tri-weekly during
B the sittings of Congress, ind Semi-weekly during the
rtcess, at 35 per annum. For six months, S3.
The Madisoni&n, weekly, per annum, $2; do. six
months, gl.
No subscription will be taken for a term short of six
months; nor unless paid for in advance.
prior op advertising.
Twelve lines, or less, three insertions, - - SI 00
Each additional insertion, ... - 25
Longer advertisements at proportionate rates.
A liberal discount made to those who advertise by
me year.
C3r Subscriber* may remit by mail, in bills of solvent
banks, pottage paid, at our risk; provided it shall
seoasr by a postmaster's certificate, that such remittance
u*s been duly mailed.
A liberal discount will be made to companies of Jive
or more transmitting their subscriptions together.
Postmasters, ana others authorised, acting as our
a (rents, will be entitled to receive a copy of the paper
? g-atie for every five subscribers, or at that rate per
cent, on subscriptions generally; the terms being fulfilled.
.
Letters and communications intended for the establshmeat
will not be received unless the poetage if
paid.
* THE M ADISONI AN .
THE JfEW WORLD.
"Mr. Tyler and the Whig Party."
The paper, called the "New World," heretofore
a strictly literary journal, has been converted,
of late, into a party newspaper. But lor the
fact of its hitherto neutrality, and of the moral
influence which a periodical, neutral in its character,
when conducted on lofty grounds, neces
sarily exerts in the community, we should not
think it necessary to reply to the unjust and insidious
editorial articles lately published in its
columns. The ostensible editor infotms the
public that he is not the author of these contributions,
appearing under the editorial head, but,
by giving them such a conspicuous place in his
paper, he necessarily endorses the sentiments
they express. We take it for granted that the
author or authors of these communicated editorials
have never seen the President?for, in no
other way can we account for the singular misrepresentation,
both of the history and the character
of the President; and if the editor has never
seen him, and has never made the proper inquiry
into his character and the history of his
life, he certainly is not discharging his duties, as
the conductor of a press, intended to diffuse
accurate information and just knowledge "of
the world and the things of the world," among
his readers, while suffering his journal to be
made the medium of such insidious attack; on
the contrary, he, unquestionably, (whether wilfully
or by negligence,) abuses his high trust. In
these communicated editorials the ground is assumed
that Mr. Clay is much too violent and ultra
for safety or success, and that it would be perilous
for the Whig party to follow his political lead,
and that Mr. Tyler is too narrow-minded, as a
statesman, (educated, as he has been, in the
libigotry" of the States Rights school,) but, that
beinsr now the Presidaut, (bv accident,) and
having a Presidential term to serve, it would be
bad policy to oppose him. The inference is
clearly to be drawn from the text that Mr. Webster
is a juste milieu between the ultraism of
Mr. Clay and the bigotry and narrow-mindedness
of Mr. Tyler. Mr. Webst r is surely a
great statesman, and certainly a man of vast
''intellectual supremacy," and he may, beyond
question, bear comparison with any human being,
in this world, for gifts of mind. But we
| are perfectly certain that Mr. Webster, as a
'? statesman, as a man of large intellectual powers,
and as a member of the Cabinet of the President
of the United States, so far from endorsTl%,
the sentiments contained in these editorials, in
reference to Mr. Tyler, entirely repudiates the
letter and spirit of so unjust a publication. We
are only surprised that any friend or friends of
Mr. Webster should suppose that they are rendering
that gentleman any service by promulgating
such opinions of the President, and indulging
in such strictures on the character, moral
and intellectual, and the political life of John
Tyler.
It is our object, on this occasion, simply, to
take certain passages/bf one of these contributions,
published in a recent number of the New
World, and to analyze them in reierence 10 uieir
truth and justice.
After speaking, in the first paragraphs, of the
"intellectual supremacy" of Daniel Webster and
the "lordly will" of Henry Clay, regarding these
as he would "the disrobed figures of heroes, naked
of circumstance," (by the bye, the author
here has his own meaning, we suppose,) he goes
on to remark that
" To perform the same service in the caae of President
Tyler, seems a very different labor. Endowed
by nature with no attributes of intellectual or moral
Eower, in which we might discern a prefiguration of
is high destiny?trained by no discipline of life to
qope with those stormy elements in whose collision
vbc iOoesed?raised to his lofty station by a rare "consplrcuWn
of fortuities," we look in vain through his
past history to learn his character?through his previous
career to read the law of his future conduct.
To make a substantial personage on the field of politics,
requires the army of circumetancee, as much as
the common men in the streets require the aid of dress.
Their identity is in their garb, and he needs most
ample drapery to make him a presentable figure before
toe puDiic.
We cannot subscribe to the justice of the sentiments
here set forth. In running our eye over
the political history of Mr. Tyler we see many
practical instances of the possession of the
''attributes of moral and intellectual power in
which we can discern a prefiguration of his high
destiny," as long as the people of this country
remain the same patriotic and enlightened people
which they now are. In the unsullied purity of
his private life?in his high social qualities, refined
by a Christian's heart and a Christian's
thoughts?in his firmness, in resisting the ordinary
and extraordinary temptations to err which
to all men in this life are presented, to that degiee
that he is quoted as a proverb, by all who
know him-, for benevolence and integrity?in his
fortitude under trying political inflictions?in his
prompt resignation of the honor and emoluments
d of one of the highest offices in the world, rather
than hold it under a tiupicion that he did not
i
4
TH]
YOL. IV NO. 46.) V
represent his State, in his singly recorded vote
against the u Force Bill"?in the unwavering
lina whink Has rnarlrn/l kin rvAlitiinl
W"V ? ? 1119 puilliuai 1UHIUU IIVUI
the foot to the very heights of the ** Mount of
Fame"?in all these things are seen a manifestation
of extraordinary character, and all go to
show that, if Roman virtue should be respected,
and that if to do right is to be moat viae, that
it was to be expected that the People of this
Confederacy would recognize and reward such
wisdom and such virtue.
In the third paragraph the contributor appears
to have written that of which he has a very
faint conception, and, certainly, the atyle of the
writing does not compensate for the weakness ,
and untruth of the subject matter. He remarks
:.
" Whether for his own or hie nation's sin, Mr. Tyler
was forced from the obscurity of private life into
the position of trust and power which be now occupies,
we do not propose to determine. The fact we
consider equally unfortunate for both. In the quiet
exercise of his profession as a lawyer, he doubtless
may have secured the confidence of the community
in which he lived, though we imagine that as an
advocate in causes of much magnitude,-requiring a
nice perception of principles, or a clear assertion of
these, he can never have been much sought after.?
The dignity of his manners, the purity and integrity
of his personal morals, would suffice to make him a
good cifxen in bis relation to the state and to the
society in which he moved, yet this same wrongheaded
conscience exhibited in his public life, would
be apt to mar the practical value of his influence
in any scheme of local or general benevolence, and
make him one of that large class of men who, with
the best intentions, are always doing some social mischief."
This entire paiagraph is either false, in point
of fact, or it ia an abstraction?not a Virginia
abalraction, either, but a Scotch metaphysical
one. If Mr. Tyler has assumed the Presidential
Chair, elevated to a discharge of its high
functions from the " obscurity of private life,"
we cannot imagine what the writer would call
a public life 1 We had supposed that if any
American citizen had led a life, strictly devoted
xo me puDtic service, u was me present rresident
of the United States. Representing his
native county, with but one exceptive vote, at
the early age of twenty-one years, he has filled
every legislative and executive post, constitutionally
created, which the State or Federal Governments
can offer to the ambition of an American,
and Mr. Tyler is now in the prime of
health and life, at fifty-one years of age. In the
short round of thirty years, he has risen from
the representative of a county to that which has
been emphatically called the *' highest post op
honor in the world." There is no other individual
in this Union of whom the same history
can be witten. This, too, without a stain upon
his public or private reputation?without a
bribe and without an intrigue!?What the
writer means by the President's possessing a
" wrong-headed conscience" we can conceive,
but it is a sentiment to which a Christian
man cannot affirmatively respond. Conscience
is to yield, on all occasions, to expediency ! a
.party-politicians views of expediency ! Is this
what the writer means ? It is the only construction
to he nut nn his lnncnnop We do
-- ? r ? - ? o?o-' ** ?
not?cannot?never will, voluntarily, nor can
we be forced?to subscribe to so impolitic and
sinful a heresy. Impolitic, because it leads the
country to the precipice of its destruction, and
sinful, because both the moral law of man and
the Gospel of God condemn it. Besides, if the
success or unsuccess, to take the ground assumed
by the writer, of possessing or of not
possessing such a wrong-headed conscience, as
Mr. Tyler enioys, is to be measured by the
standard of his example, we would advise
all men who wish to obtain consideration
in the world, in the enjoyment of its places ol
^power, to affect to have it, if they have it not.
KjpUow his history, and, in the short space of
hisftfe, what places has he filled, beside offices
of honorary character, the most honorable always
! He is presented to us, as State Legistor,
State Councillor, Slate Chief Magistrate,
member of the House of Representatives of
the United States, United States Senator, Vice
President of the United States, President of
the United States,?and all these offices at the
hands of the people?he himself poor, without
patronage, and without a single newspaper
press at his command. We humbly think a
rare " conspiration of fortuities" could not have
produced this result. No?the people of Virginia,
the American people, have seen that wisdom,
and that excellence of virtue, in John Tyler,
which the blind or non-inquiring optics of
the writers of the New World have not seen, or
which, having seen, their prejudices have distorted,
or they have wilfully misrepresented.
We desire to comment, briefly, on the fifth
paragraph, and, since these portions of those articles
are a fair specimen of their value, we have
uuue. i lie wrut-i iciuaiKs.
" In surveying whatever puMic acts of Mr. Tyler
have survives! in our memory, we find something of
theae features. Even those worthy in the eyes of his
friends, displaying to the best advantage the peculiar
traits of his character, and challenging, if any of his
acts can, the respect and admiration of his countrymen,
betray a lack of symmetry, a shortcoming, which disturb,
if they do not destroy, their full effect. These
acts, too, have been performed in conjunctures, where
the conduct of really great men has furnished a ready
and most unfortunate contrast to that of Mr. Tyler.
When, rather than yield his conscience to the mandate
of the State of Virginia, and further the perpetration
of an act savoring equally of servility and tyranny,
he flings at the feet of his constituents the
power and dignity of his Senatorial station, his party
applsud him and his friends admiie. But the noblei
course of his eminent colleague, under the precise circumstances,
so checks the applause and diverts the admiration
to himself. With integrity no less stern,
with pride no less-unyielding, but with a ju?ter estimate
of his own position, with sounder views of that
fabric of Government in which himself and the great
State of Virginia formed equally a part, Mr. Leigh
signified his intention neither to obey the usurping instruction
nor betray the trust confided to him, by resigning
it in the hour of peril. Thus also Mr. Tyler's
recent exercise of the Veto power, in defence equally
of fierce threats and softest persuasion, at the sacrifice
of the favor of the dominant party most dear to him,
and winning only the applause of its opponents most
odious to him, exhibits certainly much nerve, and
seems at first sight deserving of sincere respect; but
the remembrance of the illustrious example of Mr.
Madison, soon dispels such a sentiment. We instantly
feel how much inure worthily the latter demeaned
himself under the same trying circumstances?how
the same honesty of conscience, unite! with a more
sagacious mind, and informed by a wider experience,
might have solved the difficulties of Mr. Tyler's position,
and enabled him to present to the world a re/
E MAD
FOR THE (
WASHINGTON CITY, SATURDAY ]
nowneil instance of the magnanimoua subjection of no
private opinions and wiahee to conatitut ional duty." an
In those cases in which Mjr. Tyler's course du
has been unfavorably contrasted with Mr. Madi
son's and Mr. Leigh's, the writer must certainly uu
claim the privilege of enjoying his own opinion. co1
We believe the people of Virginia and of the
United States, in the instance in which a compa- 0
rison of conduct bet ween Mr. Leigh and the Presi- 1
dent is drawn, have thought, and still think other- 1 f
wise. Mr. Leigh, for the sake of making a speech, ^
(unless we do that gentleman great injustice,) aR|
remained in bis seat some three or four months ma
longer than Mr. Tyler occupied his place, and agl
just sufficiently long to deny the right of in- '
atruction, without any practical benefit to the rec
Union we conceive, and to crush the Whig to i
party in the State of Virginia. Mr. Tyler, apart tor
from his belief in the justice and efficiency and t01
his uniform advocacy of the doctrine of the right the
of instruction, had a pride which led him to
throw off the Senatorial mantle, and all the ho- '
nor and dignity it involves, without a moment's
hesitation, although then wretchedly poor, and ^1
return to the practice of the law, in the State of *
Virginia, as a common attorney, rather than be
regarded by any man as an ambassador to the
great Congress of the nation at Washington, wr
without full credentials as to his being, in point
of actual fact, the proud representative of that tj?
noble State. He had nor the slightest intention ol <
re-paying the gratitude which he owed his ever- an<
trustful State, from whose breast he had derived tec
the political nutriment which had strengthened he
him into a proud political manhood, by refusing Ui
to gratify her wishes, clearly expressed, much tal
less to oppose their consummation. We recommend
Mr. Tyler's letter of resignation, of his op
Senatorial office, to the writer or writers for the ""
New World. bo
In the instance in which he is unfavorably ty
contrasted with Mr. Madison, we will remark pa
that, in the first place, Mr. Madison had changed re
his opinions about the constitutionality of a Bank <"
before he consented to sign the bill. But for
this change of opinion, could any one have al
beeu an apologist for Mr. Madison's course?? al'
Does not this change of opinion, from long pre- ^
viously entertained and expressed opinions
about the constitutionality of the Bank, for more of
than forty years, require a sufficient argument to (h
prove the honesty of the change of sentiment, or ?p
an apology for the change, from Mr. Madison
himself. Certainly this distinguished man, him- |y
self, thought so, and he accordingly gave his cit
reasons for his change of opinion. These rea- mi
sons, founded, for the most part, in a supposed eri
expediency and the certain popularity of the of
measure, in his day, do not prevail now, in any Wl
force. Mr. Tyler has not, and declares he
cannot, change his long cherished and often
expressed opinions, upon the ques- 1)6
tion of federal banking; and, certainly, in tlc
the aspect of the times, the reasons, operating
a change in Mr. Madison, could not Pr
influence him to a change of sentiment, but, on 00
the contrary, must strengthen and rivet his pre- "
viously entertained opinions. Since Mr. Madison's
change of opinion, the present President aj
has expressed the same opinions which Mr. ^
Madison formerly held, and it is entirely a doubtful
question whether we shall most admire the thi
arguments of this distinguished man against or m,
for a bank. One fact is certain. For forty th<
years Mr. Madison thought a bank unconstitu- foi
tional. Afterward, and for reasons, the adverse po
of which now exist in the country, he thought
differently. Was the President to consult the thi
mere fact of Mr. Madison's change of opinion,
or the reasons of his change 1 Doing this, and ly
finding that no argument, which Mr. Madison ch
urged, has now any strength, is it not fair to to
presume that Mr. Madison, himself, in the posi- lh(
tion of the present President, would have pur- t0
sued the same course 1 Mr. Madison was an
honest man. The President is an honest man. e
The writer for the New World must draw his
ap
inference. kn
We must be permitted to close our article by Ai
remarking that although Mr. Webster may pos- ler
sess "vast intellectual supremacy," and Mr. ha
Clay may possess a 44 lordly will," and both of T(
these gentlemen 44 may look like the disrobed tro
figures of heroes, naked of circumstance," (to Pn
quote the writer's language,) yet in the fact that
whatever the President has done, he has always ^
ably done, in the capacity of discerning right wl.
from wrong and good from evil, which he emi- du
nently possesses, in the great self-command
which he exercises, in his acknowledged sagaci- cr?
ty and in his knowledge of men, in the lofty ]
courtesy of hia demeanor, which the highest in- me
tellect can only command, in the enjoyment of exj
those virtues which fill us with admiration, and pei
in the possession of an iron nerve, which never Ex
shrinks from any contest however perilous, if it
involves his love of country or his own honor
and dignity,?in this faithful picture of his na- ,ar
ture we behold a character which we would not ani
be willing to exchange for any mere "intellectual
supremacy" much less for the inflammatory ,
intellect, the demagogical spirit, and the arrogant )ov
and dictatorial intolerance of Mr. Clay.
git
REFORM. ;
Much is said of reform, and without doubt coi
there is room for it. Yet reforms to be of ser- ?le<
vice, should be judicious, should be the result of <
a careful observation of laws and the practice rec
under them. Merely to change men while mea- w'1
sures remain the same, is a kind of personal action.
in which the welfare of the whole is not a(^J
sufficiently considered. The following brief
notes seem, to our judgment, to indicate changes ^
in measures, from which much general good
would result. They are, therefore, we think, Je|
deserving of serious consideration :
BRIEF NOTES.
The organic laws, in reference to the Accountant ?
Department, are those of September 8, 1789, vol. "2, ia
page 40, and of March 3,1795, vol. 8, page 503. rp'
There are aeveral other laws on these matters, as, Cit
for instance, vol.4, page281, vol.6, pages800 and581, bo
vol 7, page 169, vol. 8, page 111; but these laws do ly
I
- -
ISONi
X)CNTRY.
EVENING, NOVEMBER 13, li
t, in oar judgment, diminish the powers to Audit*
d Comptroller, given in the first two?they divk
ties, create additional officers, Auditors, Comptro
s, Treasury Agent, Solicitor; but the powers an
ties of Auditor and Comptroller, in adjusting a<
iints, are left andiminished, and these powers an
ties are also those of succeeding Auditors an
imptrollers.
By the first of those organic laws, vol. 2, page 4!
i Auditor is to receive and adjust accounts, to certil
the balance, to send accounts, vouchers, and certii
e of balance to the Comptroller for his decision
i any one dissatisfied with the Auditor's statemei
y, within six months, appeal to the ComptrolU
linat the Auditor's settlement,
rhe second of these laws, (vol. 2, page 503,) d
ts the Comptroller to appoint a day for claiman
assign reasons on claims disallowed by the Aud
, which the Comptroller is bound to consider, "an
decide thereon according to principles of equity an
i usages of the Treasury Department, i. e. the A
inting Department, which is made part of tt
easury Department.
In vol. 4, page 221, the Comptroller has authorii
direct settlements at any time when he thinks fu
ir delays would be injurious to the United States.
A uvwi piuui^ini ui BCIIUII appvai BUMILIVIU IUI <
rposes, well adapted to produce just and salisfacto
;isiona, and to secure the United States witho
ong to the citizen.
1st. By the power to direct settlements at ai
te.
2d. By the duty of the Auditor to audit accour
d report balances. This office stands as the Ui
1 States advocate; he has no equitable jurisdictio:
is to audit rigidly according to law. Thus t
sited States side of the question is rigorously mai
ned.
3d. By calling on the claimant for his reasons
position to the decisions of the Auditor. Thus I
;hts of the citizen are rigorously maintained.
4. By requiring the Comptroller, after having het
th paities, to decide according to principles of eq
and established usages, justice is to be done to b<
rties, and decisions can be based upon ground 1
adily controverted, noi affording good cause for <
intent.
The theory, as above exposed, is certainly go
nd the practice, if consistent with it, should be gi
JO.
But it is a common observation of many years, t]
ere is no branch of Executive administration whi
ncrales so many discontents and so much bitterm
feeling, as the Accounting branch. Why shot
is be the case, if law and equity and usage are
ected in the adjustment of accounts.
Why is it that, in almost every suit, (particul
War Department cases,) that courts and juries ?
le against the decisions of the Accounting Depa
snt; that the tables of Committees of Congress I
ally groan with petitions for redress, and the tal
the Secretaries also. If law andeq uity and ust
are regarded,ctuld such be the easel Such resul
iwever, do exist, and cannot be without cause.
If the cause be defective organization, law shoi
i appealed to for the remedy; if it be defective pri
:e, executive regulation should correct this ev il.
The evih-ha* been supposed to bs in the laws, a
ojects have been before Congress for creating
urt of claims. But the jurisdiction of such apoi
nnot go beyond law, equity and usage. It could i
ve more power. Such power is already possess
the Accounting Department, and such power
equate to the satisfactory adjustment of all clair
Jequate power is then already possessed.
Nevertheless, the evil spoken of exists ; this pow
en adequate to its redress, is not exercised ; or t
iss of business is beyond its action. If the latt
c remedy is in an increase of laboring force; if t
rmer, in Executive direction, requiring the pro;
wer 10 oe ext-rciseu.
And if the former, the practice will show it; let
en, see what that practice is.
First, the Auditor examines the accounts, rigorot
and rigidly, as he is in duty bound to do.
arges or vouchers are objected to, he reports th<
the Comptroller. So far so good. But what d<
e Comptroller'? Does he call upon the claimi
assign reasons against the objections of the Audita
jes he inform him of those objections ? Does
cide upon the same according to principles ofequil
d the usages of the Department 1 No ! He simj
proves of all the Auditor has done, and the fi
owledge which a claimant has of objections by t
Liditor, is also with a confirmation by the Comptr
. Now look at the condition of the claimant 1 ?
s been tried without a hearing, and condemned.
) whom shall he appeal for retirees 1 To the Cora
ller, says the law, but the-Comptroller has alrea<
'judged the case, and without a hearing, and thei
destroyed the impartial character of his action.
) Congress. Look at the claims already before th
Jy, and ask, with what hope 1 To a Secretary
ly should he be called upon to exercise accountii
ties'?
We thus see the cause of this extensive and i;
lasing mass of dissatisfaction.
Having ascertained the cause, one can propose a r
dy?not in any new legislation, but in requirir
sting laws to be executed as intended, and in pr
spirit. This last is completely within the limit
ecutive power.
Let, then?
1st. The Auditor be directed to report his list of b
ices and disallowances as usual to the Comptrolle
d in all cases of disallowances or objections
ims, or charges, to accompany his report with h
isonB stated in detail.
2d. The Comptroller to transmit this list of dist
vances with the Auditor's reasons, to the claimar
ent, or party interested, and to require him, by
'en day, to furnish a reply.
S?d. The reply being received, the Comptroller
isider the same with the Auditor's reason, and
side thereon.
ith. To require the Auditors to adjust all accoun
eived in their offices as soon as practicable, ai
thin, at farthest, the next quarter after the sail
ve been receive 1. And in case accounts are n
justed in that time, to report all such cases to tl
imptroller with causes of delay, which report shi
submitted by the Comptroller to the head of tl
'partment under which the expenditures have r>e<
de, by whom they will be submitted to the Pre?
it.
Existing laws are adequate, in our judgmen
sustain such regulations. One of the peci
rities of the above is, that they exhibit son
tpect to the rights of the numerous class
izens who have accounts to settle, and wh
th by regulation and custom, are too geners
treated as having no rights, and in cons
tl
IAN.
341. [WHOLE NO. 154
?r quence too frequently made desperate aud reck
less. An agent should not be treated as if ii
were a favor to attend to his accounts, nor be exl(*
posed to losses from neglect of this attention.?
Those whose duty it is, should be made to attend
to them, or to give a satisfactory reason
for the neglect. Let agents once be made to
^ believe that they will be heard before condemn'
ed ; that their accounts will be attended to with.
out unnecessary delay ; that they will be treated
1# as citizens having some rights and some claims
to respectability, and a present theme of exten?r
siveand bitter discontents will be changed to
one of tranquility and general satisfaction.
Ii- ??
t, MR. GRANGER.
i- We give the ex-Postmaster General the benefit
of his first appearance before the public
IU since his abandonment of the Cabinet, by copyc~
ing his remarks made at a Whig convention in
New York. It will be perceived that Mr. Granger
does not express an agreement with the
ky other ex-members in the reasons he gives for
r resigning. On the contrary, he thinks the President
ought not to have been harshly treated
for his Vetoes of the bank bills. He resigned,
^ however, because, as he alleges, the sword and
the purse were united in the hands of the Executive.
He could not stand that. Another
reason is, that the President did not turn out
its the office-holders fast enough for his taste. We
ni- have now the various and conflicting reasons 01
n ; all the late Secretaries for abandoning their rehe
spective departments, to wit:
in- Mr. Ewing, went out on personal, indignity."
'a Mr. Crittenden, on ' Veto."
:ho Mr. Badger, u trifling with the Cabinet."
^ Mr. Bell, " other and pre-existing causes.'
1. Mr. Granger, " purse and sword," and "tard]
tk' removals."
not How pleasing 'tis to see,
]iB. Kindred and friends agree,
And each fulfil his part,
od, With sympathising heart.
J0d
InteUlgeucer?President?Bank, Ac.
hat The Intelligencer of November 6 says, " Th
ich President is, we learn from the language of th
es? newspapers, thought to be pledged to propose, o
at least to sanction, some plan of a Nationa
re" Bank. In this we fear our friends deceiv
themselves.7'
ar' In the expression of such sentiments, thi
3e" Journal is wise and just?wise in the warning i
rt" gives its friends, and just in regard to the wel
Hi" known and long cherished principles of the Pre
sident.
,tg The Intelligencer adds, to what we have quo
ted, that,4t some ' Fiscal Agent' will no doubt h
j proposed, but not such a one, we appiehend, a
gc_ is looked for, or can meet the exigencies of th
country. If it should be otherwise, none wi
nj rejoice at it more sincerely than ourselves."
Can the Intelligencer inform the public, whs
urt kind of a Fiscal Agent "is looked for" by th
10t country ? Certainly, a National Bank, operai
ed inf? Per sef &c- cannot be reasonably looked fo
is during the next four years ; and it would be ver
ns- unreasonable and factious to urge or agitate itThe
subject of a National Bank, thdrefore, pos
er sessing any of the principal attributes of eithe
he of the former U. S. Banks, or of either of th
er, ill-fated and still-born Fiscal Corporations,he
will not again, we trust, be mooted, either ii
f*51 Congress or out of Congress, till the advocate
of such a measure can command the votes o
U9 two-thirds of each House of Congress. Fc
they must be well aware, that nothing short c
this numerical force can successfully oppose th
unit force that has twice, so recently, prostrate
58e the bank schemes, and still stands pledged, b
>es principle and patriotism, and conscience and th
^ oath of the Constitution, to continue to oppos
k them.
Can the Intelligencer inform the public, wha
jly Fiscal Agent''can meet the exigences of th
Ist country ?
he Since an ''old fashioned federal bank" is ou
ol- of the question, some substitute for such ai
ie agent must be provided, or should be provided
- But unless the scheme comes from the Ban
'P" party?who are no w the majority in Congress^
how can it possibly succeed? Will not thi
re~ party oppose every scheme that comes from th
President?
iat ... .
Give the public your scheme, or the schem<
of the Bank party, and we will answer for it
that the public will give it a fair and candid
n. consideration.
THE NEW PAPER.
e- ,
,g John H. Pleasants, Ed. W. Johnston, and
o- John Woodson, of Virginia, have formed a conof
nexion and issued proposals for publishing, in
December next, a new Whig-anti-Tyler semiweekly
paper, in this city, to be styled the
a" ' Independent."
!r> The prospectus is dictated in the " head him,
t0 or die" spirit, and breathes strongly of war.
l'" 41 Come on McDuff."
! The insinuation against the Intelligencer, that
. that stately print ,4is supposed to study conciliag
tion more than vigor, and dignity more than efficiency,"
will doubtless be thundered at with
to its "heavy ordaance." The 4( Independent's'
t0 ,4musquetry" will probably make a 44 heap ol
smoke," but will prove quite a3 effective in the
tg rear as in the front. The 44Independent" ha?
1{j fired several noisy cartridges already, but no
ne body has dropped except a soldier that was en
ot listed under its own banner, (alas poor Gallag
hnr ' ^ \\ Kon I t lla n> t k ii lit nwill t
v ,,VI 7 ,? MV" * v-uaius miu upcmy cauii
ill ing in Whig reverses," it makes a false report,
5e which recoils severely upon its own veracity,
>n
11 T^ie Louuville Journal.?As this Journal propounds
the following question, predieated upon an
t imputation against us, the least we can do is to "hand
it round" to solution:
1P If it be fue, as the Madisonian would persuade itself
and its readers, that the recent partial defeat of the
Whigs in some of the State elections is to be aHrio,
buted to the course of Mr. Clay during the extra ses
sion, how comes it to pass that the Loco-foeos have
never thought of thanking him for doing their party a
e- aervice 1
I
V
, ????1
CommunCcaitons
To the Secretary of the Treasury of the V. S/(&e
The views of " Statislicus," who has figured recently
in the Madieonian, have induced refleetione
which may be impressed by the following remarks:
1 have supposed that the writer had encountered the
practical and patriotic statesman, and that the fullow:
ing dialogue had ensued.
Philo-Sophoe. Do you consider a horizontal tariff
as equitable in principle, and comporting with the just
policy of our Government 1
Statieticue. No. I do not, because among the imt
ports there are many commodities needed by, or indispensable
to, the masses, and others which are of a
luxurious character, and mostly consumed by the
wealthier classes. It would, therefore, be unjust to
tax the essentials for common comfort at the same rate
with superfluities which promote voluptuousness, and
in no wise tend to advance morality, or national
strength?whilst operating as an onerous imposition
upon industry.
Philo-Saphoe. But your suggestion would practically
introduce the sumptuary laws, which are objectionable
as interfering with a common privilege.
Stat. In a free Republic, whose institutions abhor
the consequences of primogeniture, entails and monopolies,
and would induce, by its legislation, an
equal participation in the means of happiness, the
"judicious" application of sumptuary laws, to a certain
extent, might be salutary in practice, and conservative
of constitutional liberty.
i'nx. nop. tf iom your exposition or tne existing
course of importations, it would seem that the numerous
and respectable class of American importers, who
formerly conducted that branch of business, have been
superseded, and put aside, by a host of foreign factors
and itinerant agents who infest our country, and disgorge
upon us their flimsy fabrics, and " old shopkeepers,
rotten haberdashery, refuse wares which cannot
be sold at home, or those rejected from stains,
blotches, rents and gouts ; or being under measure,
or too narrow ; tender from time, alkalis, or acids, decayed
in fibre, or otherwise defective." How would
you correct so great an evil 1
Stat. A partial corrective might be found in the
imposition of ten per centum on sales by auction.
Phi. Sop. But would not the effect of 6uch a tax
unjustly operate upon those States which derive revenues
from that source 1
Stat. Not at all " unjustly," because the tax is
paid by the consumers throughout the Union, and its
avails are therefore justly the common property of the
> whole nation.
j Phi. Sop. What other remedy would you applyStat.
There are several correctives which might
be employed, and amongst the number the minimum.
principle, and prompt payment upon the delivery of
the importation?the application of which would effectually
operate to restrain the pernicious traffic;
whilst an ad valorem upon a low valuation of the
trash " disgorged," with orders to " sell without reserve,"
to raise money and disencumber the home
e trade, in connection with credits at the custom house
'
e encourages the injurious factorage, and affords actual
r capital for its extension and prosecution.
;1 Phi. Sop. Would the resumption of specie paye
merits restore confidence, equalize exchanges, and regulate
the currency 1 v
g Stat. It would not realize those desired results
t without the aid of adequate commercial enactments to
I produce a favorable preponderance in foreign trade, to
secure the country against excessive imports, and the
debilitating drain from debts due to foreigners, amounting,
at the least, to a million a month for interest only.
As specie payments, without such salutary enacte
ments, could not be sustained ; and, in their absence,
s the most available substitute might be applied by an
e inr.nnv??lihl? rnrrnnrv iaaiif-d hv th? f?nw?rnm?n( na
11 " a measure of value," under due restrictions and
guaranties.
it Phi. Sop. Your suggestion is apparently not withe
out merit. But would not the tender of such a " measure"
excite abhorrence and revolt in the public mind 1
r And would not its adoption result in ruin and destruction
of credit 1
y Stat. We have practical proof to the contrary, in
the limited use of Treasury notes ; and, from circumstances
which have arisen out of adverse commerce,
if
mainly ascribable to " the Compromise act," we have
e been constrained to submit to an insecure and depreciated
medium. When a national currency, made ren
ceivable in all public payments, would have sufficed
3 for every purpose of public accommodation and pn/
vate convenience. And should such a currency depreir
ciate (from the influence of a hostile balance in foif
reign trade.) Instead of an evil, it would be, in fact,
e a benefit, as that effect would prove in practice a proj
tection; and essentially tend to equilibrium in natuy
ral accordance with the laws of trade, and operate
substantially as a protective tariff, whilst it would bo
free from objectiors entertained against duties imposed
for such a purpose, as the depreciation would enure,
pro tanto, to the advantage of the staple producers,
by enhancing the value of their productions to the exe
tent of the premium on the exchange. The rationale of
the principle will be apparent from following the molt
dus operandi throughout its course, to its conclusive
n action.
I. Phi. Sop. If such, indeed, would be the effect of
the operation of a national currency such as you pro_
pose, (and who, that regards the crying evil which
8 afflicts the country front a vitiated circulation, would
8 deprecate or prejudge it,) the expedient would prove a
public blessing.
Stat. And in contemplation of no beneficent a ?
" desideratum, authorized by the Constitution, and pure'
ly republican in principles, is it not worthy of con- ?
' sideration ; and, if approved by an enlightened Congress,
of being tested in actual practice?
Phi. Sop. It surely is?but we may further discuss
this vexed topic on another day. It seems, howI
ever, that we must have either a tariff for protection,
. or an inconvertible national currency. One or the
other is indispensable and imperiously demanded by
, the general we4l. Adieu.
PHILO-SOPHOS. .?;
Baltimore, Nov. 6.
P. S. The condition of things is not improving
here?the circulating medium, although diminishing
in quantity,is yet tardy in circulation.
Philo Sophos.
. ,
MORE INDIAN MURDERS. <
A letter from Marion, Jefferson county, to the Tal(
lahassee (Flo.) Star, under date of October 25th,
' ,fty": ^ . jl
f Yesterday morning, about 7 miles from Magnolia,
the Indians attacked a party from this neighborhood
! on their way to St. Marks and Port Leon, and out of
j a party of *! or H, three gentlemen were killed.?
Messrs. Wiley W. Wood, Spooner and Henry Horn.
" Mrs. Spooner was riding along 6ide of Mr. Wood at
- the moment that the Indians rcseoutofthe palmetto
brush and fired upon the party, with her little son ber
hind her; but she was not injured,and wheeled her
horse and safely escaped out of their reach. The
wretches pursued a Mr. Washington Vickers and a
Mr. Jesse P. Havis, who were also of the party, (the
latter a lame man) nut were keptott nv Mr. v tetters
firing a gun on one who approached near, and the 'est
put to flight by Mr. Havis's pointing an unloaded gun
nt them, as they catne near, threatening to ahoot them
it they came nearer. The Indiana rifled the pocketa
of the dead, it ia supposed that they got a booty of 6
or $700.
We confess our obligations to the Virginia Times.
It devotes itself exclusively to us. Whenever we
speak it cries like the galleries of the British Commons,
"hear, hear!" We regret that we have no
time to bestow to repay its compliments.
?

xml | txt