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THE MADISONIAN. '
BY JOHN B. 1UIE8 4t CO. ?
AGENTS.
Lewis H. Dobelrower, 34 Catharine a treat, Phitdeiphia.
J. R. Weldw, Pittsburg, Pa.
C. W. James, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Hsimr 8. Mesks, 464 Bowerv, New York. =
Oeoru* W. Bull, Buffalo, N. York. i
Stlvanus Stevens, New Haven, Ct. 1
E. B. Foster, Boston, Mass. ,
Weston F. Birch, Fayette. Missouri;
Israel Russell. Harper's Ferry, Ya.
Jobi a h Snow, Detroit, Michigan.
Foweer A Woodward, St. Louis, Mo.
The Madisonun is published Tri-weekly during ,
the sittings of Congress, And Semi-weekly during the
ricess, at $5 per annum. For six months, S3- 1
The Madisonian, weekly, per annum, $2; do. six ?
months,
No subscription will be taken for e term short of six
months; nor unless paid for in advance. t
price or advertising, a
Twelve lines, or less, three insertions, - - $1 00 t
Bach additional insertion, - - - c
Longer advertisements at proportionate rates.
A liberal iliarnunt made to those who advertise by l
xx ui^iuu^t ouo|/cvuu^ iuc ui auusc j|
in some special department, sends down a reso- c
lution to the proper officer to obtain full information
on the subject of his suspicions. His a
"call" is answered. He receives the informa- |j
tion?and there the matter repts*?or at best ter- |,
minates in a flash of declamation. Another? 1
generally a young one?flushed with the zeal of "
reform and determined?to use the fashionable t
phrase?to clean the Augean stable, and to in- 1
troduce a thorough reform in all the Depart- *
ments of the Government, despatches to differ- c
? * eftaw a series of inquiries to ascertain '
where the mischiefs luxuriate, and to arm him- t
self with facts to prosecute vigorously his con- 1
templated scheme of a complete reorganization |
of all the movements of the administration.? t>
But not having served hi? noviciate in Legisla- 1
tion, and being completely ignorant of the de- J
tails of business, his queries are of so superficial t
a character, that he can find the answers to them c
C
in the documents printed for his use, if he would
but take the trouble to look into them. He ob,
c
tains, however, the official replies exactly fitted j
to his interrogatories, and discovers that he has j
obtained but few elements from which to form j
his intended compound. Finding at last, that ^
he has embarked as commander in a devious j
channel, and so ignorant that he hardly knows
a sextant from a marlingspike, with a crew as c
ignorant as himself, his zeal begins to flag, and v
hopeless of success, he in despair at last ceases j,
to labor. Queries useful to the cause of reform t
cannot be guessed. They are the result of experience:
and the queries being without object, d
the answer must be nugatory. 1
Such is the plan on which matters of this J
Irl nrl nrn nnnrotn/1 in P.nn/vrnoa a rwl ti nrla* ciiaK a r\
niuu uiv uubiaitu iu vyuiikitsnj uuu uaauvi suvii a u
progress, need any surprise exist, that after all
the declamation about reform, little or nothing c
of it has been effected ? ^
Assailing only that which is immediately _
within the reach of their immediate inquiries b
and attacks, the members of Congress, except in a
special instances, have never attempted to go Jj
beyond an investigation of the affairs of the De- s
partments in Washington?in which they have "
fancied or discovered the existence of the much 0
talked of abuses. So contracted have been all '
their ideas of reform,?that the five buildings in [
Washington are the limit of their discoveries.? S
But can abuses not exist elsewhere except under ^
the eye of the President and the Cabinet? Can |,
none exist in the Army or Navy, or among In- >i
dian agents, or in custom houses ? In a scheme ^
of general and thorough reform it appears rea- ti
sonable to U9 that the investigation should ex- u
tend through all the branches of the Qovernment u
?especially a'mong the officers entrusted with ii
the public money. And yet gladdened with the a
semblance of an irregularity in the conduct per
haps of a single clerk, with what exultation has 1
the discovery been proclaimed and reiterated !? 6
Such conduct is degrading to liberal and en- 0
lightened legislation. And yet we believe it 1
has at all times been the course pursued in Con- 0
gress. r
After detecting and exposing the error, it 1
imay be deemed incumbent on us to indicate the
course which is to be pursued. We do not admit
the inference, but still, with all our ignorance,
we think we can give some hints?not as
to the abuses themselves, but of some methods
by which they can and ought to be corrected.
We have asked, in a preceding paragraph,
whether abuses do not exist elsewhere, than under
the eye of the Executive? We ask again,
do they not exist in the Capitol, with the tplerance
of Congress itself ? We do not say that I
the members are conscious of the toleration? i
but we ask, why, when acute in the discovery
of delinquency, they are blind to what takes
place immediately under their surveillance.? |
We think we can give some hints on this mat- t
ter, which may be beneficial, but we shall defer (
the performance of the task to another opportunity.
I
_
the rear. a
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anM?r by a postmaster's certificate, tnat such remittance
??s been duly mailed.
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filled. '
Letters and communications intended for the estab- (lehment
will not be received unless the postage is V
paid. , '
THE MADISONIAN. J
? g
REFORM. 5
We have already mentioned one prolific e
source of the existence of abuses in the admi- ?
lustration of the Government?the delect in the ,
laws. The remedy in this case is in the hands e
of the Legislature. Let the old laws regulating
the duties, especially of officers receiving and t
disbursing the public money be revised, or new c
ones enacted, whose provisions shall be such as '
to entrust as little as po39ible to the discretion or r
honesty of any agent. The preventive remedy Jj
is always ih the power of Congress?the cura- t
tive is not so readily accessible to them. In-! i
stead of encountering the trouble and perplexity ?
of enumerating many reasons which combined C
have rendered every effort at reform by members
of Congress inoperative, and endeavoring t
to assign to each its portion of the effect, we o
will mention one only into which we believe ii
they are all ultimately resolvable. The process n
through which business goes in the National
Legislature will develope our idea. P
TH]
fOL. IV NO. 49.} W
MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF
SOUTH CAROLINA.
This document was delivered to the Legislate
convened at Columbia on the 23d instant,
rhe Governor congratulates the people of his
State on their "reviving prosptrity from the 1
inexampled depression and embarrassment of
betimes." This he justly ascribes to a u wise
tnd vigilant economy in the people," and adds
bat they <( have cause to exult in the hope, that
>ur Government may now be regarded as hav- 1
ng passed in security through the most trying
ind difficult exigencies, that ever tried its vir- '
ue or tested its stability."
In reference to the anticipated and dreaded 1
neasures of the ultra Whigs, previous to their '
eparation from the national Executive, the
nessasre proceeds to sav:
"Among these abortive expedients, none was regarded
with more intense and absorbing solicitude,
han the proposition to re-establish a National Bank.
)ii no occasion has the exercise of the Conservative
ower vested in the Federal Executive, been received
rith warmer approbation by the people of this State,
>r been more wisely and fortunately interposed, to arest
the most dangerous and obnoxious of all the preaeditated
violations of the Constitution. Of all the
;reat measures of national policy, productive of the
utterest contention among the great parties of this
Jnion, and which has alway* and justly been regardd
as fraught with the most powerful influences (for
;ood or fur evil) on our political institutions, the estabishmentof
a National Bank is certainly the most ohious
and important. If such has been the experince
of the country, in the primitive and purer ages of
he Republic, under the regulations of a Bank, arising
out of the embarrassments of the flrst war, and
he exigencies of the last?of comparatively limited
apital, and directed by the wisest and ablest officers,
vhat were we to anticipate from an institution organted
as the instrument of a paity then in power?opeating
amidst the ruins of a disordered curtency, and
he wreck, weakness, and dismay, of State and local (
nstitutions. The expiring struggles of the late Uni- (
ed States Bank, to perpetuate its existence against
he flat of the people, and the constituted authorities
f the country, are recent in the recollection of all of
' " * ? - a -i- u: .4 ? 1
is, anu rorm an important epucu in 1110 ui?uijr ui uui
Jovernment."
Alluding to the pernicious powers of a Naional
Bank, and the intimations of the friends <
>f such an institution, to rend the Constitution <
n such manner as to force the country to subnit
to their unholy desires, he thus continues:
" It was an honest confession, of one of the ablest
residing officers of the late United States BaQk, beore
a committee appointed by Congress to investigate
ts affairs, that it was at any time within its power to
rush State and local institutions I What an appall- i
off fact for the contemplation of the Sovereign States
if ihe Union 1 "What a propliaiui warning to the intilutions
chartered by their authority ! The instituions
of the Country to be uprooted and erased at the
lidding of a heartless, soul-less, cent, per cent, calcuating
corporation! The rights of the States, and the
iberties of the people, to be subjected to the dominion
if a sordid moneyed Autocracy I And yet, such is
he supremacy over law, liberty, and the constitution,
o which such an institution would inevitably have atained.
Encroachments upon the liberties of the peo>le,
in other times and nations, were to be apprehendd
from the swords of conquerors, and the usurpations
if ambitious rulers; but experience has shown that
n our own age and country, the strongest contests to
naintain constitutional, and even sovereign rights,
rave been waged against an ambitious money power,
n all its various forms, of Bank monopolies, and proactive
tariffs. Well, therefore, may we congratulate
he country on having escaped ihe ambitious pietenions
of an institution which, after im|ieriously dicating
the humiliating duly to the Federal Executive,
if violating his constitutional obligations, now threatns,
through the vengeance of a disappointed party,
he rash and iniquitous retribution, of abolishing the
aost useful and conservative, of all the prerogatives
>f his department."
The Governor deprecates the Protective Poli
:y resorted to in the revision of the duties on
mports. He alludes to the former opposition of
lis State to a tariff for protection, and intimates
n unequivocal terms that its ''preparations for
lefence are still in readiness and requisition."
3e is clearly of opinion that the spirit of com)romiseo(
1833, should still be adhered to. In
annexion with this subject he expresses his
riews freely in opposition to the Distribution
aw, and the recent manifestations of the will of
he people :
"It was enough to have borne all this with patriotic
levotion to the interests of our common country ; but
vhen it is proposed to divert that domain from the eared
purposes for which it was ceded, to afford a preext
for additional burdens and taxation on one class
if industry, to give protection and bounty to another,
t assumes a character of the highest injustice, as well
is the most palpable infraction of constitutional prin- .
:iples.
"But the most dangerous, as well as the most humiiating
effect of this measure, is (he condition of deicndency,
to which it reduces the States, upon the ,
lounty and benefaction of the government?existing
s they would, in the relation of subsidiaries upon the '
irofits ot their own estate?receiving its charity, j
loled out from their own wealth, and subdued to a
tate of homage, servility, and compliance, by bribes, :
tolen and lavished from their own Treasury. Is it ]
mt to be regarded as the first step to the assumption |
if State debts?designed to consummate a consolidaion
of interests, obliterating all distinctions of sove- 1
eignty, or pride of independence, and tending to con- '
entrate Empire and Dominion over the rights of the j
states, and the liberties of the people?
"I trust, however, that the spirit of reform, which 1
las been so powerfully evoked by the errors of the
ate session of Congress, and so decidedly manifested ,
n the results of the late popular elections throughout '
fyp Union, will prevent the spoils and plunder of this <
ystem, from ever soiling the Treasury, or oontamina- 1
ing the coffers of a single State in the Union. Let
is pause, at least for a moment. In the hope that the '
orrect principles and high motives of an unbought, '
:J...i . ? j : .iui- n " .
imcrniicu, ?uu invuiiupuuiu i/cuiutiat^, urc upriai- ^
ng their sure and aalutary influences on the counsels
,nd measures of Government." I
The Governor is not in favor of the proposi- I
ion to alter the Constitution, so as to limit the I
eligibility of the Federal Executive to one term
if office. He is also opposed to a restriction of
he Veto power. He says : ,
" In all the history of our government, the influence ,
if the Executive power, to modifv its action on the
eserved rights of the States, has been of a conserve- '
ive, rather than of an aggrcesive character. More i
han twice has it been interposed to rescue the people
rom the domination and abuses of a National Bank,
t was in defence of our rights and our institutions, j
hat the detei mi nation of a late Executive to refuse
lis constitutional sanction to the abolition of slavery
n any of its forms, was so fearlessly avowed ; and
his State, I presume, can havo no interest or motive to i
einove the few salutary checks and embarrassments
0 the so often unjust and inconsideiatd legislation of
1 majority in Congress, as to induce it to war against
he dignity and prerogatives of a department, the
veakest and roost conservative, perhaps, in the governncnl."
The rest of the Message mostly relates to the
ocal subjects in which South Carolina is more
mmediateiy concerned.
Biennial Legislature.?The act of the last session
if the General Assembly of Georgia, to change the
nestings of the Legislature from annual to biennial,
las also passed the present House of Representatives
if that State by a vote of 176 yeas to 8 nays.
The Hon. C. C. Clat, of Alabama, has rcsigued
lis teat in the U. S, Senate.
E MAI
FOR THE
ASHINGTON CITY, SATURDA
" WHO" NOMINATED JOHN TYLER FOl
VICE PRESIDENT!
This is the fifth time of asking.
We have put, and repeated this questior
again and again, to those?whomsoever the
may be, and by whatsoever appellation the
may be known or called,?who have presume
to arraign John Tyler as a " traitor" to th
Whig party
We hardly expected his accusers would dar
answer the question, lest they should criminat
themselves: We have, therefore, summone
the recorded facts of the case to answer tbi
grave and important question. We have et
deavored to show, that the ' Democratic Rt
publican party," who nominated Williaj
Henry Harrison for President in 1835, an
re-nominated him in 1838?and again confirme
his re-nomination at Harrisburg in 1839, alon
had the power to nominate John Tyler Jo
Vice President?to whatsoever party he migb
have belonged, and whatsoever clique migb
have claimed his allegiance.
If we have shown, or if we shall show, th?
if was never in the power of the self-calle
14 Whig party," even to have nominated, muc
less to have elected, John Tyler, Vice Presiden
it will necessarily follow, that he neither owei
nor owes, that party any allegiance ; and cat
not, therefore, be guilty of treason against then
nor, with any propriety, be called, by them, t
least, a 41 traitor to their party."
We may well demand of this party, therefon
in the language of Holy writ,?
Who art thou thatjudgest another man's sei
vant ? to his own master he standeth or fal
eth: Yea he shall be holden up : for God i
able to make him stand.
But we shall proceed in the examination (
the question?And, having shown, as we believt
what party had it in their power, at least, t
have 4' nominated John Tyler for Vice Pres
dent," we shall endeavor to show what part
did not have it in their power to nominate an
candidate at the Convention of Harrisburg i
1839.
Let us examine the records of the Harrisbur
Convention, as attested by the New York Amt
rican; and see what the entire effective fore
of the "Whig party" on that occasion was.
We find that the following States gave th
following rates for Henry Clay, as a candidat
for President of the United Status:
Connecticut, - - - 8
'Rhode Island, - 4
Delaware, 3
Maryland, - - - - 10
Virginia, - - - 23
North Caiolina, - - - 15
Alabama, - - - - - 7
Louisiana, - 5
Mississippi, - .4
Kentucky, 15
Missouri, ..... 4
Illinois, .... 5
103
Here ate twelve States, and one hundred an
ihrop vntpc wLilo t.on Honiann Vin/I
one votes, though but six States; and Geners
Scott had sixty votes four States, viz.
South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and Ai
kansas, being unrepresented.
But the most important question is, Wha
was the availability of these one hundred an
three votes, out of two hundred and fifty fow
composing the whole convention?
Were Connecticut and Rhode Island available
They went over to Scott. John Tyler coul
not have obtained them through the 14 Whi
party."
Was Delaware or Maryland available to th
" Whigs?" They both went triumphantly fc
Gen. Harrison at the previous election, an
would never have deserted their honored an
chosen chieftain?and he was neither Whig
nor Whig candidate?neither " among then
nor of them."
And how was it with Virginia, North Carolina
Alabama,Missouri,and Illinois ? Would any sir
gle one of these five States, have given their elet
toral votes to Mr. Clay, even if he had bee
nominated by the Convention ? We have to
much respect for the character of any of M
Clay's friends or supporters, to suppose or insini
ate, thatany of them would dare to hazard an an
swer in the affirmative. If there were the leas
nnaeikla flmiKt i n /v n n , ihnnn Q! tntm
uuuui, luuuuiug auy ui uicsc uiaic;
it might be that of North Carolina. But woul
North Carolina have given her vote to Mr. Clay
when she refused it in 1836, to her own nativt
favorite son, Hugh Lawson White?and aJacl
jon man too, as well as the ' Whig" candidate
How stands the case with the rest of th
States, whose delegates gave their vote to Mi
Clay?Louisiana, Mississippi, and Kentucky
They all gave their votes against his.friend an
candidate, Judge White, at the previous electior
The vote of Kentucky was given in 1836 t
General Harrison; Mississippi and Louisian
lo Mr. Van Buren; the former was too true t
tier old chief, to have deserted him; and th
iwo latter would never have changed from M
Van Buren to Mr. Clay.
Here, then, were one hundred and three una
vailable voles, as we shall consider them?how
ever others may vaunt of their availability?tba
composed the whole " Whig" forces at the Hai
risburg Convention. And were these the forces
and this the party, that nominated John Tyle
for Vice President ? We shall let the "Whi,
nnrfi/" itcolf anawpr flua miPefinn A ffnr mil
ting in (or rather letting the facts and the rt
cords, putin) the answers to our repeated "ques
tion," we perceive that some of the organs c
the "Whig party," have at last condescendei
to put in their answers:?and we thank then
for it. They will relieve us from much labor.As
these responses have but at the present mc
ment of writing, been brought to our notice
we must defer their consideration till we agai
repeat our "question."
We have endeavored on the present occasio
toshow that the "Whig party" at Harrisbur^
were entirely impotent to nominate either Presi
dent or Vice President; and that if they har
with all their unavailable votes, nominate
either, they could have had no possible chanc
?
ISON I
COUNTRY.
V EVENING, DECEMBER 4, 1841
R of obtaining the electoral votes of a single State
for either of the candidates.
Hereupon we demand, for the fifth time,
i, What right have Mr. CLA VS friends to
y call JOHN TYLER to account f
I "EVERY INCH A WHIG."
q
We copy from the Courier and Enquirer, a
portion of the rejoinder to our plea in defence of
e the charge made against us, of calling "John
e Tyler every inch a Whig." We shall reserve
^ the balance of the rejoinder for some fnture oc9
casion, "more propitious for calm consideration
than the present."
"Mr. Tyler's Madisonian has had the magnanimity
to put itself rectus in curia, and to tell the people of
M the United States precisely what its position is
j not. It is not Whig, at any rate, and the official
Organ is not only perfectly clear and explicit on this
d point, but it displays a whole column of learning for
B the purpose of proving why it should not be Whig.
It has gone into an etymological research that would
r do credit to Mr. Noah Webster himself in order to
it prove that the Hon. Daniel Webster is Prime Ministt
r at this moment to a man who is no more a Whig
than the Czar of Muscovy. The Madisonian defies
pretty much all creation to prove that it ever was
tt Whig, and, of course it is perfectly successful in prov,
ing at the same lime and by the same process, that
its Master is no Whig, never was, and never intends
h to be. The "black, letter learning" touching the
t derivation of the word "Whig" we look upon as ex'
ceedingly conclusive, and the "Sour Whey" may be
I* put down among the most overwhelming demonstral
tions of modein argument. Whiggism will please to
consider itself dead and buried from the date of the
> last Madisonian."
11 We feel bound to acknowledge that the Courier
and Enquirer have given us altogether too
!> much credit, both for our learning and our
prowess!
We must seriously object to the high complif"
ment of having "defied pretty much all crea8
tion!" for we did not intend to defy even "all"
the Whig party ; though the whole of them are
an exceeding small part of "creation," however
great they may appear in their own eyes.
? As to "Whiggism pleasing to consider itself
l~ dead and buried" from any mortal blow that we
y have dealt it, it is our consolation to know that
y it is able "to read its own epitaph."
n We most solemnly protest! that so far from
slaying it, we did not even intend " to shatter
? its right arm /"
e EXACT JUSTICE.
Mr. Tyler's enemies are of two classes?first, the
e political friends of Mr. Clay and a National Bank;
^ and secondly, the aspirants for public office, whose
principles lie in the depth oftheir pockets, and not the
sternness of their integrity.
The friends of Mr. Clay, like their, "peet less master,"
for the most part are violent and vindictive in their
feelings, ambitious in their desires, and, to a certain
extent, profligate in their intentions. They advocate
swell known class of dogmas peculiar, in an eminent
degree,to a school of expediency; abstractions they deem
very offensive, and consistency is not found in their
voluminous vocabulary. In a day so advanced as our
own, it would be specially impolitic to advance and
plopagate such sentiments and opinions as they honestly
entertain. A consolidated Government supported
ed by a Congressional moneyed charter, a protective
/- system of imposts, and a national debt?aie too obil
noxious to be openly maintained; stratagem and con.
cealment are permitted to accomplish the work?fraud
r_ and misrepresentation are brought into requisition. ?
With such politicians John Tyler entertained no
sympathies; his creed always had been simple and
^ honest, demanding for its support neither mask nor
cloak?his opinions before were the same as his opinr?
ions after an election. Thus is it that malignant hostility
breeds in that quarter ; for honesty of intention
'? and purity of motive can bear no relationship to dishod
nesty and dissemblance.
A. ?h.. ?v.o ?c
g ?. .lie uie.^i.i.iucu. *"v " ?'
fice-seekers, it was to have been anticipated ; to divide
e the vesture of Executive patronage was no easy task.
)r General Jackson was nearly sacrifl^fd by such men
j as these?and, if we mistake not, tWiy expect Presij
dent Tyler to mount their funeral pile. When the
reins of Government, by a wise dispensation of Pro''
vidence, were thrown into his hands, he did not expect
that a trust so important and responsible was to
be converted into a system of spoils; that heated and
i, violent partisans were to become public cormorants,
i- and the national funds the rich booty of the victors.?
Such, then,is the second class of Mr. Tyler's oppon
nents.
Q It would lie well for the reflecting and dispassionate
of all parties to give these facts a few moments' careful
investigation. If Mr. Tyler became the object of
political hatred, solely because he loved honesty betterthan
party, what patriot, what moral man, can arraign
him for treason or a breach of trust 1 Can
>? the independent portion of the American people, the
d disinterested and free, pronounce him a man unworthy
of confidence, simply because he held sacred his
integrity 7 We opine not. Justice must and will
protect him.
From the Next York Courier <f? Enquirer.
e At was to be expected.?The Madisonian can't hold
r. in any longer. It has been evident all along that the
7 official paper was bursting with the wish to tell the
* people of the United States that Mr. Tyler signed
d the various bills passed at the extra-session of Cont
gress against his own will, and merely to Jteep in a
little longer with the paity that placed him in -a
? chance for the Presidency. Speaking of what the
a President has done as well as what he has not done,
the Madisonian now says.
0 " While yielding to the wishes of the People as ime
plied in the votes of a majority of their Representsr
lives, in questions to which he could have no other
objection than their inexpediency, he ha* steadily refused
his sanction to an enactment which he has always
conscientiously deemed to be decidedly unconstitutional.
Being held personally responsible for the
r* acts of his administration, he has followed the dictates
it of his own judgment and conscience, instead of yielding
blindly to the wishes and opinions of a majority."
Here we have it. Mr. Tyler has " yielded" tot he
t, wishes of the people so far as to sign the Landilisr
tribution bill, the Loan bill, the Repeal of the SubTreasury
bill, &c., though in his own sovereign opiS
nion they were inexpedent. We don't know how his
t- "judgment and conscience" stood with regard to the
expediency of the Bankrupt act.
We are willing thai the country should have
^ the benefit of the sage reasoning of this ' ene.
j my of the President." That the Courier and
n Enquirer is embarked in a hopeless war against
the Executive, and that it is "grasping at straws"
at every turn in its convulsive struggles to keep
( its head above water, we think the above special
men will be .sufficiently convincing to the most
obtuse intellect.
If the paragraph quoted from this paper proves
n that the President signed the bills referred to
f? against his will, then truly the Couriet and Enquirer
has not been defeated in every attempt to
' throw odium on the Administration, and may
? yet expect to realize another loan from a Nae
tional Bank.
iZXW* O/ilii/LAQ JIH T 'iO b'-ll ? \< <.liU
?^ggBBHBBg
AN.
L. [WHOLE NO. 157
The untoward events which occurred at Washing
ton during the extra eeeeion, have been a prolifii
aource of discord and diaaateraince. The evila in flic
ted cannot now be recalled ; it only remaina to pre
vent, if pooaible, their continuance. Thia may bs
brought about by a spirit of mutual reapect, forbear
ance and conciliation, and it can be realised in n(
other shape.
If the fiscal agent, to be presented in the forthconv
ing message, shall conform in its essential ptovisiona ti
the recommendations contained in the previous com'
municationa of the President, we trust it will be adopt'
ed, and that a fair opportunity wilt be given it tc
prove itself woithy of the confidence of the public
Should it fail of accomplishing the ends proposed, il
can be modified, or something different can be substituted
in its place. It belongs to a subject which is
every day making new developments, upon which
new light is constantly falling, and which imbodiei
the experience of the past. We are auite as often
made wise by adversity as prosperity, by the ruin ai
thfe realization of our hopes.
But be the results what they may, it will not bt
sound policy in the Whigs to move in favor of a National
Bank, till we have some further demonstration!
of public sentiment on the subject. Let the call foi
such an institution co.ne from every section of the
land, before the Whigs again put their ascendancy ir
jeopardy for its attainment. The most substantial bene
fits conferred by party measures, are ever regardet
with jealousy, and even the blessings which they be
stow are often strangely perverted.?Phil. Nortl
American.
We like the tone and spirit of the North Ame
rican's remarks, and cordially agree with the
editor that the Bank Whigs will find it politic
not to "move in favor of a National Bank tib
they have some further demonstrations oj
public sentiment" in favor of the project. Al
we ask is, that they should wait till that time
But perhaps something can be effected in the
meantime for the people.
FEMALE FINANCIERS OF LOWELL.
We take the following compliment to the financia
talents of the factory girls of Lowell, from the Harris
burg (Pa.) Intelligencer. We think Mr. Biddle migh
take a hint from the article?especially from the con
eluding paragraph,?which would be of especial ben
efit to him, if he should meditate any new opeiation
in banking, after he had wound up his old ones, a
they had wound up him.
The Real Cause of New England's Prosperity.The
last Miners' Journal says that if the newspapei
are to be credited, the New England States are no'
in a most prosperous condition, and then gives th
whole credit of this prosperity to the perfection of th
New England banking system.
The prosperity of the New England States at thi
time, while the Middle, Southern and Western State
are suffering under groat pecuniary embarrassmenti
rests upon a more solid foundation than any banking
system. It is the industry of New England and th
investment of New England capital in manufactures
that now gives prosperity to theso States.
The following fact speaks volumes. The factor;
girls at Lowell have on deposite in the Savings Bani
upwards of $305,000. The whole number of dep.isi
tors is 978. It is common for one girl to have $500 oi
deposite.
Is there any Lowell in Pennsylvania 1 Has Phila
delphia capital been invested in the interior, like th
Boston capital, in building up manufactories'! Hov
many poor girls in Pennsylvania have, by their indue
try, money in our banks 1
The fact is, the Banks can only be sustained by th
domestic industry of the country, and not the peopl
by the Banks. If Congress would encourage mane
factures it would do more to create a sound currenc
than the establishment of a hundred National Banki
which when created could not be sustained.
Eztract from the report of the Committee on th
state of the Republic, recently made in the Legisla
ture of Georgia:
" The Committee cannot withhold the expressioi
of their approbation of the Executive for his infiexibli
adherence to his constitutional opinions, under th
most embarrassing circumstances, upon the subject o
a Bank of the United States, by which the countrj
has been spared yet longer from the blighting curse o
a vast moneyed corpoiation, with power to sway th
interests and control the business of the people of eve
ry section of this extended republic. And the measures
adopted bv the narlv to which the President ii
attached, to bring disgrace and disrespect upon theii
official heads, for the conscientious performance of e
public duty, are not the least among the alarming indications
which, in the opinion of this Committee
ought to excite the apprehensions, and enlist the exer
tions of the people.
The attempt made to bring odium upon the Chie
Magistrate, by casting contumely upon him in th<
halls of Congress, in newspapers of his own political
stamp, repudiating the officer whom they had elevated
to power, proclaiming him unworthy of confidence
for an exercise of the very authority which he had al
ways claimed, of repairing the breach in the Constitu
tion, whenever an opportunity offered, does exhibit i
disregard of one of the departments of the Govern
ment?a contempt for the established institutions o
the land, and a recklessness of party spirit so pregnant
with mischief that, if not arrested, will relax at
tachment to the laws, engender dissension* pernicioui
and incurable among the supporters of a wholesome
Government, and operate to the destruction of all mo
ral and political obligation."
Appended to the report we find the following among
the resolutions:
"Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be in
structed, and our Representatives requested, to voti
against the establishment of a United States Bank, ii
every aspect and by every name that it may be presen
led ; and that they use their exertions to effect a repea
of the distribution bill, the bankrupt bill, and so ti
modify and reduce the loan bill and revenue bill, as t<
limit the sum raised for the support of Government t
an amount only which economy in the public servic
may require."
Resolved, That we view the attempt now makinj
to abolish the Veto power of the Executive branch, a
a dangerous attack upon the liberties of the people
and hostile to the first principles of a Republican Go
vernment."
"THE NAVAL APPRENTICES."
We copy the following article, under the abovi
head, from the Courier Enquirer. We are happj
to perceive that the Editor does not suffer his politic!
to bias his judgment.
The Naval Apprentices.?The Madisonian in no
ticing our remarks in copying an article from the Bal
timore American on the subject of the Naval Appren
tice system, censures our Baltimore contemporary foi
staling the circumstances connected with it, withoui
taking the proper steps for ascertaining its correctness
and the Madisonian thinks it still more to be regrettei
that " a Naval Officer" upon whose authority thi
statement was made, should have hazarded an asser
tion calculated to reflect so seriously on the adminis
_ .f >L. XT rv A 117;.I
nation 01 me xvavy Lseparuueni. vv linoui concur
ring or non-concurring in (he remarks of ihe Madiso
nian, for we have no other knowledge of the facls o
the case than we have gathered froin the two newspa
per articles to which we refer, it is gratifying to fim
the,following statement in the official paper; for thougl
it is not quite satisfactory, it does not seem to us s<
gross a case as it appeared to be in the original repre
mentation of it. 1 he veidict of the jury convicting
the boy of manslaughtei is an ugly circumstance, ant
a very awkward one to get over; but we are not
among the number of those who look upon the decision
of Juries as infallible, and if this boy really killed
his companion by accident, the only wonder is that
the Jury convicted him : not that a Governor extender!
his pardon, or that the youth was permitted to enlist
into the public service. There may be other circumstances
connected with the case which would
warrant the severity with which it was commented on
by the Ameiican ; but, as the statement stands in the
Madisonian, we really do not see much to find fault
with.
fmprisonmentfor /W.-Thr citizens of Hudson
county, N. J , a few evenings since held a very large
public meeting at Jersey city, for the purpose of influencing
the Legislature of that State wholly to expunge
from her statute books the odious feature of imprisonment
for debt, which still disfigures and disgraces iti
folios.
1
, II LI ?
Nrtn Yort Correspondence.
New York, Nov. 30, 1841.
Last week was the week of Fetea, long lo be remembered
in this cilv and in Boston. Balla, as-emblies,
dinners, formal visitations, were the order of the day
and evening. The Prince has at length gone. Under
a salute from the North Carolina seventy-four,
which she returned, the Belle Poule got under weigh
on Sabbath morning, and passed gallantly down the
haibor in company with ber tender, La Caesard. The
roar of the cannon mingling with the church going
bells, prod uced a fine effect upon the ear, indeed, but
_ did not give the religious community any ?ery high
. opinion of His Royal Highness' respect for the Sab>
bath. The departuie on this day drew hundieds about
* the Battery ; and in that portion of the city, at least,
there was little resemblance to the Sabbath day. The
. Belle Poule, nevertheless, did not get to sea that day,
> but dropped anchor a league below, on account of tho
threatening aspect of the sky. A storm came on of
, driving snow, which lasted thirty hours, covering the
, hills about the harbor with snow a foot deep, and in
1 many parts of our streets drifting to four feet in depth.
( This morning (Tuesday)the day is dazzling brilliant,
I and the Belle Poule is already departing our shores.
> A pleasant passage to the courteous Prince ! His re|
ceplion here, in this "land of sovereigns," will surprise
Europe, and afford a useful theme for It.e con!
temptation of aristocratic statesman. The "Sun" of
' this morning contains some very sensible and appro|
priate remarks upon the reception given to him, with
, some just animadversions upon the almost servile adut
lation he received from individuals of both sexes Inj
stead of hospitality and civility, we have been paying
actual homage to the Prince. From his reception
i among us, the sovereigns of Europe knowing us not,
and judging only by the teeming, might readily think
it would be no difficult task at any peculiar crisis to
! place a scion of royalty on an American throne. His
> tour has been a triumph of homage, not to the man,
f but to the Prince and King. But the public and forf
mal attention bestowed upon him have been given,
| we all know and feel, to La Belle France! Foi two
or three days previous to the magnificent fete given
him by a distinguished lady of this city, she received
calls from upwards of a hundred persons, of both sexes,
who never visited her before, and who committed this
gross solicism in etiquette, and made the sacrifice of
1 their self respect., in order to get an invitation to behold
- royalty. Americans though we are, we do love royal1
ty and its external pomp and grandeur. It confers
- powers on the individual, royal himself, and we do
- homage to the position whieh confers power, bb we
s all do to wealth, the representation of it.
a Lord Morpeth, one of the most pleasing and captivating
men (though not personally very handsome) is still
- the city's guest. A dinner was given him yesterday at
r8 the City Hotel, by the English merchants, or rather
|e by the St. George's Society, the president of which
e officiated aschairman at the dinner. All went off admirably,
his Lordship making a neat and appropriate
" speech, which is reported in tho Herald, which cer1(
tainly has one of the best and cleverest reporters.
g The good citizens of New York are never in want
8 of causes for excitement. No sooner has the Prince
' departed and Morpeth been dined, than comes one of
Y the finest falls of snow, sleigh-ridera could wish, fol'
I I J 1 1?I?La A .1 sk IJ . tk?
* luweu oy one 01 me unguiCBi uuyn 111 uic worm , um
consequence is everybody is gone mad with sleighing.
Yesterday, in the midst of the falling flakes, Broa.l.
way was filled with sleighs of evory description, from
e the vast omnibus sleigh, to the dandy's swanlike velii*
cle ; the war of the wheels over pavements is this
morning pleasantly substituted by the merry music of
e sleigh-bells; and the "belles" that lately promenaded
6 the sidewalk in silks and laces, now are whirled on
y runners through the streets, enveloped in velvets and
i, fuis; the moon is full, and as the night promises to be
clear, the avenues will probably present the most exe
citing scenes winter ever yet witnessed,
i- The ladies dress more richly now than in New
York's most palmy times; the most gay and brilliant
r> colors prevail?scarlet and cherry being favorites;
0 Velvets are much worn, and furs very little, except in
f the shape of muffs; neat cloaks of light Thibet cloth
1 are substituted for the unsightly tunics of the last seaf
son ; velvet hats are altogether worn, the color black
f or of the darkest maroon. Gentlemen also dress with
great expense, and their outside coats are made an
s much for ornament as comfort, being highly finished
with braid and needlework; private equipages havo
increased one-third in number sipce the last winter,
, and are far more elegant; while everybody who is
* any body have put liveries on their servants: 1 sen
j. several of the equipages are close imitations of those of
9 several of the English nobility, botb in color and form
I of the coach, as well as the shade of the lining : ono
' distinguished lady who drives often in Broadway has
[ a " turnout" exactly copied from the priva c equipage*
of Queen Adelaide; the young tnen of fashion
have one imitating the British nobles in their
style and habits of living, and even in the accent
of English men I So you see that, if these
things above mentioned be any indication of the state
of finances here, New York must be in a high stale of
prosperity, and altogether in a condition most enviableOn
a day like this, perhaps no city can present a gayer
; scene than New York. Not a lady appears out who
is not richly dreused, not an equipage that is not sty 1ish.
Those ladies whose husbands cannot afford them
i a rich cloak or mantle stay at home, and those gentle
men who cannot make a good " turn out," don't ride !
' The lady may have a good comfortable cloak and tho
, gentleman a plain horse and vehicle; but such slaves
0 are persons here in, and especially those on the verge
e of " good society" to appearances that rather than be
seen abroad in any costume of person, or style of equi1
page which would convey suspicion of narrowness of
circumstances, they will keep in. Hence you don't
" see in the streets the half of the fair women, but those
you do see arc fine as birds of Paradise.
Dr. Lardner is getting into favor here; and persons
3 are disposed to overlook his littlo picadillo for the plea'
sure and instruction his lectures afford them. Mitch>
ell has been convicted. Edwards will probably havo
as impartial a trial. Mitchell's has been conducted
* wiihout any refirence to his late distinguished social
and political position. If Justice, who of late has been
r obnoxious to the charge of making distinctions in int
dividuals, will only keep from peeping beneath her
j bandage to see reho are brought up at her tribunal,
crime among men of high estate would bo less fre
quent.
mL XT r? i J 1 I "fcT .L i _
1 ne ivew fc.ngiario mu owier noruiern meruoer* or
Congress are daily arriving in this city on their way
f to Washington. Messrs. Evans and Ftsscnden of
. Maine, Granger, of the House, Messrs. Wright and
' Allen, of the Senate, were here yesterday, Congress
^ promises to open with a full session.
A singuhi and melancholy publication was issued
| in this city yesterday by two or three of the presses,
, (those of the Express and Sun, I believe) entitled
. "The Record of the Dead in New Orleans." It is
for the purpose of giving information to the friends of
those who were carried off the past surpmer and fall
by the yellow fever. The number of cases is 1,625 ?
This is a very necessary publication, and one which
such instances ot great mertality'in the South, where
so many of every one's friends sojourn, should always ,
elicit from the public press.
Yours, Hudson.
i Illinois Bonds.?A letter from Lewistown, Fulton
county, Illinois, says : "All parties concur in the ne
cessity of |>aying the public debt, and sustaining the
credit of the State. If no other certain and politic
i plan is devised, a direct tax will be resorted to, and
this the people are prepared for."?Amu Sentinol,
. * {
a . -J
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' " ' ' ?*LgV^.

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