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The Madisonian. (Washington City [D.C.]) 1837-1845, December 04, 1841, Image 5

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^Persons ordering the daily Madiaonian will
please always state whether they wieh it eent to them
only during the session of Congress^or the whole
1" 11
The memsot -Thowi of our cotemporariee who
desire to be furnished with the President's Message
from this office, will please forward their ordeis during
the present week.
0*The number of exchange papers received at
this office is so great, that we find it impossible to
open them all: for this reason manv of our counlrv
friends must excuse us if the Madwoman is not re*
ceived by them after the 15th instant.
The members of Congress are now rapidly arriving
at the seat of Government, preparatory to their duties
which commence on Monday next. Among the
number already in the city, in addition to those
heretofore announced, we no ice Senator Benton, of
Mo ; Senator Fulton, of Ark.; Mr. Cross, of Ark.;
Mr. Henrt, and Mr. Irwin, of Pa.; Gov. Casey, of
HI.; Gov. Miller, of Mo.; Mr. Tillinqhast, of R.
I.; Mr. Taliaferro, of Vs.; and Messrs. Whitk,
Tope, and Thompson, of Ky.
Was yesterday placed upon its pedestal in the rotundo
of the Capitol. It attracts much attention, and
draws forth no little criticism. Let all see it, and
judge for themselves. At present we pass no opinion
upon it, not having had sufficient leisure to examine
Mrs. Madison.?This lady has returned from her.
seat in Virginia, and taken up her residence in this
city. We learn that she is in the enjoyment of excellent
The ultra Whigs, after a fruitless war against
an overwhelming majority for twelve years, (always
unable to effect any thingper ?e,) atlength,
by enlisting under the banner of Harrison and
Tyler, managed to come ?* with the victorious
party. But their file leaders, and more especially
their preaaea, by their arrogance and dictatorial
bearing, soon marred their triumph. Truly
their season of rejoicing was brief. Their own
folly dashed the golden cup away, ere its sweets
were tasted.
Yet when we calmly reflect on the recent malignant
operations of the ultra Whig presses,
their exorbitant demands, impudence, and unprecedented
abuse of the Executive, and deliberately
contemplate the nature of the elements
forming the Federal Bank party, our wonder
ceases, that their conduct should have been so
f bold and recklessly ufijust, and we think it almost
a miracle that they did not succeed in their
unhallowed purposes. Only a man of indomit-li.
i : ij i
nine spiru auu lruu ucrvccuuiu uuvc wuuaivuu
their iniquitous conspiracy! We will explain, ]
and we desire the reader to mark us well.
It is well known that when Gen. Harrison
first ran for the Presidency that the Federalists
frowned upon his pretensions. The National
Intelligencer and other organs of the party deprecated
his claims. He was not in favor of a
National Bank, nor was he vindictively opposed
to one. But we have reason to believe that his
constitutional scruples were similar to those of
the present Chief Magistrate. Be this as it
may, the Federalists at length espoused his
cause, convinced from abundant experience that
they never could do anything with Mr. Clay,
and willing to undergo a campaign merely to
*' gvt a change," as they often expressed themselves.
They said they had nothing to expect
from the party in power, and were anxious to
** take a chance" in the 11 new scheme." Their
first object was to get the Van Buren party out,
and they were willing to run the risk of gaining
something by the exchange. They united on
Tippecanoe and Tyler too," and then their
well planned conspiracy was formed. It was
this. Knowing that they could never obtain a
sanction to their long cherished Bank scheme
constitutionally, they resolved to effect it diabolically.
bv means of a well concerted, secret.
simultaneous and audacious movement by their
leaders and presses after the new President was
installed. This was concocted and resolved
upon before the great Convention met at Baltimore,
and this accounts for their acquiescence
in the declaration of principles adopted and promulgated
by the Convention; those principles
not embracing a proposition to charter another
U. S. Bank. They thought that Gen. Harrison,
if elected, would succumb to the advice and entreaties
of their great leaders; but should this
fail, they were prepared to apply another remedy,
the nature of which we will as briefly as
possible proceed to show.
The Federalists are generally rich?rich, because
when their banks fail, and widows and
orphans are swindled, the money must find a
resting place somewhere?and have always controlled
the operations of the mammoth moneyed
corporations. These corporations, when in ope,
ration, are required to support partisan presses
that their charters may be renewed or extended.
When defunct, the rich Federalists must support
them. Between the Banks and the Federalists
is 1640, the influence of nearly all the
ultra Whig presses was iecured. The officers
of the late U. S. Bank claiming a debt of gratit.wi.
far prvicrs rendered, and the Federalists
promising them future pecuniary benefits.?
General Harrison never dreampt of these tricks
of the Federalists. He relied upon the integrity
of the people. He expected that their suffrages,
if bestowed on him, would be a free offering
; a testimony of their gratitude for his
gallant services; and he resolved in the integrity
of hie heart to administer the laws faithfully,
according to the wants of the nation. He never
once thought of the policy of emploffrtg machines
to manu/acfure public opinion, and we
know not how he could have withstood the combined
thunders of the band of hired presses, and
the denunciations of a score or two of politi*
cian's. It is very certain, at all events, that he
did not lake the precaution to enlist a corps of
editors in different sections to enforce his docKi
trincs and defend him against attack.
It was resolved, (after the election,) first to
r ascertain to what extent the Federal leaders
could control the President by means of ingenious
and specious representations. If they
could cgjole him into an agreement to sign a
gjr Bank bill, it was all well enough. If his sanction
lo all the other measures of the ultra Whigs
lr *v - v. 1 I
1- ' -to* -f>''i ilk 1,-^k' t'li i r
could, in like manner, be obtained, it waa still
better. What would have been the result had
the General lived, we do not pretend to know.
Whether he would have been beguiled by the
fascinations of the Federal orators, or awed by
the abuse of their prepared chain of presses,
is only known to his God who snatched him
from the earth before the evil devices of his
" smiling enemies" were put in execution.
Foiled by an all-seeing Providence in their
designs against an aged man?but pure as old?
they immediately prepared their instruments for
the torture of his successor. This was a desperate,
but an only alternative. They feared
President Tyler's vigorous intellect and courage.
They knew that he who had the moral
firmness to resign his seat in the United States
Senate, rather than perform what he conscientiously
believed to be unconstitutional, would
not be likely to prove a pliant instrument in their
polluted hands. Such was their only hope, however,
and accordingly they lost no time in trying
the experiments To this end the ultra Whig
presses, on the accession of President Tyler,
first let off a fulsome strain of adulation. The
Federal leaders next played upon him with the
tongue, but he did not dance to their music.?
Their worst fears were roused now, and their
inquisitorial wheels (presses) were merely exhibited
to his view, to ascertain what effect the
sight would produce. To the several large cities
a mandate went forth from the arch Inquisitor,
and immediately certain selected editors proclaimed
the precise duties of President Tyler.
These articles were copied by the rest of the
hired band in all sections with commendations.
Congress assembled, and the Message was
spread before the country. This document exhibited
palpable signs of honesty and independence,
that did not please the "Moloch," and
the presses set about preparing to "put their
victim to the rack." The Secretary's Bank bill
was thrust aside by the Federalists in the Senate,
and the one substituted was vetoed.?
Then began their oral denunciations and their
torture of the wheel, (presses) and they resolved
at once to "head" him. He repulsed their second
attack on the Constitution, and then all of
their " infernal machines" were set in motion.?
Such groans, agonized cries, hisses, curses and
gnashing of teeth, were never before known,
save perhaps, in the " infernal regions!" The
poor people were robbed out-right?" new made"
Kentucky orators spouted blue blazes from the
rostrum?"burnt brandy could not save" John
Tyler from the eternal execration of the People,
and as for the poor country, it war ruined forever.
Public sentiment condemning the Presi- ,
sident's horrific acts unequivocally, spread like ,
thistle-jdown all over the land, in the columns of j
the New York Courier & Enquirer, Richmond (
Whig, and all the others that had been secured
and prepared for the eveBt. A stranger in the j
land would have thought the new President j
i was overwhelmed with ignominy, and th?t his 1
only course was to resign immediately, and fly (
in disguise from the country. A ruffian rabble ,
assaulted him with threats and hisses in his
mansion, and burnt his effigy before his eyes.
What was to be done? Where could he flee
the wrath to come? The verdict of the States
that elevated him to the Presidency was about
to be pronounced against him. Such at least
was the warning of the chain of Federal presses.
Wo to the President!
But how was it with the President in reality ?
Was this son of the noble "mother of States"
intimidated? Did he prove recreant to the principles
of the "god-like patriots" of the Revolution?
Was he wanting in nerve, in spirit, in
wisdom or honor ? No! Though the sea were
to dash its waves among the stars, and the most
furious comet were hurled down upon him, at
the bidding of those who would have him prove
false to the sacred trust reposed in him, still he
would prefer utter annihilation to a base abandonment
of honor among men, of obligation to
his country, and duty to his God !
His breast was calm when the storm raged in
all its fury. Nor was he the only bold spirit that
deprecated not the howling of the political elements.
There were friends from his own native
State, and from others, that faced the blast
with him, and they will some day reap their reward
in the plaudits of their countrymen. He
knew the motives that impelled the inquisitorial
presses that strove to apply the torture. He
smiled upon their vain endeavors, and patiently
awaited the decision of the States that were to
startle him so frightfully with their thunder-tones
of condemnation. They decided unanimously
aoaim8t the federalists and their pre88e8!
Still unmoved, he pursued his duties as before.
The separation had taken place. A political
revolution had been effected. Federalism had
resolved itself into its own diminutive element.
The Bank presses no longer pretended, to echo
the public sentiment, and were abandoned to
their keepers, now their victims. They who
once chuckled with the savage anticipation of
crushing the President, are themselves the victims
of their meditated cruelty ! The People
have rallied around the Constitution, and hailed
the President as its preserver in the hour of
periL He is cheered and supported by the voice
of bis countrymen, while the ravings of his expiring
enemies can only excite his pity.
The ultra Whigs and their editors have drawn
a definitive line around themselves, by which
they can easily be distinguished by all honest
men. They nurtured the venom within their
bosoms, and it is now consuming them. The
People will never trust them. Their poisoned
r_n -1?. u? rj ?? ???
arrows ibii suun UI IIIC daciuhvc, auu uu uuc
heeds (heir cries. Such is the fate reserved for
all conspirators.
Postmasters acting as Agents for Newspapers.
A western editor, after reading our prospectus with a
"critic's aye," declares that all postmasters remitting
us money from subscribers, should be " removed for
meddling in politics I" Is this writer awars that the
Department permits postmasters to frank remittances
to ail papers and periodicals, whether neutral, Demo- ,
cratie or Whig, and to become agents for tl era 1 i
Then why should we be proscribed 1 But he objects i
to our " thanking them" for their attention. We 1
think wa might be permitted both to thank them for <
their attenlioo, and pay them the usual commission ?i
allowed by our cotemporaries for their trouble.
The above usage has been permitted by the Depart- |
ment for two reasons. Pint, because it facilitates the
dissemination of usefril knowledge among the people,
who are the real sovereigns of the land | and secondly,
because it very materially' increaaes the income of
the Department.
Ws ask no privileges of the postmasters not granted
to other papers
This is the sixth time of asking.
We intimated, in our closing remarks, on the
fifth time of putting this ' question," that we
might avail ouraelf of the responses furnished
by our adversaries, to lighten our labors. On
the present occasion, we shall hardly be under
the necessity of calling to our aid such auxilliaries.
We shall, therefore, proceed, as we
commenced, to perform our own labors without
the assistance of our adversaries, till we have
occasion for theirs; and whenever we do, we
shall thankfully accept their proffered assistance.
We shall now endeavor to show, who and
what the party were, that gave their voles for
William Henry Harbison in 1836; and that
they were called, and known, by the appellation
of " Democratic Republicans"?and not
Whigs;" that the Whig party recognized this
" Democratic Republican party" only as their
adversary ; and opposed it accoidingly, with the
same violence and vituperation, that they now
oppose John Tyler?with the single exception
of not charging them with treachery ?for it
would have been a little too ludicrous to have
complained of violated allezience. where there
juilt imputed to the individual accused, but he
'called" on the Department to furnish him with
a schedule of all the accounts of all the officers
of the Army and Navy for the two preceding
years. Five clerks were immediately detailed
upon the duty of answering this inquiry. After
several months of labor, the document was completed?and
by order of the House was printed.
As is the fashion in such cases, it was read by
nobody, but the astute member himself. But
gratified by having a document printed on his
motion, he studied it and pored over it with due
intensity of industry, but the ox-yoke teas no
where to be found. * He scrutinized the bantling,
but the mark of guilt was no where discoverable
on it. We have related the preceding
anecdote as we have heard it; the narrative
may be erroneous in some unimportant details,
but the main facts we believe to be correctly
stated. The same obseivation may be applied
to the following account made by another honorable
gentleman. Its object, or the cost of answering
it, we do not at the moment remember.
But nearly a year after the call had been made,
the manuscript answer to it appeared at the Capitol
in the form of several large boxes filled
with papers?which had been despatched from
the Department in two carts.
To read manuscript does not suit the dignity
nr thp inHnlpni><> nf thp Rpnroi?ntativ?a nf tho
' W.
People. The proposition to print such a mass
of rubbish would have required more impudence
than any one possessed. The boxes, therefore,
yet unopened, we believe, remain in the Capitol,
an instructive monument of the futility and extravagance
of at least one "call" by Congress.?
This document, it was anticipated by thi gentleman,
to whom it was indebted for its existence,
was to prove a giant in the cause of reform
; but instead of realizing any such expectations,
it lies a lifeless mass in a lumber room,
a tangible proof of the folly of its father.
Calls' made so blindly can evidently never be
productive of any benefit. We say nothing
whatever of the cost of preparing and printing
such documents. When we asserted that we
could call the attention of Congress to abuses existing
within the immediate limits of their jurisdiction,
we had no reference whatever to their
own pay and mileage, or to the extravagance so
frequently appearing in their contingent expenditures,
or to the unnecessary cost consequent
on answering their calls. Any reformation in
these matters is almost hopeless. We mean to
bring forward no individual instances of guilteven
if we bad the opportunity of knowing
them. Our comments, as we have already said,
will be confined to abuses existing under the
sanction or the toleration of the law.
Georgia,?A letter from Milledgeviile to the Augusta
Chronicle asya I
Mr. Robineon, of Fayette, reported a bill to relieve
the pecuniary embarraeement* qf the people qf thie
Slate. Thie bill provides for the appointment of two
or more persona to appraise the property of the people,
which will in no case be subject to levy and sale under
execution, unless it shall bring at least threefourths
of its appraised value in specie or its equivalent?the
annraiaere to be paid by the owner of the
The bill to authorize the specie paying banks of
this State to ieaue billa ofthe denomination of one and
two dollaia, Ac., came up on its passage. Mr. Howard
offered a substitute authorising the Central Bank
to issue $300,000 of the above denomination, with
which to ndeem her billa of a higher denomination.
The above bill and substitute are still under an animated
debate at the close of my letter.
And up to the same hour, a bill is under discussion
in the Senate, to authorise the Central Bank to sell
ih? airwk nwned bv the State, in the StAte bank and
Bank of Augusta, at a discount of 10 par oent., payablo
in the bills of the Central Bank.
i i ; S ??n 7 ? o
Whiggery D-perote?The Virkaburg Misssis?ippi
Whig says:?"The State has gone to the devil
heel* foremost, and we care not how large the majority
against we may he?we would as soon see it ten
thousand as any thing else "
Individual and isolated cases of delinquency
in our public officers may be detected by tbe vigilance
of the Executive, and the offenders punished
through his interference; hut when an
abuse pervades the system, its correction is beyond
his jurisdiction, and it can be eradicated
only by the prudent and energetic action of the
Legislature. That it may be efficiently exerted,
its efforts must be guided by knowledge, and
though ours is but the superficial information, casually
obtained, by observers almost uninterested,
and without any intent of putting it to use, we
think we can furnish some slight hints sufficient
to communicate incipient ideai of the character
of some prevalent evils?and these ideas may be
fully developed by the resources possessed by
members of Congress, but removed beyond our
reach. A member may call for information
from the Departments, and we cannot; he. can
obtain a resolution, permitting the "summons
of persons and papers," which w .* cannot do.?
By the judicious exercise of the prerogative
vested in them, valuable information may be
acquired; but if they are exercised, as they
most frequently have been, the result must be
such as it has almost always been?that all the
labor expended in the cause of reform must be
In the first place, we would recommend, that
the person making a "call" on any of the Departments
should have an object; secondly, that
he should have a distinct idea of that object,
thirdly, he should have the manliness and frank
ness to declare it; and fourthly, he must have a
clear notion of the practical benefit derivable
from the answer. It is a fact well known, that
members of Congress make calls without knowing
what they want as often as they vote without
knowing the question. It is well known
that they make these calls without an idea of
what may result from them; and it is equally
known, that instead of directly confining their
queries to the point which they wish to learn,
they extend to every object bearing any relation
to it?thinking that amid the mass of elements
which must, in consequence, be presented to
their analytic skill, they can obtain the one of
which they are in search' We might narrate
numberless anecdotes, in illustration of the singular
character of the "calls" often made by
Congress. We shall allude, however, but to
two. A gentleman, who seems to have enjoyed
the reputation of being one of the bodv of inde
fatigable seekers after small evils?and blind to
the great ones over which he stumbled in his
favorite pursuit, had incidentally heard that an
extravagant sum had been paid by a public officer
for an ox-yoke. Resolved on exposing this
instance of criminal prodigality, he did not proceed
as any one except a veteran Congressman
would, and inquire of the Department whether
it had detected or could discover the truth of the
w ' i
ever had existed any other relation than hostility
What was the support that this Democratic
Republican Party gave to their candidate in
1836? We find, if our records read aright, that
this party gave the following popular, and electoral
vote, in the following States, for William
Henry Harrison :
Popular Vote. Electoral Vote.
Vermont, - 30,991 7
New Jersey, 26,893 8
Delaware, 24,733 3
Maryland, 25,862 10
Kentucky, - 36,935 - - 15
Ohio, - 105,405 - - 21
Indiana, - 41,281 - 9
262,089 73
Maine - 15,239
Connecticut, - 18,749
Rhode Island, - 2,710
New York, -w 138,543
Pennsylvania, - 87,111
We erred, perhaps, in ascribing all the popular
votes (opposed to Mr. Van Buren) not given
either forjudge White or Mr. Webster, as having
been given to Gen. Harrison. We are
happy to discover our error, and hasten to correct
it. Judge White was a candidate in other
SltfltPfl hpsidpn frpnrain and Tpnnpsepp urlioro
he obtained the electoral vote ; and we shall on
a future occasion endeavor to give the whole
popular vote that was cast for him. At this
time we shall conclude our remarks by a special
reference to the ^stay-at-home" Whig support,
that Gen. Harrison received in New York and
In New York, in 1834, the party who nomiqpted
Gen. Harrison, gave their Gubernatorial
candidate, William H. Seward, 168,969 voles ;
| while in 1836, Mr. Van Buren received but 166,815;
showing that if only 2.153 of the stay-athome
party had staid at home, Gen. Harrison
would have received the 42 electoral votes of
that State. In 1838, however, this party gave
Gov. Seward 192,864 votes.
It is well known that the Whigs of New
York, what there were of them, were in 1836
pretty generally opposed to the election of General
Harrison, and hence the few thousand who
supported Gov. Seward in 1834 and 1838 staid
at home in 1836.
How was it in Pennsylvania 1
In 1835, the Harrison party who elected Gov.
Ritner, gave him a 93,866 votes, while in 1836
Mr. Van Buren obtained but 91,475; showing
that if only 2,390 of the ilstay-at-home" party
had staid at home, still General Harrison would
have received the 30 electoral votes of Pennsylvania.
In 1838, however, the party polled
109,246 votes for Gov. Ritner.
It is well known, that in this State, there were
a few thousand Whigs who supported Gov.
Ritner, who would not support Gen Harrison,?
which shows pretty conclusively that General
Harrison was neither considered a Whig, nor
supported as the Whig candidate.
Had General Harrison received the votes of
these two States, as he would have done but
for the "stay-at-home" game played against
him, his aggregate electoral vote would have
been 145, out of 291, (for the vote of Michigan
was pretty generally considered by all parties as
irregular and unconstitutional, and would never
have been conceded to Mr. Van Buren, had he
been in a minority without it.)
Thus we have shown, that General Harrison,
had he received the same support that Governor
Seward did in 1834, and Gov. Ritner in 1835,
would have had the majority of the electoral
votes in 1836, lacking one,?that is, on the sup
position mat me ivncnigan vote was irregular.
If the Wbigs bad any support to give, that was
the time to have given it; and if they bad considered
Gen. Harrison a Whig, they could have
directed the Electors of Georgia and Tennessee
to have cast their 26 votes for Gen. Harrison,
their Whig candidate.
We might as well pause here, for the present
occasion, to give the public an opportunity of
judging whether, if there be any ground to ascribe
"treachery" to any person or party, it
might not with quite as much propriety be ascribed
to that party who make the charge, as the
person to whom it has been ao groundlessly imputed.
We have shown, as we believe, that from first
to last, it was never in the power of those who
now style themselves the Whig Party, to have
nominated any candidate at the Harrisburg Convention
in 1839. And if any man were nominated
as Vice President by that convention,
whom the Whig party might have claimed as a
Whig, or who might have considered himself a
Whig, it follows by no means that he is account- 1
able to those who could neither nominate nor ]
elect him. 1
Hereupon we demand, therefore, for the sixth I
time, 1
What right have Mr. CLA VSj friends to
call JOHN TYLER to account ? <
Northeastern Boundary Question.?The Legislature
of Vermont have just passed resolutions declar '
ing that it is the duty of the General Government to
prosecute the settlement of the Northeastern Boundary
Question without any unnecessary delay. One of ,
the resolutions is to the following effect: I
Revolted, That while we deprecate a war with i
Great Britain, as a great national evil, and to be re- <
aoneu io omy in em 01 wrn necessity, and while we I
recommend to the Government of the United 8taiee a '
conciliatory, yet firm and decided course on thia eub- i
ject, yet if such courae fail we pledge ourselves to i
sustain the autborhiee of the Onion in maintaining t
their rights with M th* rwouieee in our power. <
' - I . niiniiMi. ? I ij jj jj v..
A few days since we had occasion to contra
diet a statement made by the Gazette's Wash
ington anonymous letter writer, in relation t
Mr. Stevenson's communications to the Stat
Department, in which it was asserted that
war with England was highly probable.
We contradicted the rumor on what we sup
posed to be the very best ruthority, and we cor
fess that we are somewhat surprised to find tha
the writer in a subsequent epistle thus persist
in his statement:
" I do not know what reasons the Madisonian hi
which he calls good; nor is it possible for me I
prove what I gave only as a rumor. Bat my opinio
is strengthened since I wrote the above, that M
Stevenson did express himself nearly as I stated, an
that he prided himself on the rigor of his loot letter I
which I have alluded above. Nay, more. I hat
as good reasons as the Madisonian is likely to havi
that in the department most likely to feel an immed
ate interest in the negotiations, there has been a ver
considerable apprehension that the affairs betwec
Great Britain and the United States might not be se
tied so easily as the true interests of both countrit
would require."
If the writer has hi* information directly froi
the Department to which he alludes, then th
issue is between that Department and thos
from whom we had our information.
The Madisonian considers it a great merit in M
Tyler that his conduct has been approved by the "ol
Roman of the Hermitage." A most striking evident
indeed of his whiggerv. The true Whig# regard h
praise as censure, and hie approval as a condeinni
Secretary Upshur is disapproving of all the set
fences of Naval Court Martials which have l>ee
uruiiuunceu ior me last eignt or nine months, tie
liberal, if no judge of discipline.? Cin. Gazette.
The above is rather a favorable specimen <
the twattle of Washington letter writers. Th
usual folly of the Gazette's correspondent is to
absurd to be noticed.
But in relation to Gen. Jackson's approbatio
of President Tyler's vetoes, we are frank to cor
fess that we do attach some importance to itand
it is very obvious that a proportionate aj.
prehension of its effect is manifested by the u'
tra Whigs?or rather, as this writer would d<
fine them, the true Whigs. Yet it is not altc
gether the personal approval of the ex-Presi
dent, that we attach the importance to, but t
the fact of his experience in having done th
country a similar service, and his wisdom i
coinciding with the sentiments of the people s
lately expressed at the elections. The Gazett
was equally as bitter against the "old Hero
himself, when his conduct was approved by twc
thirds of the American People.
As for the Secretary of the Navy, howeve
much anonymous letter writers may assail hin
it is very certain that reason and justice hav
guided all his acts. At least, as far as we hav
any knowledge, no one has openly impute
any dereliction of duty to him. On the cor
trary, if we may judge from the statements c
Naval officers, there was never a Secretar
more highly esteemed.
It has been hinted to us that the Gazette'
correspondent was appointed to office by one c
the " retired Secretaries," and adopts this mod
of testing his gratitude, while in the enjoymec
of its emoluments.
What ismennt by the restoration of "ancient syi
terns 1" Are we to reject the teachings of ex per
ence 1 To throw aside what advetsily has taught ui
and prosperity has won for us, and to sit quietl
down, confiding in the tender mercies of our rulen
"waiting patiently for the fruits of their wisdom 1
Go to! is that what the organ of the Government he
to offer I T his people know that the price of Libert
is " Eternal Vigilance." They will not forego the;
watchfulness.?Cin. Gazette.
By the restoration of ancient systems, w
mean those honest principles and practices ad
hered to by the patriotic framers of the Const:
W e should not reject the teachings of expt
rience. Experience has taught us with a vet
geance that a National Bank has the power t
oppress the people and defy their rulers.
If we do not wait for the fruits of wisdor
our fate will be similar to that of the impatiec
boy in the fable, who killed the goose with th
expectation of getting innumerable golden egg:
The "organ of the Government" offers it
suggestions in all kindness, and if it errs, it i
the error of the head, not the heart. It court
the "eternal vigilance" of the people?it i
open to their closest scrutiny. Let them watcl
and reprove us when we go wrong. We hav
nothing to gain by dealing falsely with the put
lie, and nothing to lose by being honest.
Not more than one occurrence in fifty, tht
the Washington letter writers so confidently pr<
diet, ever takes place. Resignations and renu
vals are constantly announced by these new:
mongers, and when the public expectation t
distant points amounts to an absolute certaint
that the changes &c. must transpire, some put
lie act or official statement at length undeceive
Those who take particular interest in th
movements at the seat of Government, shoul
always regard the rumors of anonymous lettt
writers with a due allowance for their opporti
nities of being deceived.
Not long since a mischievous urchin told
letter writer that he heard the President, whil
walking to church, declare he would resign.Immedfttely
after the fact appeared in the pa
pers. Another lad, seeing a fair-faced gentle
man with ringlets, approaching the State De
partment, declared that he had heard Mr. Web
ster (while in conversation with Mr. Steven
son,) say there must be a war. This fact, o
something similar to it, was in the U. S. Gazettt
a day or two after. But if a war should tak<
place in any reasonable time, the U.S. Gazette1!
announcement of course is official.
There are many confirmed wags in this
city, who amuse themselves by communicating
to every body all the extraordinary movementt
at leaet a few days before they actually transpire.
By reading the papers diligently, they not
only enjoy a hearty laugh at the gullibility of the
public, but soon manage to ascertain who are
the correspondents of the different sheets.
We allude, in the above remarks, more parti:ularly
to the idle gossip concerning " state se
:rets"?the transactions meditated in Congress
ire more accurately given by the letter writers.
The Bank of England cover# five acre* of ground
ind employe over nine hundred olerka. Every thing
For the uee of the Bank is made on its own premise*,
ind the printing of ita notes is a large item. A note
>nce returned to the Bank is never to be ft-iaeurd,
nut is filed away, and at the end of ten years burnt.
The workmen are busily at work every day in the
pear, save Sunday*, in printing notes. At the annual
burning, two days are required, with a large fiie,
:o destroy the old notes; and it employs two men
:onetantly in feeding the fires.
L l'
t- by ex-president adams.
o To aid us in our researches on this interest*
e ing and engrossing topic, we shall avail oura
selves of the erudition of Ex-President Adams.
We shall therefore mate an extract from his
h- celebrated letter to the Hon. Dutee J. Peahce,
i- of Newport, R. I. j
it Quincy, Sept. 7, 1835.
s Dear Sir:
* * * * *
I heartily congratulate you upon your re-election to
0 Congresa?although upon many important public
n measures, 1 differed widely in opinion from you in the >
r- last Congress; and although I do not flatter myself
that we shall agree much belter in the next, 1 am yet j
convinced that the parly which has been these two
e, years struggling to break you down, the base compound
of Hartford Convention federalism and royal arch 1
masonry, is so rotten with the corruption of both elt?
ements, that I hail with joy the victory which you
;s have achieved over it. 1 rejoice also that the same
people have repaired the injustice done by the same
n party to Mr. Sprague, and have returned him to Con- !
V gress as your colleague. Of that part^ treachery is
e so favorite an instrument, that I have heard Mr. Burgess
complains that they have used it even with him.
It is their nature and their vocation. I welcome the
result of your election as a pledge that their chalice is
.e returning to their own lips?they betrayed Mr. Bur
ia geas, by not electing him to the Senate of the United
States. Their own organ in Providence charges the
j loss of his election to the House upon their treachery.
n So will it be, and so mote it always be?they have no
i* honett principles to keep them together?their only cement
is a sympathy of hatred to every man of purer '
^ principles than themselves.
e Towards Mr. Burgees himself I cherish a friendly
o feeling; for, governed as he is by impulses, and bitter
as he ia in the indulgence of his sarcastic humor, he
n has brilliant parts, a classical taste, occasional flights '
l_ of eloquence, and too much honesty for his party. I
_ deeply regretted the division between him and you,
and lamented still more his often electioneering speechj_
es against you. In my humble opinion public men
debase themselves by personally electioneering againet .
each other. The depositories of public trusts should
be ashamed to make themselves the scavengers of
l~ party. Mr. Burges suffered himself to be so used by
? the party to which he belonged. Verily, he has his
e reward?they have paid him in kind. ]
n I have taken as much interest in the Rhode Island
o elections, as in those of my own State, since the exe
citement on the masonic controversy has had so much
? influence upon them. What the politics of the Stale
may be hereafter, or what yours ip Congress will be,
I do not conjectute, but I hope they may be such as
r to promote the cause of sound principles, good morals,
and the Union.
I am, with great regard, your friend and servant,
e J. a. ADAMS.
e ? j
t- The population of England and Wales at periods
>f anterior to 1801, can only be determined by computay
tiona founded on the returns obtained under poll and
hearth taxes, and on registers of births and deaths.?
a Unfortunately, however, none of these afford data
if from which the amount of population can be accuratee
ly deduced. Daring the latter part of the last century
the uncertainty in which this subject was involved
afforded materials for a keen controversy, which was
carried on by Dr. Price on the one hand, and Mr.
( Howlett, Vicar of Dunmore in Essex, and Mr. Hales,
j. on the other. The former had contended that popui,
lition bad been declining in England from the revn- j
y lution downwards, and that it did not in 1777 exceed
4,763,000. Mr. Howlett, however, showed conctals
sively that no reliance could be placed on either Dr.
y Price's facts or arguments; and that there could be
lr no reasonable doubt that the population.had mate
rialiy increased in trie interval Detween 1 /uu and I78U.
e The returns obtained under the population acts put
. an end to this controversy, and proved the general acl*
curacy of Mr. Hewlett's conclusions. The population,
as deduced from them, after allowing for their i
defects and inaccuracies, is as follows :
Years. Population of England
0 and Wales.
1700 .... 5,475,000
0 1710 .... 5,340,000
1720 - - ' - - 5,565,000
1730 .... 5,796,000
1740 - - - 6,064,000 a !
7 1750 ..... 6,467,000 '
9 1760 .... 6,736,000
s 1770 .... 7,428,000
3 1780 .... 7,953,000
s 1790 - 8,675,000
I, 1801 .... 8,872,000 j
s|Ss 9 ?
:s.J? I I R
go. a "o
*2 2. g- s.
u 3 | 1 ?
r. i r 11
P iMrf * p (II
u j
v ? . ** i? ?- c- I
' \o itkU'U'W ;S ~.S" \
- S S.SiK p S; !'
^ I I
l 1 Si^ * gg I
r K m ?> !r II
I ||2S ? 2 ?
a 1, SeSflt.. ? r f-: f '? || ,
e ~ r *
I M?3?n {? ?
J. g.
c s: ? js I | ?"
-* tt&? -1 | !
"? W85' I ! r
* ? s
r 5> as J5 '& g j:
; ? 3181a * 5
S ?'S'8lS' - ?
i $ -j^S C?3o j
i ne population of the British Empire,at the present
1 time, us appears by the census just taken, is as fol'
1 England and Wales, 15,901,981
Scotland, 3,625,580
Ireland, 8,205,382
Guernay, Jersey and Man, 125,079
, Total, 26,867,028
Producle qf Maine.?A Portland neper states that
' quantities of lime annually exported from Thomaston
, in the State amount to 400,000 casks, producing about
half a million of dollars, generated almost wholly by
' labor, the cost of the raw material being about fifteen
cents per cask. Four towns in the neighborhood
produce about as much more. The number of vessels
built in the district in which this material is fbund
was, during the past year, 18 ships, 13 brigs, and 16 L
schooners. Another resource of Maine, now almost W
dormant, is the immense quantities of slate in the W
,ame region, and of a quality equal to that of Wales. Jn?<.
The Mendian crew of the Amistad are now in 1 j
New Yoik, about to embark for 8i?rra Leone. It is J
stated that the proceeds of their recent exhibition in I
several dtiee, during twelve days, realised upwards I
of one thousand dollars, besides tiavelling expenses. I
New Btdfw d Mercury. \ I

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