The Waterbury Democrat. [volume], October 02, 1936, Page THIRTEEN, Image 13

About The Waterbury Democrat. [volume] (Waterbury, Conn.) 1917-1946

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Vindictive “New Dealers99 Betrayed
Democratic Party, Says Al Smith
Urges Election of Republican Candidate Landon as
Cure for Country’s Economic IDs
former Governor A1 Smith of
New York state, democratic can
didate for president in the mem
orable campaign of IMS, gave his
endorsement of Governor London
last evening in a spirited address
In Carnegie ' -II in New York city.
He withheld the name of the g.
o. p. presidential candidate un
til the final moment of his radio
broadcast. -His address. In part,
follows:
Mr. Chairman, I desire at the
outset to thank the National Coal
11 tion of American Women for this
opportunity to address their or
ganisation and their guests here
in New York tonight, and before
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! I get started I want to deal very
briefly with one of the chief
Characteristics of the New Deal,
and that characteristic Is be sure
that you heap plenty of abuse on
anybody that happens to disagree
with you.
Unless you’re ready to subscribe
to the New Deal 100 per cent and
sign your name on the dotted line
you're a tourist, you’re a prince of.
privilege, you’re a reactionary, or
you’re an economic royalist
Smear Department
Now, my dear ladles, bear in
mind that nobody Is being left ano
you can be ready for your share
of It tomorrow morning. The
smear department of the national
committee will be working over
time tonight to see If it isn’t pos
sible to tie you all up to the pred
atory Interests and the oppres
sive.
Steps will be taken, likely, and
we can pass It over with a smile,
but nevertheless, to my way of
thinking, that is a rather serious
situation In this country—for this
reason—it tends to breed class
hatred.
It tends to set one class of our
people against another. And that’s
not healthy in this country. And
real Democrats do everything they
possibly can to escape it.
Now, let us see what it should
really be. The President, speaking
at Rollins College In Florida, on
the 33rd of last month, and he
spoke of a very beautiful senti
ment In this. And this is what he
said:
"The good neighbor is not lust
the man who lives next door to
you. The objective includes the
relationship of your family with
his. It extends to all the people
who lived in the same block. It
spreads to all the people who live
In the same city, the same country
and the same state.
It spreads to all people who live
In the same city, the same county
and the same state, and most Im
portant of all to the future of our
nation It must and shall extend to
all your neighbors, to your fellow
citizens In all states and in all re
gions which make up the nation.
That’s a beautiful sentiment of
brotherly love. That promotes the
natural instinct of love of neigh
bor, but when the President re
ported to Congress on the state
of the nation, as he is required
to do by the constitution, he had
some different things to say about
his neighbors In the nation.
Neighborly Spirit
And in tlie course of his long re
port on the state of the nation,
he used the following, "hatred of
Intrenched greed”, "unscrupulous
money changers,’* "their own stub
borness,” and "their own Incom
petence,” “cowardly close” “en
slavement of the public,” "manu
factured poisonous fear that Is be
ing spread steadily,” "I am confi
dent that congress is ready to
wage Increasing warfare.”
There’s a neighborly spirit for
you I Well, I don’t want to give my
opinion about It—if I can get an
opinion that suits the situation
better I think I ought to give it
to you, so I’ll give you the opin
ion of General Johnson. General
Johnson Is supporting the New
Deal in the columns of a metro
politan newspaper, but Immedi
ately following that report on the
state of the union over his own
signature, this Is what he said
about It: "A rabble-rouser, a de
llberallst appeal to tax the joy of
every advocate or class hatred
here and In Russia.”
Right or Wrong?
Noto, I'm In complete favor In
taking the general explanation of
it. In January, last, I made a
speech In Washington. It was not
cloaked In general terms. I was
specific about what I said. And I
invited criticism In the event that
I may be wrong with respect to
the record. I took the democratic
platform as It was adopted In Chi
cago, plank by plank, and I read
It to the assembled guests, and I
then pointed to the record. Now I
was either right or I was wrong.
If I was wrong, why it was a
perfectly easy thing for any rep
resentative of the New Deal to
pick up that same platform and
point to the accomplishment of
the different planks by a legisla
tive or by executive action. Well,
did anybody attempt? that? They
did not! But one of the democra
tic leaders undertook to make a
reply to It. And what was the
reply? Al’s gone high-hat.
That's a perfectly good excuse
for disregarding the sacred prom
ise of the party givep to the peo
ple In 1932. There’s another mis
take about it. I have a high hat.
So has every other man that ever
goes to a wedding or a funeral.
But I also have a brown derby.
And listen. I grew up to the
derby from no hat—I didn’t try to
reach down and get It,
Always Available
Then there was another very
potent and very forceful argument
in defense of the New Deal, and
that was that A1 moved away from
the fish market and he forgot his
old neighbors. Well, nothing could
be further from the truth than
that, because there’s a good many
of them In this building tonight
and anybody connected with my
organization knows that the door
of the Empire State offloe of
mine is open to them just the
same as It was when I sat In the
clubhouse night after night to
meet them, while I was a mem
ber of Assembly. Nobody can suc
cessfully dispute that.
All the sidewalks of New York
still are in existence, although
according to the newspapers dur
ing the progress of the convention
at Philadelphia, word came from
one of the steering committee to
the bandmaster not to play "The
Sidewalks of New York’ ’any more.
That’s a democratic song.
Now another one of the power
ful arguments that was made In
defense of the New Deal division
as against my Washington speech
was my business associates. But
just let me deal with that for
about a half a minute.
Work For Salary
In the true sense of the word 1
have no business associates, and
by that I mean that I am not
^body Jn ^any
AFRED E. SMITH
Former Governor
of It comes to me. I’m a salaried
man, I’ve never been anything
else, I’m working for a salary. And
there ain’t any difference between
me and any other salaried em
ploye. Well, let’s see how that
comes. After I left Albany the first
time I came down here to New
York I had no means, I had to go
to work. I left Albany on the 1st
of January and I was working on
the 2nd. I had no money to start
in business, I had no profession
because I didn’t have enough early
education to equip me for any
kind of a profession. I didn’t have
a rich aunt or a rich uncle to take
care of me.
The same occurred in 1928 when
I returned to New York when of
course I met men of means, but I
didn’t have to wait until I came
down to New York to meet them.
I met them while I was in Albany,
and they’re only, paying me what
they think I’m worth—I don’t
know anybody giving anything
away.
But let me say this, for the
benefit of the New Deal critics,
every decision that I ever had to
make in my executive capacity has
been made in the interest of the
men that were working under me.
‘Kicked Around’
Now, of course, I make no
apology for being in business.
There's nothing dishonorable
about business, whether it be large
or whether it be small, or about
business men, whether they be big
or whether they be little, because
in the last analysis we’ve got to
look to the business men of th|s
country if we are going to have a
permanent solution of the unem
ployment question or any return
to anything that looks like perm
anent prosperity. But in the
meantime the American business
man is certainly having a swell
time of it, getting kicked around
all over the lot.
Now the President in speaking
in Syracuse at the State Conven
tion and he spoke about the rec
ord at Albany. He's eight. I bat
tled as hard as a man possibly
could for the factory laws, the
workmen's compensation, for the
child welfare bill. I went around
the state of New York and I Just
took pounds off myself talking in
favor of it before every audience
that I could bring within reach
of my voice, and I stand today
Just exactly where I stood then.
But by contrast with the New
Deal performance, let it be noted
on the record that every one of
these laws were passed within the
four walls of the state constitu
tion except one. That was the
workmen’s compensation act.
The first act was declared void
under our constitution by the
Court of Appeals, but when the
Court of Appeals rendered that
decision the governor and the leg
islative leaders did not go into a
huddle and find fault with the
court. What did they do? They
proposed an amendment to the
constlutlon and they submitted it
to the people of the state and the
people of the state ratified it and
the workman’s compensation act
was thereafter enacted in accord
ance with the constitution.
‘Most List’
Of course we had an entirely
different system in Albany, the
president didn’t speak about that.
Here is the way we handled it.
When the democrats won in Al
bany, the counsels of the governor
and the legislative leaders sat
down around a table and we pre
pared the bill that would carry
out the platform promises. But
down in Washington there was an
entirely different procedure. The
bills were drawn by the brain
trust in the White House and
they were sent down to congress
and with them the command,
“This must go.” Why, it’s a matter
of record that in the newspaper
conferences with the newspaper
boys, the President himself point
ed to the bills that he said were
on the ‘‘must list”—that's some
thing that congress must do.
Just consider for a moment the
Independence of the legislative
ranks of our government. Our rep
resentatives, the people that are
speaking for us. are told what they
must do. Now If A. A. A., N. R. A.
the Ouffey coal hill, the Bankhead
cotton act, the hot oil bill and all
the rest of the unconstitutional
enactments were good — If they
were good—why Is It that the New
Deal didn’t submit an amendment
to the constitution of the United
States so that they could be legal
ly and properly enacted?
I ask the question and I’ll an
swer It myself. The answer to that
question Is that the New Deal was
entirely unwilling to meet the Is
sue of state rights. They pre
ferred to go up a dark alley and
do It under cover.and do It In
spite of and not with the consent
of the people’s constitution. Now.
Just a little passing reference for
the record. Before I leave this
’question of business associates, let
me remind the enthusiastic
spokesmen for the New Deal that
they find It very convenient to
forget that the present Chief Ex
ecutive whenever he earned a dol
lar of private or public salary, he
earned it as a lawyer and as a
corporation executive In the Wall
street district.
Betrayed Party
Now, there’s another great ans
wer makes a great hit—it has to
Democratic Presidential Candidate of ’28 Attacks Ad
ministration’s Record, Quotes Senator Glass
the whisper Is: “A1 has a grudge."
Nothing could be as stupid and
nothing could be as silly as that.
I have no grudge against the na
tional administration or anybody
connected with it. My fault with
them Is that they betrayed the
party—they fooled me and they
fooled the millions of democrats
that I suggested should vote for
them.
As far as the President himself
is concerned, why certainly I en
tertain no grudge or no 111 feeling.
I supported him every time he
was a candidate. He didn’t always
support me, but I don't feel bad
about that. I appointed him a
position In my official family while
I was governor, and I Insisted up
on his nomination at Rochester In
1928 over the protest of practical
ly every leader of the party.
I was with him in ’30, I placed
him In nomination at the Syra
cuse convention, although I was
not a delegate. I brought about a
change In the rules of procedure,
so that I might put him In nom
ination.
Then, of course, there was sug
gested also that I was a little bit
disturbed because I wasn’t offered
a position In the cabinet. Well,
that’s silly—that’s about as silly as
as anything could be. Why, as a
matter of of fact, I couldn’t afford
to take a position in the cabinet
—X couldn’t live In Washington
and give all my time at the salary
that a cabinet offlcer pays, but
there’s one thing that I could
have done, and one thing that I
always was ready to do, and
would not have added to a mo
ment of my business time—I was
always ready to give advice. But
I was never asked for It.
Vindictive
Now, while we're on the subject
of grudges let me talk to you
about a grudge on a grand, na
tional scale. And that was set
forth In the statement of the
chairman of the democratic na
tional committee when he said:
“You are on the outside unless
you were for Roosevelt before Chi
cago.” P. R. B. C. Por Roosevelt
Before Chicago.
Why, If ever there was a nar
rower, personal and partisan ad
ministration vindictive against
everybody that doesn’t agree with
its leaders it's the New Deal, and
that kind of an administration
cannot be democratic.
Well, let’s go back a little bit.
It’s thirty-three years ago this
month since I was first nominated
for public office.
Since that time I ran for public
office twenty-one times and I was
elected nineteen. My nam6 was
before the convention at San
Francisco as far back as 1920 as
a candidate for the nomination
for the presidency. I was put in
nomination by Congressman Coch
rane, of New York. And in that
convention I seconded the nom
ination of Franklin D. Roosevelt
for vice-president.
Brought Victory of ’32
Down in old Madison Square
Garden for about two and a half
weeks wi battled over the nomin
ation. In 1928 finally at Houston,
in the State of Texas I was nomi
nated, and I traveled 38,000 miles
through this country, spreading
the gospel of democracy and I
think I can say without ego that
I planted the seed that brought
the eventual victory of 1932.
Who’s Ickes?
Now, it occurs to me, and I
think it would occur to you, that
with all that experience I should
know who the Democratic lead
ers are. I should know who the
men are that gave of their time
and their service to the party, but
I’m compelled to say, “Who is
Ickes? Who is Wallace? Who is
Hopkins? and in the name of all
that’s good and holy, who is Tug
well and where did he blow
from?*
I could mention dozens of
others, but these are key men.
These are the men that sit around
the table for the fixation of na
tional policy, and I don’t think
one of them over read the demo
cratic platform.
Why, I don’t have to tell it to
you, you know it as well as I do—
when this administration came
into power on the fourth of
March. 1933, the whole country
was with them. The president of
the United States was the Count
of Monte Cristo. He was sitting
pretty on top of the earth, and
the world belonged to him.
He could have commandeered
the best brains in this country. No
man could any more refuse service
under him than he could refuse
Mr. Wilson during the period of
the war. No man was ever given
greater power by congress, and
look at what we got!
Quotations
Well, now, I just happened to
pick up the paper yesterday and
here's where I got that thought
from. Here’s what the president
of Dartmouth College says about
it.
“In place of leaders of balanced
judgment and capacity with dis
criminating council, the New Deal
has elevated to many of its fore
most positions of authority and
influence tin this time of crisis
men of no better than second
rate qualifications and with little
experience in dealing with affairs
of any magnitude.”
Well, what's the reason for
that? There’s a reason for every
thing. We come back to what I
said a few minutes ago. This is
not a democratic administration—
it's never referred to as such. By
its own people it's called "The
New Deal.” You don’t hear of
democratic policies, you hear of
Roosevelt policies. Why, I don't
have to remind the people that
live in New York that in 1933 the
New Deal party put its own tick
et in the field in this city against
the regular democratic organiza
tion.
And does the New Deal always
support democrats in primary and
general elections? Not at all I
What about Nebraska? What
about Minnesota? And what about
Wisconsin—where men of the op
posite political faith, because they
choose to call themselves “progres
sives” and put the stamp of ap
proval on the New Deal, received
the strength and the power of the
so-called democratic admlnistra-'
tlon?
Mayor LaGnardia
Why even a communist with
wild whiskers and a smoking
bomb In Ills hand Is welcome as
long as he signs on the dotted
line. And whue we’re at that—
what about the mayor of New
York? Good neighbor now! What
about the mayoi — ne’s a New
dealer—he spends a large part of
his time in Washington and re
cently |je went out West some
place to meet up with the Pro
gressives that are going to stand
behind the New Deal. Now, Is
LaGuardia a Communist? If he Is,
then I’m a Chinaman with a hair
cut.
Now ask yourself this question
—Is the New Deal right, and is
everybody else in the United
States wrong? How about the
democratic newspapers? The Lord
knows there ain’t many of them
In the United States, north of the
Mason and Dixon line.
But within the last two weeks
more of the most permanent dem
ocratic newspapers that have
stood behind the democratic party, ’
in season and out of season, vic
tory or defeat, have declared in
their columns that they’ve gone as
far as it is possible for them to go
with the New Deal administration.
What about the democratic Uni
ted States senators? There’s about
seven or eight of them down in
Washington that on the floor of
the senate said more caustic and
more bitter things about the New
Deal than' I’ve so far said tonight
or that I even intend to say. Let’s
have Just one of them from the
dean—United States Senator Glass
of Virginia.
Senator Glass
Here’s what he says: “The New
Deal taken all-in-all is not only a
mistake—it’s a disgrace to the na
tion. And the time is not far dis
tant when we shall be ashamed of
having wandered so far from the
dictates of common sense and'
common honesty. If it weren’t so
many people who depend upon me
and by that I do not mean my
family, I would rather rave died
than live to see the disgrace of
this error. That was published as
an interview in “The Washington
Post”, and never denied by the
senate. I regard Senator Glass as
one of the leading democrats of
this country. I owe him a very
personal debt of gratitude because
he battled for me in 1920 in the
State of Virginia against a hope
less proposition.
Senator Bailey, Senator Ash
forth and our own Senator, Sen
ator Copeland of New York have
all in their time said harsher and
more cruel things about the New
Deal party than I do.
What about all the men that
started out with the New Deal and
couldn’t last any longer? There is
a long list of them that would
take me a long while, beginning
with Peek, and you read Peek's
story in “The Saturday Evening
Post”, and you’ve got something
worth while spending an after
noon reading.
Warburg
Read what Jim Warburg said,
and he was a trusted financial
adviser and was a delegate from
this country to the Monetary
Conference in London, and, above
all things, be sure to read what
Douglas said, who is the director
of the budget.
Well, we are coming near the
end of the radio time, so let me
just say this: If the Administra
tion in Washington—no matter
what it desires to call Itself, had
lived up to that democratic plat
form that was adopted in Chicago
in 1932, and if it had remained
true to the principles of Jefferson,
that kept the democratic party
alive in this country after one
bitter defeat following the other,
if the president himself had. made
good on his promises I wouldn’t
be on this platform tonight. There
would be collation of American
women opposing the national ad
ministration.
I know where I’d be, I’d be at
the democratic committee head
quarters, where I’ve been for so
many years, ready to bat for a
success, but I can’t see how any
body can expect me to battle or
even battle for or even defend a
failure.
Here we are up to our neck in
debt, twenty-two million people
getting government relief, millions
out of employment, the farm
problem unsolved, after all the
power and all the money, we find
ourselves where—on the dead end
street called Failure—dismal, dull,
dark, dreary, Failure.
American Citizen
Newton Baker, the secretary of
war in the cabinet of President
Wilson; recently delivered a
speech before the American Le
gion, and he said in his speech
that the proudest boast of the
ancient world was I am a Roman
citizen. Well, you remember the
recitation, “Rome, thou has been
a tender friend to me, Rome that
sat upon her seven hills, and from
on her throne of beauty she ruled
the world.” In that time to be a
Roman was greater than to be a
king. In this troubled world today
let it be our proud boast; I am
an American citizen.
For Landon
America, you have Den a tender
friend to me, you have been God’s
gift of opportunity to me, and to
be an American Is greater than to
be a King, and I am an American
before I am a democrat, before I
am a republican or before I’m
anything, and I have never in my
long public career ducked, dodged
and pussyfooted. I have never
found fault with anything unless
I was prepared to suggest a rem
edy, and while I may differ on
matters of traditional party policy
I regard these things in the crisis
of today as merely minor matters,
and I am satisfied as to the basic
and fundamental needs of this
country, sound and trustworthy,
and it can be relied upon to cher
ish and preserve the great prin
ciples upon which the country
was founded, and which in my be
lief without them it cannot en
dure.
I firmly believe that the remedy
for all ills that we are suffering
from today is the election of
Alfred M.
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