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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL
VOL. XXU, NO. 14 INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, AUGUST 25, 1862. WHOLE NO. 1,207. WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL. ' 11 Tt .' H I' n iU.n ITMT M''M'.W AT TUR il E W SB Tl E L OFFICE, 50. 3 SOUTH MKRIDIAN STREET, OPPOSITE Tili: OL POSTOFFICE. ELDER, HARK NESS, ft BINGIIAM. TERMS OF WEEKLY SENTINEL: One copy one year $ 1 00 Ten copies, and one to tbe maker of the club . . . 10 oo Twenty copies, and two to the maker of the club. . 20 00 Thirty copie. and one copy of the WatK.LT and one of tbe Da:lt to the maker of the club 30 00 Fifty copies, ant two copies of the Weekly and two of the Daily 50 00 Addition can be made to Club at 'any time at tbe above rate. The names will be j rinted on each paper, without ; cxira cuarfre. One square, one insertion $0 75 " two " r. i oo four " a 00 far each subsequent insertion, and for each Inser tion of each additional square 3.1 l, ! --menls published in both the Daily and the Z L :7f.cr .J. 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THE DAILY SEIST TI3STTTT , Will be sent by mail or express to subscribers at any P' int for fifty cents a month, or six dollars a year. AH subscriptions invariably in advanc. Address ELDER IIABKNKSS, A BINiiHAM. 5flf(trö ftlisrrllaiii). Speeru of Hon. ni. M. TIcrrl- at the Drinorratic Convention in Miclby County . Jwe McCarty said: He had gloomy fore h ,;n for the future (' the country. The or deal of, this civil war is to test the stability of our Government, and the tit uess of our people for self-government. If with wise and salutary laws security for life and property with com merce, agriculture, and the arts all flourishing with every element of wealth and prosperity around Us a part of society this blessed shall attempt to reverse this picture, and crumble to a heap of ruins oar institutions, we may veil have ground for doubt. If the demons of discord and hate are too potent for fraternal love if bigotry is to master tolerance if frenzied madness is to rule over reason and statesmanship if conserva tism, is to yield to fanaticism anarchy be substi tuted for law mobs to riot in licentiousness, the days of the republic are then numbered. We all have a common- stake in the future destiny of our Government all owe the military duty of crns'iing treason against it, and all owe the po litical dutv of preserving and maintaining it. And here fet me say he who would exclude bis co-sovereign from his voice and weight in the leidation and policy of the cotintrv, exhibits the spirit of the despot and not of the republi can; ami he who would become the slavish echo of power, or would abdicate his political rights and dudes, or sutler them to be wrested from him. is not a free man, hat a slave and a coward. And here, as Democratic loyalty has been im peached and libelled, let me run a parallel be-1 tween Democratic lovaltv and the lovaltv of others not to criminate others, but to vindicate the Democratic party of tbe Northwest. Loy alty is but tidelity to the Constitution and the lairs. This is the test, as law is the only sov ereign in a republic, we owe no allegiance to Mr. Lincoln wc owe it to his constitutional preroga tives only. The annnllme at of the whole Con stitution (as done by the South) are acts of dis loyalty; but the annullment of anv part of it is equally an act of disloyalty. Abolitionists have advocated a higher law than the Constitution, and one at war with it. When have Democrats don it' Abolitionists, in many localities, have annulled the fugitive slave law, and wrested from the custody of the law fugitives from labor, and armed uoex have been re mired to enforce the laws. When has Democracy done so? Slaverv is guaranteed ami protected in and by the Constitution. Abolitionists have waged a crusade against it. When has Democracy done SO? Mr. Sumner's bill proposed to blot out Stale sovereignty, and degrade it to territorial vassal age. When did Democracy urge such revolu tionary measures! During the reijrn of Know N'othin:rism and Plug Uglyism at Louisville, Baltimore and else where, the sceptre of sovereignty the elective franchise was wrested from the people. Win n have the Demiavracy thus outraged the elective franchise and law' The Constitution forbids the abridgement of the liberty of the press, and the liberty of speech, and guarantees a speedy trial to a mun deprived of his liberty: When has Democracy suppressed pre es' when struck down the liberty of tteech? and when denied a speedy trial to a prisoner? M '.;-u the e a--s b the legal test of disloy alty, by the standard of fidelity to I tw. and apply it to Democracy and the enemies and lilellers of Democracy. Why, my fellow citizens, the irreat Burke once said that he who -et up his will against law, was alike the enemy of society and the enemy of God. Who are in this category Abolitionists nr 1 V -tti ! orts ' You all r collect, fellow citizens, when Web- ster voted for the compromise measures of 1850, to avert the calamities of civil war, that Faneuil Hall, the cradle of liberty, was closed to his elo quent lips bv the fanatics of Boston; and how nobly he vindicated the liberty of speech, not as a right, but as a duty "in times of peace and in times of war," as a legacy which, if be left no other, he would bequeath liis children. And yon also know that Jefferson, the great Apostle of Liberty, once knelt and swore eternal hostility to every fcaer Uori human thought and human conscience, and his treat battle against, an 1 vic tory over, the alien and sedition law, was for the freedom of eech. When our forts were eized and our mints plundered, piracy on the high seas inaugurated, or capital threatened, I frit that I was a co-heir of this Government, one of the guardians of its liberties, with a stake in its future destinies, and an oath of allegiance on my conscience to up hold the Constitution, enforce the laws and pre serve tbe Union, and my voiee was raised for the war. Bat I never dreamed that this one duty of tbe warrior required an abdication of my politi cal rights or duties or that Democracy and loval tv wer - in contlict that thev could not exist. If men believe that Democracy so pal-ics their soul- with cowardice that they can not fight, it it an argument against it; if it so impoverishes their parse that tbey ran not aid with money, it is aa argument against it ; if it so benumb their faculties and unfits them for legislation, it is an argument against it. Does a war destroy the immutability of principle' Does it make truth a liar? Is the liead robbed of its wisdom or the heart of its patriotism? if so then this self-stultification and tlie renunciation of Democracy is a doty. Bat I fear me such were never inoc nlated'with genuine Democratic matter. True Democracy nerves the httertto battle for tbe great chart of oar liberties, the Constitution, in the battlefield, and also in the political arena the motive it as hallowed, the daty as impera tive, in the one case as in the other. Now the protection of slavery was tbe price of the Union, and is a essential to its preservation as it was to its formation. Yet there is a elaas of men who would take the benefits of the Constitution and reject its conditions,mcn who would rob the Sonth of its gruaranteca men whose aim is to arouse pah lie sentiment into a furious hostility to slavery , and if they do not mean its extirpation what do' they mean? Mm North who pat slavery above the Constitution, above law, above peace, aU.ve perses-nte it with a fanatic's ical and "1"! nr liberties for the triumph 01 itieir uoeirmes; anu men .-tomn who put siavc- ry above law, above Constitution, above i :i e. above the safety of our liberties, are alike dis turbers of -o iety. It is not, fellow-citizens, in parchment Constitutions that your liberties are embalmed, but in the -pi; it of the people, the tolerance of equal rights, as political communi ties, or as men, but the absence of that dog matic infalibility which arrogates suerior wis dom or virtue to our neighbor, and a firm an i chorage to laws which are, or ought to be, the potential guarantees of all our rights. My fellow countrymen, the logic of passing events have burned into my brain the impression ! that the conservatives of thecountry must save it, if it is saved, it is not partv tritimohs, as such. that I seek, but the triumph of truth over er ror, of the Constituton over its enemies every where, patriotism over sectionalism. My Re pnblican friends in Indiana are not generally Aboliriouists, indeed many of them deem it an in-tilt to be called an Abolitionist. Let me ask them if their forces are not united and if the triumphs of Abolitionism is not due to their aid? Mr. Clay, in life and death, for his sentiments still live, refused to merge or affiliate with tho-c men whose revolutionary measures struck the hole fabric of Southern society, and upon this question we stand where Clay did. But where do his former worshipers stand? Echo can not fail to answer where. One word as to the conduct of the war. Can any man fail to see that if the statesmanship in council or the military skill in the field had borne any relation to the patriotism and giant misht of the people, the rebellion would haye long since leen crushed. The people have thundered tln ir power into the drowsy ear of tle Administration have demanded to be launched like a thunder bolt against the rebel lion to crush it. But hope has almost sickened over the protracted struggle and its hitherto in decisive results. Congress by its action and the speeches of its members betrayed the desire of a large party to wage this war for purposes ulterior to the in foreemcnt of the laws. Was it wise or politic under the theory that the secession ordinances are null and void and the Constitution still in force South to ak that the army should be wielded to emancipate slaves wa it politic to rob the loyal people South of lever and fnlcrnm by which the loyalty of the Sonth conld be re kindled ? Not content witli thLs, they adopted an odious, stringent protective tariff to swell the bloated fortunes of the factories not only ex onerating this class from their just qnota of the exjKMises of the Government but subsidizing the con-timers as tributaries to their wealth by the exclusion of foreign competition measures unpopular in the South, seeming to close the door to conciliation and strike a suicidal blow at the hope of a reconstruction of our Government. I have not the leisure to go into this tariff question snffice it that it is a covert and dis guised levy of revenue bv which the tax-payer pays to Government the duty on imported goods, and sometimes to some individual or corporation, the amount of the duty when not imported, in the shajie of pi it for goods, wares, &c. The tribute to Government we may cheerfully pay but I protest against tribute to the overgrown fortunes of the Lawrences and Eastern fac tories. The present tariff being almost prohibitory in its character, the tribute and the tax under it is almost exclusively paid to individuals. The sig nificant facts, that we go to the East for all large loans that the interest on money there is but abont one-half what it is in the West that the factories are realizing larger prolits am' dividends than ever before, whilst our staples are dwarfed in value that we pay more for nearly every article in our shops and stores and get so much less for our products, tells the story of partial and un just legislation, and yet their fabrics are excluded from a Southern market, as well as our bacon, flour, &c ; and if your members of Congress are so ignonant of the science of political economy, or guilty of that infidelity to equal justice si tu allow the East the market' of the world as against your products, and deny you a like liberty as against theirs, they are not fit to represent you in the councils of the nation unless yon dtsire by -tress of legislation money to be filched from vour pockets to enrich men much richer than you are. The reasons urged for the protective system do not rise to the dignity of arguments. The West mnst be and I predict will be an unit n.oon this question. If reason does not bring thi- conviction, their impoverishment will open their eyes to Republican misrule. My friend Owen, whose eye like the poet's "in a tinephrenzv rolling, glances from earth," if not "to heaven,'' to "foot-prints" on its confines, is ont for (mancipation ever true to his worship of chimeras for human happiness. I do not question his motives hut save in and by rcvolu fion where is the warrant of power in the Federal Government as against a loval slaveholder to manumit his stares ? The crime of treason may work forfeiture ; but where is the power to an nul State laws not in conflict with the Federal power ? It may be in bayonets, or it may be in the sayings of Senators, that in war laws are silent. In other words, to defeat revolution wo must resort to revolution ; to protect, we must violate ; to preserve, wc must destroy. No one will pretend that war adds to or sub tracts from the Constitution, and where will you ttti'l wer in Congress or the President to wield I the army in time of eace (or war) to destroy slavery in the States, and vet the Tribune and kindred papers say that the war will not termi nate until slavery, its exciting cause, Is abol ished. Arc all constitutional limitations u,.on power and all guaranties to be blotted out under the cloak of enforcing law against rebel subjects. Let me ask you if there is not as much loyalty i'i ti-hting to preserve a legal institution as to overthrow it? Is not the argument of the Secretary of the Navy and late Secretary of War, for manning our ships and garrisoning our forts south with negroes, because the climate was deadlv to the whites, an argument for their use in cotton and rice field.-? Does the character of tie allotted work vary the crime of servitude? Is there auvli less danger or le.-s despoti-m in one than the other? It the necessity of the rcsor. to negro labor is felt by Government, where i-the abstract right and wrongofit? Asacommanderl would use negroes for servile labor, but do not degrade our -oldiers to the peershij) of negroes nor risk the censure of history by that savage and indiscrim inate slaughter of men, women and children of which the slaves of St. Domingo were guilty. In vain does history teach by example, if we do not profit by its lessons. Theie are some other lessons of the French revolution written in blood, which tbe "multitudinons seas" will not wash out. What are they that Lafayette, Mirabcau, Barnavc aud the Girondists fell by the power thev invoked, and like Aeteon were devoured bv their own hounds? All liberty was destroyed by her own pretended worshippers. The barricades of law were swept away and tbe dogs of anarchy gorged themselves with blood and pillage Be lieving as I do that all lilssrty mast perish with the liberty of speech, I shall' only yield it with my life and believing that the great stake im periled by this war looks to the enlightened pat riotism of the land, I denounce that despotism which stifles it. I will not stoop to mask my i a a a political sHeciies unuer war speecues nor to a-k my servants m the v hire House or in Uon lor lihertie- enthroned higher than they are in the Constitution itself and if 1 believe that this cry of no party is but tbe mask of party to swell its muster roll, and affiliate Democrats with Abolitionists and thereby perpetuate their rule I will tear off the mask and defy the gratuitous advice to leave the veasel of State with a crew not competent to save it. We Democrats were taunted in times past when we warned the coun try of its dangers as Union savers and ray hope is that we may save it from Union wreck ers North ami South, and "pnrge the laud to a prestine health," by a con pn -t of -ec--i ri Sonth hv arms and altolitionism N rth, at the ballot-box. Democracy shouts for the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was; and what have we to day by telegraph ' Martial law proclaimed and die writ of mmu corpun suspended. Iki.ow not what public exigencies in Indiana exists to give to police officers in every village in the land the interpretation of what is loyalty and what is aid and comfort to the enemy, with power over the liberty of every citizen, and substitute the wis dom of these "Dogberries" formen skilled in the AW military courts for civil ones, with a jury of our peers- power so liable to abase from the ignorance or malice of informers or police men Is a novel chapter at least in our history. Some of our pious A-boütionists hold it trea son to discuss military' oApolitieal questions during a war. TheJaekillfw mariner, amidst storms and dangers,"- uija- hi- hurts for safety, and our perils are are aagrcftteT and wIkc l enoSi fqr 8 plavwl ont. premier -tm stimulous for patri- otic exertions ; and ople have not virtue and intelligence self-government, then our Republic is And I trust, in conclusion, that if the voices of Washington, Jackson, Clay ami Webster, shak ing from the grave, have not been sufficient to warn us against sectional controversies, that the bitter fruits we now experience will teach us the wisdom of their counsels. Now, fellow-citizens, the questions discussed have a bearing upon the war. I have not noticed its expenses, which threaten to cngulph your for tunes, for the sacrifice seems necessary ; but par tisan sheets even wish to shield thieves from that withering scorn which is the due of men who in the crisis of the nation's fate will rob her Treas ury ; and a partisan press is willing to make the war itself an instrument of parti -an triumph. Many even desire that the army itself shall be the instrument for the abolition of slavery and the triumph of their doctrines, and deluge the North if not with black laborers with black pau pers. Two Stpeecltea at Washington blaster and .Vlan . M range out rast. We published yesterday, side by side on the same paire, two speeches delivered at Washing- ton, presenting a very remaik ible contrast; one of them constitutional, statesmanlike anil genial the speech ot the Ulnet Magistrate ot the Kc public; tbe other violent, seditious und silly the speech of the late American Minister to Russia. One speech was calculated to do good, the other infinite mischief. The speech of the ('resident to the deputation of colored n en at the White House was sagacious and wise. It proclaimed a great tiuth that the difference between the black and white races in the United States is so broad that it is impossible the possess political equality interior race can ever with the superior and dominant race. I he two races can not exist in freedom together; for even at the Nr rth, where no leal servitude exists, the bl.u k man is practi cally ami substantially as much a slave as be is at the South. Hence the President says: "When you ceast to be slaves you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best heu free; but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treat ed thr brst, and the ban is still upon yon." This is hottest. To be the servant of the white man, in some shape or other, is the normal condition ot the negro everywhcie in the United States, i't d those of the race who fee! discou tented at their iue liable lot have no other rem edy than voluntary emigration and colonization a remedy, however, which only a very small nor lion of the negroes are willing to adopt. The President does not believe in arming the negroes to free them from the white man's yoke, because he knows it would fail if attempted, atrl in the et.d would brmx horrors untold upon the heads of the blacks, and because he knows that thecondi t ion of the negro would not be improved by re leading him from the restraints of legal servitude. Hence, too, the President does not see how the negro is to be bettered by emancipating him by procl . m ition and leaving h.in to shift for himself among a superior race. How different are the language and spirit of ' Cassius M. Clay. This man, born in the same ! Si ite with Mr. Lincoln, takes an entirely dif- Cerent view. He is impractical and visionary ; iiKe an tue Aiioiiuonisis. tie noes not oeneve in colonization, because it would delay emaneip.i tion;and yet he says he never was in favor of im mediate enian ip ition, and is only now in favor of it because it is a time of war. But if the pol icy was not good in time of peace, war can not essentially change it. Mr. Clay must lie aware of the policy of the Government and the senti meut of the country, aud yet he publicly runs counter to both, while be is mean enough to re tain office under ih Adm itistr ition He left his post in Russia to become a Major General in the annv; but because the President will not make the war one of emancipation and arm the negroes he tells the world he declines ta have anything to do with it, and does his worst to prevent enlist ments for the army. He sas "it is sweet to die for a principle that is world-wide and eternal in its duration universal liberty to mankind." He holds that blacks "re mturally equal to while men, nnd quotes the Declaration of Independence that God has created all men free and equal, ig noring the lact that those who drew up that docu ment never thought of liieluiling negroes. Oilier : wise they stultified themselves. It was purely a white man's Government that was founded bv Wathir.gtoa, Jefferson and their compatriots. Mr Clay alludes to the cae of the Czar freeing twenty millions of serfs. Hut these are of the same race of the Czar himself and the highest no bles in the land. There is no parity of reason in,:, therefore, iu the case. The emancipated Kassian serfs are snseep ible of the highest free dom and civilization. Not no the American ne grow. Again; Abraham Lincoln is not a despot, that he ran do as he p!ea-es iu defiance of the will of American people, even if lie believes in the policy of universal emancipation. What then must we think of Mr. City' patriotism, when he is capa ble of uttering such language as the following: Well, now you are going to conquer the South. How? By my friend Seward-taking dinner and drinks? Laughter and applause You are going to conquer the South by taking the sword iu one baud . i. 1 shackles in the other. You are going to conquer the South with one portion of your force, while the oilier is detailed to guard rebel property. You are so magnanimous that you are going to put down this gigantic effort at our national life, in the language of Jim Lane, "by fighting their battles and your own." Ap plause How long have you tried it? For nearly eighteen mouths. Some of the best men in this country h ive gone down to their graves. Two hundred and titty thousand ot the loyal troops of the United States have diel on the bat tie field or been disabled by sickness. How many millions have you expended? Why, a sum rolling up to one thousand millions almost otie lourlh the national debt of England, that has been accumulating for ages and still you have been carrying on the war. Upon such principles as that you cannot stand upright in the eyes of the worid. On these principles you never can conquer; and 1 am told by men high iu power that the capital is still in danger. Gentlemen, how much longer is this thing to continue? As for myself, never, so help me God, will 1 draw a sword to keep the chains upon another fellow being. Tremendous applause Suppose, gen tlemen, that you succeed upon the present policy, what have you gained? Better recognize the Southern Confederacy at once, and stop this effusion of blood, than to continue in this present ruinous policy, or ha ve even a restoration of the Union as it was. Change your policy and say that ou are iu earnest. Send an ambassador me, if you will, much as Hie slaveholders hate me and I them to Jeff. Davis, with a message that if he will consent to hare the rebels lay down their arms and come again under the protection of the old Hag ami Constitution, that protection will be giunted him; but if not, warn him of the consequence, and then go to work iu real earnest; and if necessary desolate the whole South. Mr. Clay then draws a terrible picture of our debt and bankruptcy, says we caii never conquer, and swears that he will never draw a sword to fight for the Union as it was and the Constitution aa it is. Further, he proposes to recognize the Southern confederacy at once and stop the effu ion of blood by sending him as an ambassador to Jeff. Davis. This is extraordinary language for our ex Minister to Russia and a candidate for the office of Major General. We hope Mr. Sew ard and Mr. Stanton will look to this man. His sieech proves him unfit either for civil or milita ry position. Wendell Phillips has said aud can ay nothing worse. Will he be permitted to go back to Russia, and will our important interest at the sagacious Court of St Petersburg be in trusted to a man who is so deficient in common sense and sounl discretion, aud whose one idea hat evidently overturned his ill balanced jiyjg rnenl? What does Cassius M. Clay want? He desires to arm the negroes and desolate the South; to "make a solitude and call it peace;" and this he does upon the very heels of the new from Hilton Hettd that Hunter's negro brigade is an utter failure and is broken up one half of the regi ment organized having deserted, and Col. Fassen den hivmg come home in the Arsgu. There is abundant employment for the negroes in this war. Let not only Southern, but all the Northern, negroes be pat to wotk in digging trenches, driving teams, felling timber, taking ch trjte of the ambulances and the wounded, cooking and other operations of the camp and the field npon which it is now necessary to em ploy white soldiers, greatly diminishing the effec tive strength of the army. Let the blacks be put to this kind of service, nnd their labors will become more valuable than if they were armed. But never let weapons be put into the hands of a race not destined for political equality. The difference between the I'restdent and these men is th tt he is practical, and, besides, adheres to the Cm. dilution. They are always in the clouds, would overthrow the Constitution and launch the republic, without chart, compass or rudder, upon a sea of anarchy. Rut Mr. Clay and men like him ought not to be permitted to assail the war, to discourags enlistments, and to j sow the seeds of strile and division at the North, when thorough union ts absolutely essential to success N Y. Herald resident Lincoln on Colonization. Washington, Aug. 14. This afternoon, the President of the United States giive audience to a committee of colored men, at the White House. They were introduced by Rev. J Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigra tion. E. M. Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they we;e there by invitation, to hear what the Executive had to say to them. Having all been seated, the Pre.idit, after a few prelimi nary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress, and I placed at his disposition, lor the purpose of aid ing the colonization, in some country, of the people, or a portion of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it lud for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he nsked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration. You and we i are uinereni races. e nave between us a I broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong, 1 need not discuss, but this physical dif ference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, tnxuy of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each side If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be separated. You here are freemen, I supple. A Voice Yes, sir. The President Perhaps you have long been free, or nil your lives. Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best and the ban is still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact wi.h which we have to deal. 1 M 0t alter it, if 1 would. It is a fact about which we all think and Ice! alike, 1 and you. Wc look to our coudition, owing to the existence of the two races on this continent. I need not re count to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of slavery. I believe iu its general evil effects upon the white race. See our present condition thecountry engaged in w ar! our white men cutting one another's throats none knowing how far it will extend and then cou sidcr what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war, al though in .i.j men engaged on either side do not care Cor you one way or the other. Never'he less, I repeat, without the institution of slavery, and the colored race as a basis, the war could uot have an existence. It is better for us both, there fore, to be separated. I know that there are free men among you who, even if they could better their coudition, are uot as much inclined to go out of the country, aa those, who being slaves, could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way ol colonisation is that the free colored mm can not sec that his comfort would be advanced by it You may believe you can live free in Washing ton or anywhere in the United States the remain der of your lile. perhaps more so than you can in any loreigu country, and hence you may come to the conclusion that vu have nothing to do with the idea ot going to a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely sei hsh view of the case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now if you could give a start to the white people, you would oien a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellec ts nre clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are be fore me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking, as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present com fort tor the purpose "of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the condition ot those who ha- 3 been subject to the hard usages of the world. It is difficult to in ike a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the Anieri can Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if !ic had remained a British subject. Yet lie was a happy man, be cause he was engaged in benefitting his race; something for the children of his neighbors, bar ing none of his own. Tbe Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me, the first time 1 ever saw him. He says they have within the bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand people, or more tban in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some ot the newer States, and less than in jome of our larger one-. They are not all American colonists or their descendants. Something less than twelve thousand have been sent thither from this coun try. Many of the original settles have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased. The question is, if the colored people are fiersnaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for an unwlllingnesss to do so is that some of you would rather remain with in reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It docs not strike roe that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to them. At all events, the place I am thinking about having for a colony is iu Central America. It is nearer to us than Li beria not much more than one foe rth as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is on a great line of travel it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural re sources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with your native land thus being suite! to your physical condition. The particular place 1 htve in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbeau Sea, to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has all tbe ad van tage for a colony. On both side there are harbors among the first in the world. Again there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A cer tain amount of coal is valuable iu any country, and there may be more than enough for the wants of the country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an opportuni ty to the inhabitants for immediate employment, till they get ready to settle perm inenily in their homes. If you take colonists where there is no good landing there is a bad show, and no where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make a farm. But if something is stated so that you can yet your daily bread, as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an enterprise. To reuinr you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the country, including the coal mines. We hav been mistaken all our lue- if we do not know whites as well as blacks look to their self interest. Unless among those de Acleiit of intellect, everybody you trade with makes something. You meet with these tilings here and elsewhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the question is whether it cannot be made of advantage to you Y .i. :ire inte.hgent and know that success does not as much depend on external help as se f reli ance. Much, therefore, depends upon your selves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for your self reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have provisions made that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise I will spend some of the money entrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. Tbe Government mar lose the money, but wecim not succeed unless we try; but we think with care we can succeed. The po litical affairs in Central America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter; but it is true all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your colored race they have no objection. Besides I wculd endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assu rances that you should be made the equals of the best. The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether can get a number of able bodied men, with their wives and children, who arc willing to go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, and "cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I co aid find twenty-five able bodied men with a m'xtm c of women and chil dren, good things 'r. the family relation, I think I could make a successful commencement. 1 want you to let roe know whether this can be done or not. This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great importance, worthy of a month's study of a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you then to consider seriously, not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours, for the pies ent time, but as one of tbe things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind-not confined to the present generation, but as-" "From a.?r to e descends tbe lay To tuitions yet to be, Till far its echoes roll away into eternity." The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks. The Chairman of the delegation briefly re plied, that "they would hold a consultation, and in a short lime give an answer." The President said "Take your full time no hurry at all." The deputation then withdrew. For the Daily State Sentinel. Boone County Democratic Conven tion. In pursuance of a call of the Central Commit tee, the Democracy of Boone County met iu mass; convention at the Court House in Lebanon 011 Saturday. August 16. for the purpose Of express iug their views on the state of the country, and Dominating a county ticket. At an early hour in the morning the sturdy Democracy of old lioone began to pour into town by the hundred , on foot, 01 horseback, aud it. wagons and carriages, with music aud banners. By 10 o'clock A. Mri the town was fairly alive with Democrats. One procession cime in from the east side of the county containing one hun dred wagons, iu front of which was a large hick ory wagon, drawn by ten span of horses, con taining a band of music and thirty-tour of the fair daughters of Boone, all dressed in snowy white eich carrying a banner, representing one of the thirty four States of our once happy but now distracted Union. W. A.Tipton called the meeting to order at 10 o'clock A. M., and on his motion Dr. J. Mc Workman was chosen President of the meeting; and on motion. W. A. Tipton and J. W. Nicbol were appointed Secretaries. Dr. McWorkman, 011 taking the chair, ad dressed the meeting as follows: My Drmnrratie Friends: We meet here to " day under peculiar circumstaoces. A little over a year ago our great country was happy, prosper ous and united; to-day, to use the appropriate language of another, the whole Union, from the Likes of the north to the Rio Grande of the south, and from the Atlantic to Pacific, is one vast military camp. I hail not occupy your time, nor is it fitting that I t-hould do so. in dis cussing the causes which have brought this great calamity upon oar country. My friends, I should feel the deepest mortification and shame did 1 believe that 1 had been called to this chair by traitors, but knowing most of you jiersonally , 1 do not hesitate lo say that a more patriotic, loyal, Union loving convention never met in this hall. I see here to-day men who were at the siege of Fort Meigs men w ho trudged through the wil derness from Kentucky to Detroit, in defense of -their country, iu the war of 1H12. 1 see men here to day who, when theit country called, were found on the plains of Mexico defending Ameri can rights; and I see men here to day whose bro titers and whose sons are now fighting the battles of the Constitution aud the Union; and yet, my fi lends, there are those who call you traitors and Secessionists. It is not unknown to many of you that immediately after tie battle of Shiloh, the Oovernor of our btate. actuated by n spirit of humanity, called for medical aid to go to that sanguinary held to assist iu caring for our sick and wounded soldi' - In obedience to that call ! I went to that flcluA aud did all in my power to alleviate the sufferings of our -nit end disabled , In about a wtek alter my return the Governor tendered me the appoint incut of additional As- I si-tant Surge-. 11 to the I.Vn regiment Indiana vol uiiieers, then before Corinth, where it was be lieved a great aud decuive battle was about tobe I fought. Again I repaired to that field, and re J m. lined with my regiment in its tedious march . frout Pittsburg Landing to Corinth. After ihe evacuation of Coriuth, my services being no longer required, 1 returned home, feeling a con sciousness that I had discharged my duty; and yet there arc some men who call me the biggest Secessionist of you all. Now, my friends, we must not suffer ourselves to be diverted by these taunts and jeers from the straightforward path of patriotism and luyalty, but keep steady "step to the music of the Union." Mr. Lincoln, though not the choice of the De mocracy, is nevertheless President of the United States, elected according to the forms of that in strument, the Constitution, we all so much re vere. It is, therefore, the duty of all good Dem ocrats, as patriotic, loyal men. to give bis Admin istration a cordial support in all things that are right and constitutional. And it is our duty to patiently bear all the burdens of taxation that may be imposed upon us aud respond to all the requirements of our Government the best the world ever knew until through the peaceful means of the ballot box we may change our rulers. Mr. Lincoln, 1 repeat, is President, and as such must be recognized and obeyed by all loyal men. But he is not the Government. We claim the right of criticising the acts of the President, bull we can not as loyal men oppose the Government. 1 Mr. Reynolds, M Lafayette, an excellent officer and worthy gentleman, is President of the La- 1 layette and Indianapolis Railroad, but Mr. Key nolds is not tbe Railroad; neither is Mr. Lincoln I the Government. In all things wherein Mr. Reynolds administers the affairs of that corpora tion properly and honestly, he deserves the ap probation and support of the stockholders and all others interested. If, however, he shall do wrong and mismanage the affairs of tbe road, let his wrong-doing be condemned. So in regard to the Presiden. of the United States. I think I know the sentiments of the Democracy of the county of Boone, and can say for you, therefore, that you condemn the rebellion now in arms in the South and favor ita speedy overthrow. So long, then, the party in power confines the prosecution of the war within the limits of the Constitution, and for the restoration of the Union r e hav loved ao well, it is our plain duty to give it our unqualified support. My friends, you know that speech making is not my business; I shall not. therefore, detain you longer. This is the first time in my life I have been called to pre side over a deliberative body of any kind. I feel my inability to properly discharge the duties ol this chair, aud snail confidently look lo those of you better acquainted with parliamentary usages to assist me with your counsel. I thank, you, gentlemen, for ihe honor conferred, in making me Chairman of so large and so respectable a body of my fellow -citizens a 1 sec before me. The convention will now come to order and pro ceed to business. The townships being called every township in the county responded by large delegations. On motion the Chairman appointed tbe follow ing Committee on resjlutions: Samuel Evans, Riley W. Perkins, John Golda berry, E D. shannon, Wm. Roberts, John C. Dailev, Dr. Samuel Rodman, John F. Stephen sou, f . A. Andrews and Henry Lucas. On motion a committee of two from each town ship was appointed to report suitable nomina tions for the various offices to the meeting. The throng being so great that our large and capacious Court room would not accommodate one fourth of the people in attendance, the meet ing adjourned to meet in the grove on the fair grounds at 1 o'clock P. M. AFTERNOON. The meeting was called to order at 1 o'clock by the Chairman, when the committee on resolu tions, through Henry Lucas, their Chairman, re ported the following resolutions which wereunan mously adopted with the greatest euthusaism. Whijikas, The Democratic party having from its organization been the party of the Union, faithful and true to all its requirements, main taming its dignity and majesty alike in war and in peace, against the assaults of every foe. w heth er foreign or domestic; and, Whereas, The present deplorable and unhap py condition of our country is attributable to a departure from its lime honored and conserva tive principles; and, Wuerea8. We, the Democracy of Boone coun ty, having an abiding faith in the purity and pa triotism of our political principles, and being un alterably attached to the Constituion and the Union as framed by our fathers and upheld and maintained for three quarters of a century by the Democratic party, earnestly appeal to every pa triot and lover of his country, without regard to past political opinions, to unite with us iu our ef forts to reconstruct the Union under tire Consti tution. Therefore be it Remlred, 1 , That we hereby indorse the plat form of principles adopted by the Democratic Mass Convention held at the city of Indianapolis, July 30, 1?62, and we recommend the same to the people of Boone county for their pure Democ racy and unalloyed patriotism. 2. That we are in favor of, and demand a vig orous prosecution of the war for the purpose of suppressing the wicked and infamous rebellion now waged by the Southern States against the Constitution of our country, and that so long as the power of the Federal Government is used for the legitimate purpose of asserting t .e constitu tional power and supremacy of the General Gov ernmeiit, wc will accord to the Government and the Ad ninistration our undivided support and earnest sympathy. 3. That while we will use all our energies in meeting every demand of the Government ueces sary to a vicorous prosecution ai d speedy termi nation of the present war. we solemnly protest against the use of - the army, or the approri;uion of the people's money, for the purpose of freeing the slaves, and also against the frauds nnd cor ruptions existing in the various Departments of the Government, as shown by the Congressional Investigating Committee. 4. That we are utterly opposed to all secret political organizations under whatever guise or manner they may appear or whatever object they may have, and we denounce the charge made by the Republican parly, that such an or ganization exists in the Democratic party in this county as an unmitigated slander upon the party. 5. That the gall ant men from our county who responded to their country's call in this her hour of trial, merit, and have our warmest gratitude; on every battle field they have proved themselves the bravest of the brave, reflecting upon their country the highest credit, and upon themselves undying fame; living we will honor them, dying we will remember them with a patriots grat itude. The Committee on nominations reported the following nominations which were unanimously adopted by the meeting: For Representative, Robert C. McCann. For Auditor, Henry Lucas. For Treasurer, John C. Daily. For Sheriff, Tilghman A. Andrews. For Surveyor, Henry Taylor. For Commissioner, John A. Potts. The President theu introduced the Hon. J. E. McDonald, who addressed the meeting iu an able and eloquent speech, vindicating the Democracy from the foul aspersions heaped upon it by the bastard Union party. Mr. McDonald was fol lowed by His Honor T. B. Ward, Mayor of La fayette, Joseph Ristine. the Democratic candi date for Auditor of State, and by A. J. Boone of our own county, in short patriotic speeches. On motion of J. W. Nichol the proceedings of this meetings were ordered to be published in the Indiana State Sentinel. After giving three rousinc cheers for the Union and the Constitution, as nude by our fathers, and three tor the ticket this day nominated, the Con vention adjourned. J. McWORKMAN, Chairman. W. A. Tiptox, J. W. NltHOE. Secretaries. From the Cincinnati Price Current, Au. 20. Ftnnnciul and Com mere ia I summary for the pant weki The money market continued to rule easy aud rates of discount are generally lower. In New York the call loans are quoted at 3a4 percent., and a dull mirket: the demand for money at these rates beiug inadequate to the offerings. In this market call loans can be roadeut 5 per cent and first class thirty day paper is taken at 6 per cent., aud sity and ninety day piper at 8a 10 per cent. There is very little use for money with business men, and hence the circumscribed demand for it. The events of the week have been, on the whole, not discouraging, though they have been interpreted in New York in such a way as to put up the premium on gold fully 2 per cent., but United Slates securities have also improved, so that it can not be said that the advance in gold is the consequence of any unfavorable as pect the aims of the Union presented. The call for 600,000 additional troops has been responded to in a manner not even hoped for a mouths ago, and the draft for the 300.000 nine mouths' men will be met with cheerfulness, so that the indications are favorcble for a success ful and vigorous fall campaign, and the hope is now strong that before the winter comes the in jury done the Government by the defeat at Rich mond will be more than neutralized, and the re bels thoroughly defeated. Exchange has ruled quiet and steady, with a moderate demand. Gold, silver and demand notts have all advanced, the market closing buoyant. The following are the quotations: Buying Selling. New York Wdis. par Gold... Mprem. 16 prem. Silver 8 prem. 10 prem. Demand Notes 6 prem. The news from Europe indicate that the crops in all the European countries will be lelow an average. In England, though not an average, they will be better than those of 1661. If these advices be correct, which we have some reason to doubt, tbe statement made by the Iondon Shipping Gazette regarding the crops in this coun try being most erroneous, we may look for a large demand from France and England for our surplus breadstuff's. Nothing could be more fa vorable than this for this country in a commer cial point of view, because we have such a sur plus, and it is upon this only we can depend to prevent gold going to a much higher premium than it is now, and it is in this way the inestima ble blessing of abundant crops can be fully real ized by us. The weather has been quite cool since our last; the temperature having changed suddenly and decidedly, consequent upon heavy rains which fell west of this State the previous week, tne ranee being 65 to 75 deg , a difference of fully 90 degrees as compared with the previous week The corn in this State and Kentucky needs some rain just now, but has not been injured much so far. The inadequacy of our railways to do the business offering, has greatly restricted tbe busi n ess of the week, almost amounting to an em bargo upon some departments. Flour has been in light s .pply, and good local demand, and the market hau ruled very firm Wheat, consequent upon large receipts and waut ot adequate transportation facilities, has been dull and heavy, aud prices largely declined closing unsettled and nominal. Corn declined to 33c. Oats advanced to 44c. Rye declined to 51c. The new oats now coming in is veiy inferior, weighiug but twenty to twenty seven lbs. to the measured bushel. Whisky has been steady and iu fair demand at iiii., cents. The demand for groceries has been exceeding ly light and the market dull. The late order of the Secretary of War regard ing those absenting themselves to avoid the draft, has interfered with travel to a great extent and prevented merchants from coming to the city, which has operated on business very decidedly. Refined sugar is 'yC. lower, but taw under the advices from New l ork is held with more firm ness, and is not to be bad on as easy terms. Prices of this grade advanced lj,c. per pound in New York during the week. The prices of re fined sugar in this market are lower in propor tion than they are in the East, but our merchants had bought largely before the advance there last month, and hence tbey are enabled to sell at present quotations, and make a moderate profit. There has been no perceptible change in coffee or molasses. Beef cattle declined 50c per cent d.with a sap ply far beyond the demand. The balk ol those in market, however, were inferior. At thecloso prime would not bring over $3 75. A continued active demand for bogs at full prices. Sheep firm and iu good demand There has been an improved feeling in the pro vision market again, and a better demand for bulk and smoked meats, particularly shoulders, which have been sold to the extent of 700,000 lbs., at .'( o!4c in bulk, and 3lac for smoked, loose. At the close it was rather difficult to buy good below 3-4c in bulk. Common hams are in good demand at 71.,7?4c canvased and packed, and sugar-cured at 9lsal0c. With shipping fa cilities a large amount of bams and shoulders would be taken by the seaboard cities. There is, also, a continued good army demand for them. Lard has not been dealt in largely, because it can not be shipped, but is held firmly at 'aar3- c mu in some cases 9c is asked About 1.600 tierces chiefly country, sold at and 2.000 kegs at caSJgC, and none to be had below 9c at the close. The demand for butchers' lard is ac tive, and 7a7-c in bulk, and 7la7Bc in coop erage, are freely paid. A large quantity is being made, as heretofore, by rendering the whole bog except the hams. Mess pork has not been inquired for, and prices are nominal, though holders are firmer un der the news from New York, where it advanced from $11 37 to $11 62 yesterday. The rates asked here range from $9 to 9 50. Linseed oil is still dull and unsettled; sales have been made at 75c since our last, but this rate was nominalst the close. Ther; was not much offering, however, as it pays better to ship it East than to sell at this rate. Pig iron has advanced $3 per ton. and is sold sparingly at the advance. Bar iron is also Jc higher. Nails are firmer. Tiik Battle of Baton Rouok. Full details of the battle of Raton Rouge show it to have been one of the most important of the war. Western troops played a prominent and impor tant part. The engagement was brought on by one of tbe companies of tbe 21st Indiana, which was on picket duty about a mile back of the camp, being driven in by the rebels. The other com panies of this regiment hastened to the rescue, and though opposed to overwbelming numbers fought desperately. Tbe New York Hrrmld's correspondent says: "The Indiana boys performed prodigies of valor, and kept the enemy in check for a con siderable time." Later in the fight tbe camp of thi- regiment was invaded and burned bv the enemy. Iu the heat of the contest, the hanie-t brunt oi the fight ing was in the center where the 14th Maine and 21st Indiana fought side by side. Tbe Herald writer says that a rebel General paid tbe latter the handsome compliment of sayiug that but for these damned Indianians Raton Rouge would have been captured. When the rebels coinmcuced their ictre.it, Breckinridge was in such a hurry that be left his sword on the field. It is to this circumstance that the story of his losing his right arm is at tributed. The New Yoik Time$' correspondent, who appears to have been one of the promtaeot offi cers engaged, says that one company of the Indi ana regiment, who purchased their arms the Morrill rifle with their own mosey, fired be tween seventy and eighty rounds each, when in no case those who used tbe ordinary arms fired more than thirty or forty rounds, "fhe day was iutenselv bot. and our men fought with tbe sun full in their faces, yet so ardent were tbey, that after the battle began a large number of the patients in the hospitals got off their beds and hastened to the field. Many of our men assert that the enemy a, pro ached bearing tbe stars and stripes, and that it was by this ruse Gen. Williams lost his life. The enemy, iu approaching the town, avoided our scouts by marching through the fields instead of along tbe roads. On tbe 6th we commeusied buryiug our dead. The number is supposed to be about eighty killed outright, but as they were brought in by friends and decently interred, the number can only be obtained from the official record. On the 6th some forty of the enemy were buried, on the 7th about one hundred and seveuty. and our scouts reported that the dead were scattered along the road for five miles wounded men who had died In their attempt to retreat. Tbe woods were still to be searched the Essex may possibly have made great havoc. KrKiinrnlii 1 Ordrr. H i wut af.ti its, 79th Regt Im- i August 20, 1862. f All soldiers belonging to the 79th regiment are hereby notified to report to their company or reg iment immediately. All soldiers belongi'ig to the 79th regiment who are absent alter the 22d inst., will be reported s deserters and treated accordingly By order. LK WIS M A NKFR, Captain Commanding. P. G. kn-si v, Adjutant, pro tern. 20 3 Appointment The following commissions were is-tied vester day: " ' SIZTV EIOHTH 1.1 ...VI i Dr. Levitt Hodgkins, 1st Assistaii Dr. G. L. Wooden, Surgeon promoted. sixTT Harm traistxr. Wm. A. Rickle. of Richmond, Colonel. Dr. D. S. Evan. Surgeon. Dr. W. B. Witt, 2d Assistant Surgeon. J. Stout, of Coanersville, Lieutenant Colonel. T S Wat tot house Major. Dr. David Ferguson, 1st Assistant Surgeon. SCVKNTH aEQIMEXT.. Dr Jonas T. Duffield. Jr., Assistant Sur geon SkVtXTV FIETT RKU1M tT. Dr. Fred S Schell, Jr., Assistant Surgeon. SKTBXTT Firril BEOIMKNT John W. Pettit, Wabash, Colonel. Wm. C. Brien, Hamilton, Lt. Colonel. Cyrus I. McCabe, Hamilton, Major. James C. Medsker, Adjutant. Christopher C. Arthur. Jay Co., Surgeon. BKOIM EXT. Ohas. W Chapman, Kosciusko, Colouel. Mason Raker, Elkhart, Major. Dr. Sheldon, Noble, Surgeon. Dr J. A. Bassett, Elkhart, 1st Assistant Sur geon. Geo C. Smith. Kosciusko. Adjutant O. H. Wood vor: Ii. Quartermaster frorrrdinfi of the SOth of Jrnly Mate Convention Now ready, the proceedings of the great Mann Convention of the 30th of July, including a full report of the speechen of Messrs. Wickuffk, Carlile and Richardson; the resolutions adopted and the Address of the Democratic State Central Committee to the people of th State. The whole makes a closely printed pa phlet of thirty-two pages, and is furnish at ft per hundred. This document shoo be placed in the hands of even- voter In te States. Or ders solicited. Address this office. Dihpnaition of lfe Wetrn Tl The Chicago 7js sayi it has intelligence from Washington that the tiovemment anticipate eM neteasity for removing Wi troop to tbe Kast, and tbst it expects to them wholly in the Southwest Thus. W troops will fight directly for the preservation of a sectional interest of immense magnitude, as well as for tbe great common cause. They will light direct!) for the unity of tbe Valley of tbe Mississippi, and for tbe freedom of tbe Miniislppl itself. Though the Union cause should fail, the Northwest can never surrender tbe freedom of the Mississippi But the Union cause cannot fail ed. it tbe freedom of tbe Mississippi be achiev That achievement will achieve tbe Union.