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Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, August 25, 1862, Image 1

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL
VOL. XXU, NO. 14
INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, AUGUST 25, 1862.
WHOLE NO. 1,207.
WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL. '
11 Tt .' H I' n iU.n ITMT M''M'.W AT TUR
il E W SB Tl E L OFFICE,
50. 3 SOUTH MKRIDIAN STREET,
OPPOSITE Tili: OL POSTOFFICE.
ELDER, HARK NESS, ft BINGIIAM.
TERMS OF WEEKLY SENTINEL:
One copy one year $ 1 00
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Thirty copie. and one copy of the WatK.LT and
one of tbe Da:lt to the maker of the club 30 00
Fifty copies, ant two copies of the Weekly and
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rate. The names will be j rinted on each paper, without ;
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" two " r. i oo
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! --menls published in both the Daily and the
Z L :7f.cr .J. "
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ator price. a.
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all cases, nab
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torneys onlei
ings, but coll
accountable I
fond the am
l the Daily and Weekly, the same to be, In
n advance.
crncnl inserted at the expense of the at
ir, and not delayable for the legal proeeed
taMe at our usual time. Publishers not
racy of Ip;! ab ortisemeiitsbe
d for their publication.
HARKKKSS BINliHAM.
untch
ELDER
Proprietors Indians State Sentinel.
J. U. TJI.MHtl).
President Indiana polis Journal Company .
THE DAILY SEIST TI3STTTT ,
Will be sent by mail or express to subscribers at any
P' int for fifty cents a month, or six dollars a year. AH
subscriptions invariably in advanc. Address
ELDER IIABKNKSS, A BINiiHAM.
5flf(trö ftlisrrllaiii).
Speeru of Hon. ni. M. TIcrrl- at the
Drinorratic Convention in Miclby
County .
Jwe McCarty said: He had gloomy fore
h ,;n for the future (' the country. The or
deal of, this civil war is to test the stability of
our Government, and the tit uess of our people
for self-government. If with wise and salutary
laws security for life and property with com
merce, agriculture, and the arts all flourishing
with every element of wealth and prosperity
around Us a part of society this blessed shall
attempt to reverse this picture, and crumble to a
heap of ruins oar institutions, we may veil have
ground for doubt. If the demons of discord and
hate are too potent for fraternal love if bigotry
is to master tolerance if frenzied madness is to
rule over reason and statesmanship if conserva
tism, is to yield to fanaticism anarchy be substi
tuted for law mobs to riot in licentiousness, the
days of the republic are then numbered. We all
have a common- stake in the future destiny of
our Government all owe the military duty of
crns'iing treason against it, and all owe the po
litical dutv of preserving and maintaining it.
And here fet me say he who would exclude bis
co-sovereign from his voice and weight in the
leidation and policy of the cotintrv, exhibits
the spirit of the despot and not of the republi
can; ami he who would become the slavish echo
of power, or would abdicate his political rights
and dudes, or sutler them to be wrested from
him. is not a free man, hat a slave and a coward.
And here, as Democratic loyalty has been im
peached and libelled, let me run a parallel be-1
tween Democratic lovaltv and the lovaltv of
others not to criminate others, but to vindicate
the Democratic party of tbe Northwest. Loy
alty is but tidelity to the Constitution and the
lairs. This is the test, as law is the only sov
ereign in a republic, we owe no allegiance to Mr.
Lincoln wc owe it to his constitutional preroga
tives only. The annnllme at of the whole Con
stitution (as done by the South) are acts of dis
loyalty; but the annullment of anv part of it is
equally an act of disloyalty. Abolitionists have
advocated a higher law than the Constitution,
and one at war with it. When have Democrats
don it' Abolitionists, in many localities, have
annulled the fugitive slave law, and wrested from
the custody of the law fugitives from labor, and
armed uoex have been re mired to enforce the
laws. When has Democracy done so?
Slaverv is guaranteed ami protected in and by
the Constitution. Abolitionists have waged a
crusade against it. When has Democracy done
SO?
Mr. Sumner's bill proposed to blot out Stale
sovereignty, and degrade it to territorial vassal
age. When did Democracy urge such revolu
tionary measures!
During the reijrn of Know N'othin:rism and
Plug Uglyism at Louisville, Baltimore and else
where, the sceptre of sovereignty the elective
franchise was wrested from the people. Win n
have the Demiavracy thus outraged the elective
franchise and law'
The Constitution forbids the abridgement of
the liberty of the press, and the liberty of speech,
and guarantees a speedy trial to a mun deprived
of his liberty: When has Democracy suppressed
pre es' when struck down the liberty of tteech?
and when denied a speedy trial to a prisoner?
M '.;-u the e a--s b the legal test of disloy
alty, by the standard of fidelity to I tw. and apply
it to Democracy and the enemies and lilellers of
Democracy.
Why, my fellow citizens, the irreat Burke once
said that he who -et up his will against law, was
alike the enemy of society and the enemy of
God. Who are in this category Abolitionists
nr 1 V -tti ! orts '
You all r collect, fellow citizens, when Web-
ster voted for the compromise measures of 1850,
to avert the calamities of civil war, that Faneuil
Hall, the cradle of liberty, was closed to his elo
quent lips bv the fanatics of Boston; and how
nobly he vindicated the liberty of speech, not as a
right, but as a duty "in times of peace and in
times of war," as a legacy which, if be left no
other, he would bequeath liis children. And yon
also know that Jefferson, the great Apostle of
Liberty, once knelt and swore eternal hostility to
every fcaer Uori human thought and human
conscience, and his treat battle against, an 1 vic
tory over, the alien and sedition law, was for the
freedom of eech.
When our forts were eized and our mints
plundered, piracy on the high seas inaugurated,
or capital threatened, I frit that I was a co-heir
of this Government, one of the guardians of its
liberties, with a stake in its future destinies, and
an oath of allegiance on my conscience to up
hold the Constitution, enforce the laws and pre
serve tbe Union, and my voiee was raised for the
war. Bat I never dreamed that this one duty of
tbe warrior required an abdication of my politi
cal rights or duties or that Democracy and loval
tv wer - in contlict that thev could not
exist.
If men believe that Democracy so pal-ics their
soul- with cowardice that they can not fight, it
it an argument against it; if it so impoverishes
their parse that tbey ran not aid with money, it
is aa argument against it ; if it so benumb their
faculties and unfits them for legislation, it is an
argument against it. Does a war destroy the
immutability of principle' Does it make truth a
liar? Is the liead robbed of its wisdom or the
heart of its patriotism? if so then this self-stultification
and tlie renunciation of Democracy is
a doty. Bat I fear me such were never inoc
nlated'with genuine Democratic matter.
True Democracy nerves the httertto battle for
tbe great chart of oar liberties, the Constitution,
in the battlefield, and also in the political arena
the motive it as hallowed, the daty as impera
tive, in the one case as in the other. Now the
protection of slavery was tbe price of the Union,
and is a essential to its preservation as it was to its
formation. Yet there is a elaas of men who
would take the benefits of the Constitution and
reject its conditions,mcn who would rob the Sonth
of its gruaranteca men whose aim is to arouse pah
lie sentiment into a furious hostility to slavery , and
if they do not mean its extirpation what do' they
mean? Mm North who pat slavery above the
Constitution, above law, above peace, aU.ve
perses-nte it with a fanatic's
ical and "1"! nr liberties for the triumph
01 itieir uoeirmes; anu men .-tomn who put siavc-
ry above law, above Constitution, above i :i e.
above the safety of our liberties, are alike dis
turbers of -o iety. It is not, fellow-citizens, in
parchment Constitutions that your liberties are
embalmed, but in the -pi; it of the people, the
tolerance of equal rights, as political communi
ties, or as men, but the absence of that dog
matic infalibility which arrogates suerior wis
dom or virtue to our neighbor, and a firm an
i chorage to laws which are, or ought to be, the
potential guarantees of all our rights.
My fellow countrymen, the logic of passing
events have burned into my brain the impression
! that the conservatives of thecountry must save it,
if it is saved, it is not partv tritimohs, as such.
that I seek, but the triumph of truth over er
ror, of the Constituton over its enemies every
where, patriotism over sectionalism. My Re
pnblican friends in Indiana are not generally
Aboliriouists, indeed many of them deem it an
in-tilt to be called an Abolitionist. Let me ask
them if their forces are not united and if the
triumphs of Abolitionism is not due to their
aid?
Mr. Clay, in life and death, for his sentiments
still live, refused to merge or affiliate with
tho-c men whose revolutionary measures struck
the hole
fabric of Southern society, and
upon this question we stand where Clay did.
But where do his former worshipers stand?
Echo can not fail to answer where.
One word as to the conduct of the war. Can
any man fail to see that if the statesmanship in
council or the military skill in the field had
borne any relation to the patriotism and giant
misht of the people, the rebellion would haye
long since leen crushed. The people have
thundered tln ir power into the drowsy ear of
tle Administration have demanded to be
launched like a thunder bolt against the rebel
lion to crush it. But hope has almost sickened
over the protracted struggle and its hitherto in
decisive results.
Congress by its action and the speeches of its
members betrayed the desire of a large party to
wage this war for purposes ulterior to the in
foreemcnt of the laws. Was it wise or politic
under the theory that the secession ordinances
are null and void and the Constitution
still in force South to ak that the army should
be wielded to emancipate slaves wa it politic to
rob the loyal people South of lever and fnlcrnm
by which the loyalty of the Sonth conld be re
kindled ? Not content witli thLs, they adopted an
odious, stringent protective tariff to swell the
bloated fortunes of the factories not only ex
onerating this class from their just qnota of the
exjKMises of the Government but subsidizing
the con-timers as tributaries to their wealth by
the exclusion of foreign competition measures
unpopular in the South, seeming to close the
door to conciliation and strike a suicidal blow at
the hope of a reconstruction of our Government.
I have not the leisure to go into this tariff
question snffice it that it is a covert and dis
guised levy of revenue bv which the tax-payer
pays to Government the duty on imported goods,
and sometimes to some individual or corporation,
the amount of the duty when not imported, in
the shajie of pi it for goods, wares, &c. The
tribute to Government we may cheerfully pay
but I protest against tribute to the overgrown
fortunes of the Lawrences and Eastern fac
tories. The present tariff being almost prohibitory in
its character, the tribute and the tax under it is
almost exclusively paid to individuals. The sig
nificant facts, that we go to the East for all large
loans that the interest on money there is but
abont one-half what it is in the West that the
factories are realizing larger prolits am' dividends
than ever before, whilst our staples are dwarfed in
value that we pay more for nearly every article
in our shops and stores and get so much less for
our products, tells the story of partial and un
just legislation, and yet their fabrics are excluded
from a Southern market, as well as our bacon,
flour, &c ; and if your members of Congress are
so ignonant of the science of political economy,
or guilty of that infidelity to equal justice si tu
allow the East the market' of the world as against
your products, and deny you a like liberty as
against theirs, they are not fit to represent you in
the councils of the nation unless yon dtsire by
-tress of legislation money to be filched from
vour pockets to enrich men much richer than you
are. The reasons urged for the protective
system do not rise to the dignity of arguments.
The West mnst be and I predict will be an unit
n.oon this question. If reason does not bring
thi- conviction, their impoverishment will open
their eyes to Republican misrule.
My friend Owen, whose eye like the poet's
"in a tinephrenzv rolling, glances from earth," if
not "to heaven,'' to "foot-prints" on its confines,
is ont for (mancipation ever true to his worship
of chimeras for human happiness. I do not
question his motives hut save in and by rcvolu
fion where is the warrant of power in the Federal
Government as against a loval slaveholder to
manumit his stares ? The crime of treason may
work forfeiture ; but where is the power to an
nul State laws not in conflict with the Federal
power ? It may be in bayonets, or it may be in
the sayings of Senators, that in war laws are
silent. In other words, to defeat revolution wo
must resort to revolution ; to protect, we must
violate ; to preserve, wc must destroy.
No one will pretend that war adds to or sub
tracts from the Constitution, and where will you
ttti'l wer in Congress or the President to wield
I the army in time of eace (or war) to destroy
slavery in the States, and vet the Tribune and
kindred papers say that the war will not termi
nate until slavery, its exciting cause, Is abol
ished. Arc all constitutional limitations u,.on power
and all guaranties to be blotted out under the
cloak of enforcing law against rebel subjects.
Let me ask you if there is not as much loyalty
i'i ti-hting to preserve a legal institution as to
overthrow it?
Is not the argument of the Secretary of the
Navy and late Secretary of War, for manning
our ships and garrisoning our forts south with
negroes, because the climate was deadlv to the
whites, an argument for their use in cotton and
rice field.-? Does the character of tie allotted
work vary the crime of servitude? Is there
auvli less danger or le.-s despoti-m in one than
the other? It the necessity of the rcsor. to negro
labor is felt by Government, where i-the abstract
right and wrongofit? Asacommanderl would use
negroes for servile labor, but do not degrade our
-oldiers to the peershij) of negroes nor risk the
censure of history by that savage and indiscrim
inate slaughter of men, women and children of
which the slaves of St. Domingo were guilty. In
vain does history teach by example, if we do not
profit by its lessons. Theie are some other lessons
of the French revolution written in blood, which
tbe "multitudinons seas" will not wash out.
What are they that Lafayette, Mirabcau, Barnavc
aud the Girondists fell by the power thev invoked,
and like Aeteon were devoured bv their own
hounds? All liberty was destroyed by her own
pretended worshippers. The barricades of law
were swept away and tbe dogs of anarchy
gorged themselves with blood and pillage Be
lieving as I do that all lilssrty mast perish with
the liberty of speech, I shall' only yield it with
my life and believing that the great stake im
periled by this war looks to the enlightened pat
riotism of the land, I denounce that despotism
which stifles it. I will not stoop to mask my
i a a a
political sHeciies unuer war speecues nor to
a-k my servants m the v hire House or in Uon
lor lihertie- enthroned higher than they are
in the Constitution itself and if 1 believe that
this cry of no party is but tbe mask of party to
swell its muster roll, and affiliate Democrats
with Abolitionists and thereby perpetuate their rule
I will tear off the mask and defy the gratuitous
advice to leave the veasel of State with a crew
not competent to save it. We Democrats were
taunted in times past when we warned the coun
try of its dangers as Union savers and ray
hope is that we may save it from Union wreck
ers North ami South, and "pnrge the laud to a
prestine health," by a con pn -t of -ec--i ri
Sonth hv arms and altolitionism N rth, at the
ballot-box.
Democracy shouts for the Constitution as it is
and the Union as it was; and what have we to
day by telegraph ' Martial law proclaimed and
die writ of mmu corpun suspended. Iki.ow not
what public exigencies in Indiana exists to give
to police officers in every village in the land the
interpretation of what is loyalty and what is aid
and comfort to the enemy, with power over the
liberty of every citizen, and substitute the wis
dom of these "Dogberries" formen skilled in the
AW military courts for civil ones, with a jury
of our peers- power so liable to abase from
the ignorance or malice of informers or police
men Is a novel chapter at least in our history.
Some of our pious A-boütionists hold it trea
son to discuss military' oApolitieal questions
during a war. TheJaekillfw mariner, amidst
storms and dangers,"- uija- hi- hurts for safety,
and our perils are
are aagrcftteT
and wIkc
l enoSi fqr 8
plavwl ont.
premier -tm
stimulous for patri-
otic exertions ; and
ople have not virtue
and intelligence
self-government, then
our Republic is
And I trust, in conclusion, that if the voices of
Washington, Jackson, Clay ami Webster, shak
ing from the grave, have not been sufficient to
warn us against sectional controversies, that the
bitter fruits we now experience will teach us the
wisdom of their counsels.
Now, fellow-citizens, the questions discussed
have a bearing upon the war. I have not noticed
its expenses, which threaten to cngulph your for
tunes, for the sacrifice seems necessary ; but par
tisan sheets even wish to shield thieves from that
withering scorn which is the due of men who in
the crisis of the nation's fate will rob her Treas
ury ; and a partisan press is willing to make the
war itself an instrument of parti -an triumph.
Many even desire that the army itself shall be
the instrument for the abolition of slavery and
the triumph of their doctrines, and deluge the
North if not with black laborers with black pau
pers. Two Stpeecltea at Washington blaster
and .Vlan . M range out rast.
We published yesterday, side by side on the
same paire, two speeches delivered at Washing-
ton, presenting a very remaik ible contrast; one
of them constitutional, statesmanlike anil genial
the speech ot the Ulnet Magistrate ot the Kc
public; tbe other violent, seditious und silly the
speech of the late American Minister to Russia.
One speech was calculated to do good, the other
infinite mischief. The speech of the ('resident to
the deputation of colored n en at the White
House was sagacious and wise. It proclaimed a
great tiuth that the difference between the black
and white races in the United States is so broad
that it is impossible the
possess political equality
interior race can ever
with the superior and
dominant race. I he two races can not exist in
freedom together; for even at the Nr rth, where
no leal servitude exists, the bl.u k man is practi
cally ami substantially as much a slave as be is at
the South. Hence the President says:
"When you ceast to be slaves you are yet far
removed from being placed on an equality with
the white race. You are cut off from many of
the advantages which the other race enjoy.
The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with
the best heu free; but on this broad continent
not a single man of your race is made the equal
of a single man of ours. Go where you are treat
ed thr brst, and the ban is still upon yon."
This is hottest. To be the servant of the
white man, in some shape or other, is the normal
condition ot the negro everywhcie in the United
States, i't d those of the race who fee! discou
tented at their iue liable lot have no other rem
edy than voluntary emigration and colonization
a remedy, however, which only a very small nor
lion of the negroes are willing to adopt. The
President does not believe in arming the negroes
to free them from the white man's yoke, because
he knows it would fail if attempted, atrl in the
et.d would brmx horrors untold upon the heads of
the blacks, and because he knows that thecondi
t ion of the negro would not be improved by re
leading him from the restraints of legal servitude.
Hence, too, the President does not see how the
negro is to be bettered by emancipating him by
procl . m ition and leaving h.in to shift for himself
among a superior race.
How different are the language and spirit of '
Cassius M. Clay. This man, born in the same !
Si ite with Mr. Lincoln, takes an entirely dif-
Cerent view. He is impractical and visionary ;
iiKe an tue Aiioiiuonisis. tie noes not oeneve in
colonization, because it would delay emaneip.i
tion;and yet he says he never was in favor of im
mediate enian ip ition, and is only now in favor
of it because it is a time of war. But if the pol
icy was not good in time of peace, war can not
essentially change it. Mr. Clay must lie aware
of the policy of the Government and the senti
meut of the country, aud yet he publicly runs
counter to both, while be is mean enough to re
tain office under ih Adm itistr ition He left his
post in Russia to become a Major General in the
annv; but because the President will not make
the war one of emancipation and arm the negroes
he tells the world he declines ta have anything to
do with it, and does his worst to prevent enlist
ments for the army. He sas "it is sweet to die
for a principle that is world-wide and eternal in
its duration universal liberty to mankind." He
holds that blacks "re mturally equal to while
men, nnd quotes the Declaration of Independence
that God has created all men free and equal, ig
noring the lact that those who drew up that docu
ment never thought of liieluiling negroes. Oilier :
wise they stultified themselves. It was purely a
white man's Government that was founded bv
Wathir.gtoa, Jefferson and their compatriots.
Mr Clay alludes to the cae of the Czar freeing
twenty millions of serfs. Hut these are of the
same race of the Czar himself and the highest no
bles in the land. There is no parity of reason
in,:, therefore, iu the case. The emancipated
Kassian serfs are snseep ible of the highest free
dom and civilization. Not no the American ne
grow.
Again; Abraham Lincoln is not a despot, that
he ran do as he p!ea-es iu defiance of the will of
American people, even if lie believes in the policy
of universal emancipation. What then must we
think of Mr. City' patriotism, when he is capa
ble of uttering such language as the following:
Well, now you are going to conquer the South.
How? By my friend Seward-taking dinner and
drinks? Laughter and applause You are
going to conquer the South by taking the sword
iu one baud . i. 1 shackles in the other. You are
going to conquer the South with one portion of
your force, while the oilier is detailed to guard
rebel property. You are so magnanimous that
you are going to put down this gigantic effort at
our national life, in the language of Jim Lane,
"by fighting their battles and your own." Ap
plause How long have you tried it? For
nearly eighteen mouths. Some of the best men
in this country h ive gone down to their graves.
Two hundred and titty thousand ot the loyal
troops of the United States have diel on the bat
tie field or been disabled by sickness. How
many millions have you expended? Why, a sum
rolling up to one thousand millions almost otie
lourlh the national debt of England, that has
been accumulating for ages and still you have
been carrying on the war. Upon such principles
as that you cannot stand upright in the eyes of
the worid. On these principles you never can
conquer; and 1 am told by men high iu power
that the capital is still in danger. Gentlemen,
how much longer is this thing to continue? As
for myself, never, so help me God, will 1 draw a
sword to keep the chains upon another fellow
being. Tremendous applause Suppose, gen
tlemen, that you succeed upon the present policy,
what have you gained? Better recognize the
Southern Confederacy at once, and stop this
effusion of blood, than to continue in this present
ruinous policy, or ha ve even a restoration of the
Union as it was. Change your policy and say
that ou are iu earnest. Send an ambassador
me, if you will, much as Hie slaveholders hate me
and I them to Jeff. Davis, with a message that
if he will consent to hare the rebels lay down
their arms and come again under the protection
of the old Hag ami Constitution, that protection
will be giunted him; but if not, warn him of the
consequence, and then go to work iu real earnest;
and if necessary desolate the whole South.
Mr. Clay then draws a terrible picture of our
debt and bankruptcy, says we caii never conquer,
and swears that he will never draw a sword to
fight for the Union as it was and the Constitution
aa it is. Further, he proposes to recognize the
Southern confederacy at once and stop the effu
ion of blood by sending him as an ambassador
to Jeff. Davis. This is extraordinary language
for our ex Minister to Russia and a candidate for
the office of Major General. We hope Mr. Sew
ard and Mr. Stanton will look to this man. His
sieech proves him unfit either for civil or milita
ry position. Wendell Phillips has said aud can
ay nothing worse. Will he be permitted to go
back to Russia, and will our important interest
at the sagacious Court of St Petersburg be in
trusted to a man who is so deficient in common
sense and sounl discretion, aud whose one idea
hat evidently overturned his ill balanced jiyjg
rnenl?
What does Cassius M. Clay want? He desires
to arm the negroes and desolate the South; to
"make a solitude and call it peace;" and this he
does upon the very heels of the new from Hilton
Hettd that Hunter's negro brigade is an utter
failure and is broken up one half of the regi
ment organized having deserted, and Col. Fassen
den hivmg come home in the Arsgu.
There is abundant employment for the negroes
in this war. Let not only Southern, but all the
Northern, negroes be pat to wotk in digging
trenches, driving teams, felling timber, taking
ch trjte of the ambulances and the wounded,
cooking and other operations of the camp and
the field npon which it is now necessary to em
ploy white soldiers, greatly diminishing the effec
tive strength of the army. Let the blacks be
put to this kind of service, nnd their labors will
become more valuable than if they were armed.
But never let weapons be put into the hands of a
race not destined for political equality.
The difference between the I'restdent and these
men is th tt he is practical, and, besides, adheres
to the Cm. dilution. They are always in the
clouds, would overthrow the Constitution and
launch the republic, without chart, compass or
rudder, upon a sea of anarchy. Rut Mr. Clay
and men like him ought not to be permitted to
assail the war, to discourags enlistments, and to
j sow the seeds of strile and division at the North,
when thorough union ts absolutely essential to
success N Y. Herald
resident Lincoln on Colonization.
Washington, Aug. 14.
This afternoon, the President of the United
States giive audience to a committee of colored
men, at the White House. They were introduced
by Rev. J Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigra
tion. E. M. Thomas, the chairman, remarked
that they we;e there by invitation, to hear what
the Executive had to say to them. Having all
been seated, the Pre.idit, after a few prelimi
nary observations, informed them that a sum of
money had been appropriated by Congress, and
I placed at his disposition, lor the purpose of aid
ing the colonization, in some country, of the
people, or a portion of them, of African descent,
thereby making it his duty, as it lud for a long
time been his inclination, to favor that cause;
and why, he nsked, should the people of your
race be colonized, and where? Why should they
leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first
question for proper consideration. You and we
i are uinereni races. e nave between us a
I broader difference than exists between almost
any other two races. Whether it is right or
wrong, 1 need not discuss, but this physical dif
ference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I
think. Your race suffer very greatly, tnxuy of
them by living among us, while ours suffer from
your presence. In a word, we suffer on each
side If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at
least, why we should be separated. You here
are freemen, I supple.
A Voice Yes, sir.
The President Perhaps you have long been
free, or nil your lives. Your race are suffering,
in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on
any people. But even when you cease to be
slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed
on an equality with the white race. You are cut
off from many of the advantages which the other
race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy
equality with the best when free, but on this
broad continent not a single man of your race is
made the equal of a single man of ours. Go
where you are treated the best and the ban is still
upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but
to present it as a fact wi.h which we have to deal.
1 M 0t alter it, if 1 would. It is a fact about
which we all think and Ice! alike, 1 and you. Wc
look to our coudition, owing to the existence of
the two races on this continent. I need not re
count to you the effects upon white men, growing
out of the institution of slavery. I believe iu its
general evil effects upon the white race. See our
present condition thecountry engaged in w ar! our
white men cutting one another's throats none
knowing how far it will extend and then cou
sidcr what we know to be the truth. But for
your race among us there could not be war, al
though in .i.j men engaged on either side do not
care Cor you one way or the other. Never'he
less, I repeat, without the institution of slavery,
and the colored race as a basis, the war could uot
have an existence. It is better for us both, there
fore, to be separated. I know that there are free
men among you who, even if they could better
their coudition, are uot as much inclined to go
out of the country, aa those, who being slaves,
could obtain their freedom on this condition. I
suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way
ol colonisation is that the free colored mm can
not sec that his comfort would be advanced by it
You may believe you can live free in Washing
ton or anywhere in the United States the remain
der of your lile. perhaps more so than you can in
any loreigu country, and hence you may come to
the conclusion that vu have nothing to do with
the idea ot going to a foreign country. This
is
(I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely sei
hsh view of the case. But you ought to do
something to help those who are not so fortunate
as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the
part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you
free colored people to remain with us. Now if
you could give a start to the white people, you
would oien a wide door for many to be made
free. If we deal with those who are not free at
the beginning, and whose intellec ts nre clouded
by slavery, we have very poor material to start
with. If intelligent colored men, such as are be
fore me, would move in this matter, much might
be accomplished. It is exceedingly important
that we have men at the beginning capable of
thinking, as white men, and not those who have
been systematically oppressed. There is much to
encourage you. For the sake of your race you
should sacrifice something of your present com
fort tor the purpose "of being as grand in that
respect as the white people. It is a cheering
thought throughout life that something can be
done to ameliorate the condition ot those who ha- 3
been subject to the hard usages of the world. It
is difficult to in ike a man miserable while he
feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred
to the great God who made him. In the Anieri
can Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by
men engaged in it, but they were cheered by the
future. General Washington himself endured
greater physical hardships than if !ic had remained
a British subject. Yet lie was a happy man, be
cause he was engaged in benefitting his race;
something for the children of his neighbors, bar
ing none of his own.
Tbe Colony of Liberia has been in existence a
long time. In a certain sense it is a success.
The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
been with me, the first time 1 ever saw him. He
says they have within the bounds of that colony
between three and four hundred thousand people,
or more tban in some of our old States, such as
Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some ot the
newer States, and less than in jome of our larger
one-. They are not all American colonists or
their descendants. Something less than twelve
thousand have been sent thither from this coun
try. Many of the original settles have died, yet,
like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber
those deceased. The question is, if the colored
people are fiersnaded to go anywhere, why not
there? One reason for an unwlllingnesss to do
so is that some of you would rather remain with
in reach of the country of your nativity. I do
not know how much attachment you may have
toward our race. It docs not strike roe that you
have the greatest reason to love them. But still
you are attached to them. At all events, the
place I am thinking about having for a colony is
iu Central America. It is nearer to us than Li
beria not much more than one foe rth as far as
Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers.
Unlike Liberia, it is on a great line of travel it
is a highway. The country is a very excellent
one for any people, and with great natural re
sources and advantages, and especially because of
the similarity of climate with your native land
thus being suite! to your physical condition. The
particular place 1 htve in view is to be a great
highway from the Atlantic or Caribbeau Sea, to
the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has all
tbe ad van tage for a colony. On both side there
are harbors among the first in the world. Again
there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A cer
tain amount of coal is valuable iu any country,
and there may be more than enough for the
wants of the country. Why I attach so much
importance to coal is, it will afford an opportuni
ty to the inhabitants for immediate employment,
till they get ready to settle perm inenily in their
homes. If you take colonists where there is no
good landing there is a bad show, and no where
there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to
make a farm. But if something is stated so that
you can yet your daily bread, as soon as you
reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is
the best thing I know of with which to commence
an enterprise. To reuinr you have been talked
to upon this subject, and told that a speculation
is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in
the country, including the coal mines. We
hav been mistaken all our lue- if we
do not know whites as well as blacks look
to their self interest. Unless among those de
Acleiit of intellect, everybody you trade with
makes something. You meet with these tilings
here and elsewhere. If such persons have what
will be an advantage to them, the question is
whether it cannot be made of advantage to you
Y .i. :ire inte.hgent and know that success does
not as much depend on external help as se f reli
ance. Much, therefore, depends upon your
selves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the
means available for your self reliance. I shall,
if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have
provisions made that you shall not be wronged.
If you will engage in the enterprise I will spend
some of the money entrusted to me. I am not sure
you will succeed. Tbe Government mar lose the
money, but wecim not succeed unless we try;
but we think with care we can succeed. The po
litical affairs in Central America are not in quite
as satisfactory condition as I wish. There are
contending factions in that quarter; but it is true
all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of
colonization, and want it, and are more generous
than we are here. To your colored race they
have no objection. Besides I wculd endeavor to
have you made equals, and have the best assu
rances that you should be made the equals of the
best. The practical thing I want to ascertain is
whether can get a number of able bodied men,
with their wives and children, who arc willing to
go, when I present evidence of encouragement
and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably
intelligent men, with their wives and children,
and "cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can
I have fifty? If I co aid find twenty-five able
bodied men with a m'xtm c of women and chil
dren, good things 'r. the family relation, I think
I could make a successful commencement. 1
want you to let roe know whether this can be
done or not. This is the practical part of my
wish to see you. These are subjects of very
great importance, worthy of a month's study of
a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you then to
consider seriously, not pertaining to yourselves
merely, nor for your race and ours, for the pies
ent time, but as one of tbe things, if successfully
managed, for the good of mankind-not confined
to the present generation, but as-"
"From a.?r to e descends tbe lay
To tuitions yet to be,
Till far its echoes roll away
into eternity."
The above is merely given as the substance of
the President's remarks.
The Chairman of the delegation briefly re
plied, that "they would hold a consultation, and
in a short lime give an answer."
The President said "Take your full time no
hurry at all."
The deputation then withdrew.
For the Daily State Sentinel.
Boone County Democratic Conven
tion. In pursuance of a call of the Central Commit
tee, the Democracy of Boone County met iu mass;
convention at the Court House in Lebanon 011
Saturday. August 16. for the purpose Of express
iug their views on the state of the country, and
Dominating a county ticket.
At an early hour in the morning the sturdy
Democracy of old lioone began to pour into town
by the hundred , on foot, 01 horseback, aud it.
wagons and carriages, with music aud banners.
By 10 o'clock A. Mri the town was fairly alive
with Democrats. One procession cime in from
the east side of the county containing one hun
dred wagons, iu front of which was a large hick
ory wagon, drawn by ten span of horses, con
taining a band of music and thirty-tour of the
fair daughters of Boone, all dressed in snowy
white eich carrying a banner, representing one
of the thirty four States of our once happy but
now distracted Union.
W. A.Tipton called the meeting to order at
10 o'clock A. M., and on his motion Dr. J. Mc
Workman was chosen President of the meeting;
and on motion. W. A. Tipton and J. W. Nicbol
were appointed Secretaries.
Dr. McWorkman, 011 taking the chair, ad
dressed the meeting as follows:
My Drmnrratie Friends: We meet here to "
day under peculiar circumstaoces. A little over
a year ago our great country was happy, prosper
ous and united; to-day, to use the appropriate
language of another, the whole Union, from the
Likes of the north to the Rio Grande of the
south, and from the Atlantic to Pacific, is one
vast military camp. I hail not occupy your
time, nor is it fitting that I t-hould do so. in dis
cussing the causes which have brought this great
calamity upon oar country. My friends, I should
feel the deepest mortification and shame did 1
believe that 1 had been called to this chair by
traitors, but knowing most of you jiersonally , 1
do not hesitate lo say that a more patriotic, loyal,
Union loving convention never met in this hall.
I see here to-day men who were at the siege of
Fort Meigs men w ho trudged through the wil
derness from Kentucky to Detroit, in defense of
-their country, iu the war of 1H12. 1 see men
here to day who, when theit country called, were
found on the plains of Mexico defending Ameri
can rights; and I see men here to day whose bro
titers and whose sons are now fighting the battles
of the Constitution aud the Union; and yet, my
fi lends, there are those who call you traitors and
Secessionists. It is not unknown to many of you
that immediately after tie battle of Shiloh, the
Oovernor of our btate. actuated by n spirit of
humanity, called for medical aid to go to that
sanguinary held to assist iu caring for our sick
and wounded soldi' - In obedience to that call !
I went to that flcluA aud did all in my power to
alleviate the sufferings of our -nit end disabled ,
In about a wtek alter my return the Governor
tendered me the appoint incut of additional As- I
si-tant Surge-. 11 to the I.Vn regiment Indiana vol
uiiieers, then before Corinth, where it was be
lieved a great aud decuive battle was about tobe I
fought. Again I repaired to that field, and re J
m. lined with my regiment in its tedious march .
frout Pittsburg Landing to Corinth. After ihe
evacuation of Coriuth, my services being no
longer required, 1 returned home, feeling a con
sciousness that I had discharged my duty; and
yet there arc some men who call me the biggest
Secessionist of you all. Now, my friends, we
must not suffer ourselves to be diverted by these
taunts and jeers from the straightforward path of
patriotism and luyalty, but keep steady "step to
the music of the Union."
Mr. Lincoln, though not the choice of the De
mocracy, is nevertheless President of the United
States, elected according to the forms of that in
strument, the Constitution, we all so much re
vere. It is, therefore, the duty of all good Dem
ocrats, as patriotic, loyal men. to give bis Admin
istration a cordial support in all things that are
right and constitutional. And it is our duty to
patiently bear all the burdens of taxation that
may be imposed upon us aud respond to all the
requirements of our Government the best the
world ever knew until through the peaceful
means of the ballot box we may change our
rulers.
Mr. Lincoln, 1 repeat, is President, and as such
must be recognized and obeyed by all loyal men.
But he is not the Government. We claim the
right of criticising the acts of the President, bull
we can not as loyal men oppose the Government. 1
Mr. Reynolds, M Lafayette, an excellent officer
and worthy gentleman, is President of the La- 1
layette and Indianapolis Railroad, but Mr. Key
nolds is not tbe Railroad; neither is Mr. Lincoln I
the Government. In all things wherein Mr.
Reynolds administers the affairs of that corpora
tion properly and honestly, he deserves the ap
probation and support of the stockholders and all
others interested. If, however, he shall do wrong
and mismanage the affairs of tbe road, let his
wrong-doing be condemned. So in regard to the
Presiden. of the United States. I think I know
the sentiments of the Democracy of the county of
Boone, and can say for you, therefore, that you
condemn the rebellion now in arms in the South
and favor ita speedy overthrow.
So long, then, the party in power confines
the prosecution of the war within the limits of
the Constitution, and for the restoration of the
Union r e hav loved ao well, it is our plain duty
to give it our unqualified support. My friends,
you know that speech making is not my business;
I shall not. therefore, detain you longer. This is
the first time in my life I have been called to pre
side over a deliberative body of any kind. I feel
my inability to properly discharge the duties ol
this chair, aud snail confidently look lo those of
you better acquainted with parliamentary usages
to assist me with your counsel. I thank, you,
gentlemen, for ihe honor conferred, in making
me Chairman of so large and so respectable a
body of my fellow -citizens a 1 sec before me.
The convention will now come to order and pro
ceed to business.
The townships being called every township in
the county responded by large delegations.
On motion the Chairman appointed tbe follow
ing Committee on resjlutions:
Samuel Evans, Riley W. Perkins, John Golda
berry, E D. shannon, Wm. Roberts, John C.
Dailev, Dr. Samuel Rodman, John F. Stephen
sou, f . A. Andrews and Henry Lucas.
On motion a committee of two from each town
ship was appointed to report suitable nomina
tions for the various offices to the meeting.
The throng being so great that our large and
capacious Court room would not accommodate
one fourth of the people in attendance, the meet
ing adjourned to meet in the grove on the fair
grounds at 1 o'clock P. M.
AFTERNOON.
The meeting was called to order at 1 o'clock
by the Chairman, when the committee on resolu
tions, through Henry Lucas, their Chairman, re
ported the following resolutions which wereunan
mously adopted with the greatest euthusaism.
Whijikas, The Democratic party having from
its organization been the party of the Union,
faithful and true to all its requirements, main
taming its dignity and majesty alike in war and
in peace, against the assaults of every foe. w heth
er foreign or domestic; and,
Whereas, The present deplorable and unhap
py condition of our country is attributable to a
departure from its lime honored and conserva
tive principles; and,
Wuerea8. We, the Democracy of Boone coun
ty, having an abiding faith in the purity and pa
triotism of our political principles, and being un
alterably attached to the Constituion and the
Union as framed by our fathers and upheld and
maintained for three quarters of a century by the
Democratic party, earnestly appeal to every pa
triot and lover of his country, without regard to
past political opinions, to unite with us iu our ef
forts to reconstruct the Union under tire Consti
tution. Therefore be it
Remlred, 1 , That we hereby indorse the plat
form of principles adopted by the Democratic
Mass Convention held at the city of Indianapolis,
July 30, 1?62, and we recommend the same to
the people of Boone county for their pure Democ
racy and unalloyed patriotism.
2. That we are in favor of, and demand a vig
orous prosecution of the war for the purpose of
suppressing the wicked and infamous rebellion
now waged by the Southern States against the
Constitution of our country, and that so long as
the power of the Federal Government is used for
the legitimate purpose of asserting t .e constitu
tional power and supremacy of the General Gov
ernmeiit, wc will accord to the Government and
the Ad ninistration our undivided support and
earnest sympathy.
3. That while we will use all our energies in
meeting every demand of the Government ueces
sary to a vicorous prosecution ai d speedy termi
nation of the present war. we solemnly protest
against the use of - the army, or the approri;uion
of the people's money, for the purpose of freeing
the slaves, and also against the frauds nnd cor
ruptions existing in the various Departments of
the Government, as shown by the Congressional
Investigating Committee.
4. That we are utterly opposed to all secret
political organizations under whatever guise or
manner they may appear or whatever object
they may have, and we denounce the charge
made by the Republican parly, that such an or
ganization exists in the Democratic party in this
county as an unmitigated slander upon the
party.
5. That the gall ant men from our county who
responded to their country's call in this her hour
of trial, merit, and have our warmest gratitude;
on every battle field they have proved themselves
the bravest of the brave, reflecting upon their
country the highest credit, and upon themselves
undying fame; living we will honor them, dying
we will remember them with a patriots grat
itude. The Committee on nominations reported the
following nominations which were unanimously
adopted by the meeting:
For Representative, Robert C. McCann.
For Auditor, Henry Lucas.
For Treasurer, John C. Daily.
For Sheriff, Tilghman A. Andrews.
For Surveyor, Henry Taylor.
For Commissioner, John A. Potts.
The President theu introduced the Hon. J. E.
McDonald, who addressed the meeting iu an able
and eloquent speech, vindicating the Democracy
from the foul aspersions heaped upon it by the
bastard Union party. Mr. McDonald was fol
lowed by His Honor T. B. Ward, Mayor of La
fayette, Joseph Ristine. the Democratic candi
date for Auditor of State, and by A. J. Boone of
our own county, in short patriotic speeches.
On motion of J. W. Nichol the proceedings of
this meetings were ordered to be published in the
Indiana State Sentinel.
After giving three rousinc cheers for the Union
and the Constitution, as nude by our fathers, and
three tor the ticket this day nominated, the Con
vention adjourned.
J. McWORKMAN, Chairman.
W. A. Tiptox,
J. W. NltHOE.
Secretaries.
From the Cincinnati Price Current, Au. 20.
Ftnnnciul and Com mere ia I summary
for the pant weki
The money market continued to rule easy aud
rates of discount are generally lower.
In New York the call loans are quoted at 3a4
percent., and a dull mirket: the demand for
money at these rates beiug inadequate to the
offerings.
In this market call loans can be roadeut 5 per
cent and first class thirty day paper is taken at 6
per cent., aud sity and ninety day piper at 8a
10 per cent. There is very little use for money
with business men, and hence the circumscribed
demand for it.
The events of the week have been, on the
whole, not discouraging, though they have
been interpreted in New York in such a way as
to put up the premium on gold fully 2 per cent.,
but United Slates securities have also improved,
so that it can not be said that the advance in
gold is the consequence of any unfavorable as
pect the aims of the Union presented.
The call for 600,000 additional troops has
been responded to in a manner not even hoped
for a mouths ago, and the draft for the 300.000
nine mouths' men will be met with cheerfulness,
so that the indications are favorcble for a success
ful and vigorous fall campaign, and the hope is
now strong that before the winter comes the in
jury done the Government by the defeat at Rich
mond will be more than neutralized, and the re
bels thoroughly defeated.
Exchange has ruled quiet and steady, with a
moderate demand. Gold, silver and demand
notts have all advanced, the market closing
buoyant. The following are the quotations:
Buying Selling.
New York Wdis. par
Gold... Mprem. 16 prem.
Silver 8 prem. 10 prem.
Demand Notes 6 prem.
The news from Europe indicate that the crops
in all the European countries will be lelow an
average. In England, though not an average,
they will be better than those of 1661. If these
advices be correct, which we have some reason
to doubt, tbe statement made by the Iondon
Shipping Gazette regarding the crops in this coun
try being most erroneous, we may look for a
large demand from France and England for our
surplus breadstuff's. Nothing could be more fa
vorable than this for this country in a commer
cial point of view, because we have such a sur
plus, and it is upon this only we can depend to
prevent gold going to a much higher premium
than it is now, and it is in this way the inestima
ble blessing of abundant crops can be fully real
ized by us.
The weather has been quite cool since our last;
the temperature having changed suddenly and
decidedly, consequent upon heavy rains which
fell west of this State the previous week, tne
ranee being 65 to 75 deg , a difference of fully
90 degrees as compared with the previous week
The corn in this State and Kentucky needs some
rain just now, but has not been injured much so
far. The inadequacy of our railways to do the
business offering, has greatly restricted tbe busi
n ess of the week, almost amounting to an em
bargo upon some departments.
Flour has been in light s .pply, and good local
demand, and the market hau ruled very firm
Wheat, consequent upon large receipts and
waut ot adequate transportation facilities, has
been dull and heavy, aud prices largely declined
closing unsettled and nominal.
Corn declined to 33c. Oats advanced to 44c.
Rye declined to 51c.
The new oats now coming in is veiy inferior,
weighiug but twenty to twenty seven lbs. to the
measured bushel.
Whisky has been steady and iu fair demand at
iiii., cents.
The demand for groceries has been exceeding
ly light and the market dull.
The late order of the Secretary of War regard
ing those absenting themselves to avoid the draft,
has interfered with travel to a great extent and
prevented merchants from coming to the city,
which has operated on business very decidedly.
Refined sugar is 'yC. lower, but taw under the
advices from New l ork is held with more firm
ness, and is not to be bad on as easy terms.
Prices of this grade advanced lj,c. per pound in
New York during the week. The prices of re
fined sugar in this market are lower in propor
tion than they are in the East, but our merchants
had bought largely before the advance there last
month, and hence tbey are enabled to sell
at present quotations, and make a moderate
profit.
There has been no perceptible change in coffee
or molasses.
Beef cattle declined 50c per cent d.with a sap
ply far beyond the demand. The balk ol those
in market, however, were inferior. At thecloso
prime would not bring over $3 75. A continued
active demand for bogs at full prices. Sheep firm
and iu good demand
There has been an improved feeling in the pro
vision market again, and a better demand for
bulk and smoked meats, particularly shoulders,
which have been sold to the extent of 700,000
lbs., at .'( o!4c in bulk, and 3lac for smoked,
loose. At the close it was rather difficult to buy
good below 3-4c in bulk. Common hams are in
good demand at 71.,7?4c canvased and packed,
and sugar-cured at 9lsal0c. With shipping fa
cilities a large amount of bams and shoulders
would be taken by the seaboard cities. There is,
also, a continued good army demand for them.
Lard has not been dealt in largely, because it
can not be shipped, but is held firmly at 'aar3- c
mu in some cases 9c is asked About 1.600
tierces chiefly country, sold at and 2.000
kegs at caSJgC, and none to be had below 9c at
the close. The demand for butchers' lard is ac
tive, and 7a7-c in bulk, and 7la7Bc in coop
erage, are freely paid. A large quantity is being
made, as heretofore, by rendering the whole bog
except the hams.
Mess pork has not been inquired for, and
prices are nominal, though holders are firmer un
der the news from New York, where it advanced
from $11 37 to $11 62 yesterday. The rates
asked here range from $9 to 9 50.
Linseed oil is still dull and unsettled; sales
have been made at 75c since our last, but this
rate was nominalst the close. Ther; was not
much offering, however, as it pays better to ship
it East than to sell at this rate.
Pig iron has advanced $3 per ton. and is sold
sparingly at the advance. Bar iron is also Jc
higher. Nails are firmer.
Tiik Battle of Baton Rouok. Full details
of the battle of Raton Rouge show it to have
been one of the most important of the war.
Western troops played a prominent and impor
tant part. The engagement was brought on by
one of tbe companies of tbe 21st Indiana, which
was on picket duty about a mile back of the camp,
being driven in by the rebels. The other com
panies of this regiment hastened to the rescue,
and though opposed to overwbelming numbers
fought desperately. Tbe New York Hrrmld's
correspondent says:
"The Indiana boys performed prodigies of
valor, and kept the enemy in check for a con
siderable time."
Later in the fight tbe camp of thi- regiment
was invaded and burned bv the enemy. Iu the
heat of the contest, the hanie-t brunt oi the fight
ing was in the center where the 14th Maine and
21st Indiana fought side by side. Tbe Herald
writer says that a rebel General paid tbe latter
the handsome compliment of sayiug that but for
these damned Indianians Raton Rouge would
have been captured.
When the rebels coinmcuced their ictre.it,
Breckinridge was in such a hurry that be left his
sword on the field. It is to this circumstance
that the story of his losing his right arm is at
tributed. The New Yoik Time$' correspondent, who
appears to have been one of the promtaeot offi
cers engaged, says that one company of the Indi
ana regiment, who purchased their arms the
Morrill rifle with their own mosey, fired be
tween seventy and eighty rounds each, when in
no case those who used tbe ordinary arms fired
more than thirty or forty rounds, "fhe day was
iutenselv bot. and our men fought with tbe sun
full in their faces, yet so ardent were tbey, that
after the battle began a large number of the
patients in the hospitals got off their beds and
hastened to the field. Many of our men assert
that the enemy a, pro ached bearing tbe stars and
stripes, and that it was by this ruse Gen. Williams
lost his life. The enemy, iu approaching the
town, avoided our scouts by marching through
the fields instead of along tbe roads.
On tbe 6th we commeusied buryiug our dead.
The number is supposed to be about eighty killed
outright, but as they were brought in by friends
and decently interred, the number can only be
obtained from the official record. On the 6th
some forty of the enemy were buried, on the 7th
about one hundred and seveuty. and our scouts
reported that the dead were scattered along the
road for five miles wounded men who had died
In their attempt to retreat. Tbe woods were still
to be searched the Essex may possibly have
made great havoc.
KrKiinrnlii 1 Ordrr.
H i wut af.ti its, 79th Regt Im- i
August 20, 1862. f
All soldiers belonging to the 79th regiment are
hereby notified to report to their company or reg
iment immediately.
All soldiers belongi'ig to the 79th regiment
who are absent alter the 22d inst., will be reported
s deserters and treated accordingly
By order. LK WIS M A NKFR,
Captain Commanding.
P. G. kn-si v, Adjutant, pro tern. 20 3
Appointment
The following commissions were is-tied vester
day: " '
SIZTV EIOHTH 1.1 ...VI i
Dr. Levitt Hodgkins, 1st Assistaii
Dr. G. L. Wooden, Surgeon promoted.
sixTT Harm traistxr.
Wm. A. Rickle. of Richmond, Colonel.
Dr. D. S. Evan. Surgeon.
Dr. W. B. Witt, 2d Assistant Surgeon.
J. Stout, of Coanersville, Lieutenant Colonel.
T S Wat tot house Major.
Dr. David Ferguson, 1st Assistant Surgeon.
SCVKNTH aEQIMEXT..
Dr Jonas T. Duffield. Jr., Assistant Sur
geon SkVtXTV FIETT RKU1M tT.
Dr. Fred S Schell, Jr., Assistant Surgeon.
SKTBXTT Firril BEOIMKNT
John W. Pettit, Wabash, Colonel.
Wm. C. Brien, Hamilton, Lt. Colonel.
Cyrus I. McCabe, Hamilton, Major.
James C. Medsker, Adjutant.
Christopher C. Arthur. Jay Co., Surgeon.
BKOIM EXT.
Ohas. W Chapman, Kosciusko, Colouel.
Mason Raker, Elkhart, Major.
Dr. Sheldon, Noble, Surgeon.
Dr J. A. Bassett, Elkhart, 1st Assistant Sur
geon. Geo C. Smith. Kosciusko. Adjutant
O. H. Wood vor: Ii. Quartermaster
frorrrdinfi of the SOth of Jrnly Mate
Convention
Now ready, the proceedings of the great Mann
Convention of the 30th of July, including a full
report of the speechen of Messrs. Wickuffk,
Carlile and Richardson; the resolutions
adopted and the Address of the Democratic
State Central Committee to the people of th
State. The whole makes a closely printed pa
phlet of thirty-two pages, and is furnish at ft
per hundred. This document shoo be placed
in the hands of even- voter In te States. Or
ders solicited. Address this office.
Dihpnaition of lfe Wetrn Tl
The Chicago 7js sayi it has intelligence
from Washington that the tiovemment
anticipate eM neteasity for removing Wi
troop to tbe Kast, and tbst it expects to
them wholly in the Southwest Thus. W
troops will fight directly for the preservation of
a sectional interest of immense magnitude, as
well as for tbe great common cause. They will
light direct!) for the unity of tbe Valley of tbe
Mississippi, and for tbe freedom of tbe Miniislppl
itself. Though the Union cause should fail, the
Northwest can never surrender tbe freedom of
the Mississippi But the Union cause cannot
fail
ed.
it
tbe freedom of tbe Mississippi be achiev
That achievement will achieve tbe Union.

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