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3 TV 71 J j j It VOL. XXII, NO. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1868. WHOLE NO. 1,231. f TÄ T S1EMT N WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL ntsriB ajid rciujniD rvemr mosdat at the NIZWISEXTIXE I. OFFICE, . . XO. 3 SOLTÜ 1IEF;IIAN STREET, OPPOSITE THE OLD POSTOFFICE, : ELDER, II1RKXESS, k BINGI1A3I, jPviaietom. ' terx or weekly MSTTOk ' Onecopr one year $ l so Ten copies, and on to the maker or the club ... 13 00 Additions en b mad toCIab at'sny time at then bore rates. Toe names will be printed on each paper, without txtrchr?. All WCIM.tMtBal Oue square, one insertion $0 75 " two " , 1 00 " four " ................. 3 00 For each subsequent insertion, and for each inser tion of each additional square 331 Adrertisement iibiih..t tn hnth th r,ii-r.,. th Wdekly Ss.mscL, will h charged the fall Daily rate, witaone-nall tne weeaiyratej added. ... Amioaitciiig deaths with funeral notice attached, ( 1; wp heuc not ice free. Marraira Notices 50 cents. Notice of Festival, Picnics and Kxcurslon, (rotten op by individuals or association, or by churches, at the reg ular price. Advertisement leaded and placed under the head cf 8peclal Noiioes, if ten lines orover, willbechargeddouble the usual rate. Yearly advertiser to pay quarterly. Announcing camlid.ttes fr offlce of every description to be chanted at the rate of 1 50 for each name in the Daily, and 2 in the Daily and Weekly, the same to be, In alt cases, paid in advance. Lr;al advertisement inserted at the expense of the at torneys ordering, and not dclayable for the lejrnl proceed ings, but collectable at our usual time. Publisher; not accountable for the accuracy of legal advertisements-beyond the amount charged f.r their pnblirntion. ELDER, HARKNESS A BINGHAM. Proprietor Indiana State Sentinel. J. M. T1LFORIJ, Presid&nttndianapoli.-JournalConipany . THE DAIIiY SEITITISrEIi Will be sent by nnil or express to subscribers at any point for sixty cents a mnith. or seven dollars a year. All nbscriptions invariably in advance. Address ELDER HARKNESS, A BINGHAM. A military Hoard. The Democratic members of our Legislature intend to t ike the control of military affairs out of the h inds of Governor Morton, by the crea tion of a Military Board, to consist ol Demo cratic State officers ir thkt can. Such a pro ceeding can be instigated by nothing eise than the meanest sympathy with treason, a desire to embarrass the Government and throw the weight of Indian' power iu favor of rebellion. The Union members of the Legislature will be justi fied in resisting it tor the last in every man mer. If we must have war i jr own doors, let it come while we hive the weapons in our hands. Lafayette Journal. The Democratic members intend no such th'ng. They propose to organize a Military Board to advise, consult and co operate with the - Governor in the management and direction of the military power of the State This is right. If Governor Moktox is an honest and patriotic man he will not object to it. If the Republican party has the welfare of the country at heart it will co-operate hi the creation of a Military Board who shall divide the responsibility with the Gov ernor in the exercise of this important and deli rate trust.' The people demand a measure of this character. They are unwilling that this dangerous power shall be entrusted with any oue man. If the Republican mernbeis of the Legis late attempt to e'efeat the people'. will in that re iard, all faith in the Integrity of the Republican officials ami leaders ot that party will be lost. Is it not right that the majority of the people of Indiana should hare a voice in the administra tion of the State government? What tight has the minority to assume more patriotism or more regard for the best interests.of the Government than the majority Y What greater interest lias Governor Morton in preserving the GoveOnier.t aud.in maintaining the institutions and rights guaranteed by the Constitution than the humblest citizetnf Indiana? None whatever. Is he any more honest? Not a whit. Is not the Adminis tration adopting every despotic measure that the Republicans have condemned in Jiff. Davis, and have not the people, the rightful source of authority in all free governments, the right to express an opinion thereupon and direct their servants, their representatives, as to the manner in which they shall discharge the trust confided to them? We ask all good citizens, of every shade of political se" timent, to seriously consider the assumptions set up by the Republican officials and leaders. Who pays the taxes? And must the money and the weapons furnished by the people to sustain the Government and to preserve order and peace within our own borders be turned upon them, as is threatened by the Republican editor above, for simply daring to express their view upon the crises of the country? If so, the people of Russia and of Austria will be free in comparison with the freemen, of lbs professedly free Government. A military Hoard. The New Albany Ledger, in referring V the proposition to establish a Military Boi-rd in this State, remarks: Whether or not it is expedient to establish a Militury Board in Indiana is a question for the Legislature to decide We presume, however, there is no wish on the part of the m jority to deprive Gov. Morton of his constitutional Prä rogatives, but merely to create a Board with whom the Governor may consult in the manage menl of military affairs. Unless the Governor is ambitious ot despotic sway, which we presume is not the case, we should suppose he would be rather desirous than otherwise to have others share with him the responsibility of conducting public affairs. Most certainly it is nothing more than ri'bt that the majority of the people of the State should, through some channel, be allowed a roice in the management of military affairs. There can be no question, we suppose, but that tiiey will be called upon to pay their share of the taxes which will follow these military opera tions. Change of Haue. EdITü Or THE UlXCIN.VATt E.VQIIRER. It is well in times like these not to entirely forget the !ast. I have in my possession a copy of the I trrison Gazette of January 25, 116, which con tains the proceedings of the Whig State Couveu tion that met oil the 12th of the same mouth at Indianapolis. I append three of the resolutions veAa.'m. They speak tor themselves: "Ketoleed, That the war with Mexico ought to h tve been avoided, and, in the opinion of this Convention, might have been avoided without any sacrifice of the national honor or interests. Resolced. That this is a government of the peo ple; that they have a right to express their opin ions and sentiments on all questions connected with the administration of public affairs; that for the exercise of this privilege they should not be den;uuced by llioe in power who are merely their eervauts with being 'moral traitors,' and giving ail ami comfort to the enemy ; and that we look upon stielt denunciation on the part of the prese.it Executive as intended to prevent an examination into bis official conduct and to cover up his usurpation of power. ' ttemrlced, That we are opposed to a system of direct taxation for the support of Government, and that we are opposed to the levying of a duty on tea and coffee, as recommended by the Presi dent, to raise revenue to prosecute the war with Mexico, or for any other purpose." Tom Wood Our fellow townsman. Tom Wood, Esq , tlx clever proprietor of the Bramble House, was this morning elected Warden of the Northern Indiana Prison. Mr. Freemen, of Fort Wayne, was elected Deputy Warden. It u understood that Major Dunn, of Michigan City, will be elected Superintendant of Construction Lafayette Journal. "Iteslstance to the Arrestof Deserters in Indiana.' The Abolition papers, from the Cincinnati Com mercial to the Indianapolis Journal, seem deter mined to make lying their stock in trade. One j and all mke H a business to wilfully roistrcpre- j sent, with the hope of prolonging the life of a ro,ten cause Thetdegraphishkewiseusedand sxibused to spread misrepresentations over the coun- ; trj, until the unreliability of that source of in- m.tion ua9 become, prorerbial. Al! the are- j nuea to truth, and fairness, and justice are blocked up by the part? in power. Uuder the head of 'resistance to the arrest of deserters in Indiana," we find the following batch of falsehoods tele graphed to the Cincinnati Commercial from the Governor's office in this citj,and which appeared in that print of yesterday: On Friday last, a small squad of soldiers was sent to a village named Waverly, .Morgan couih ty, to arrest some deserttrs. Upon their urrival they were fired upon bj some of the citizen, and ipiormea mat me aeserters wouia ie protected, ! and under no circumstances would they be sur rendered. The squad being too small to effect the arrest returned to this city and reported the facts to Col. Carnngton, who sent twenty-five cavalry after the offenders, with orders to arrest thtm, dead or alive. The cavalry arrived there about noon on Sunday, and were fired upon by about forty mounted men. The cavalry immcdi ately charged upon them, when they fled in all directions, throwing aaray their arms. The cav alry captured nine of the cowardly ;-ascais, with two of the deserters, and marcheJ them to this city, where they are tiow in close confinement. Colonel Carnngton will send a hundred cavalry after the balance to-morrow. It is rare to find a bitch of lies in so small a compass, and we copy it to show the means em ployed to pitjudice the public mind. There was no resistance made to the arrest of the deserters by the citrzens of Waverly. The cavalry were not fired ujxhi "by about forty mounted men." and we are credibly informed that the citizens ar rested and brought here are as innocent of resisting the military at Waverly as are the editors of the Conmtrclnl or Governor Moutox. Neither has Col. . Carrixgtox sent a hundred cavalry after the balance, nor did he order the cavalry to atrest the deserters, dead or alive. There would have been no disturbance at Wa verly if the military had confined themselves solely to the arrest of deserters. One of the so called de-erters was a paroled prisoner. lie was absent by permission of an officer of his com pany for the reason that he could not be com fortably provided for in camp here, and he was ready to return whenever it was- necessary for him to do so. If "the private properly and the rights of citizens had not been interfered with, if citizen had not been abused for opinion's sake, w e should never have heard of trouble in Morgan county, or shall we hear again of dillicultius elsewhere between the military and citizens, if such out rages are not repeated. It seems strange that the Abolition party so entirely misapprehend the sentiment of the people of Indiana. The politicians are not leading or teaching the people, but otherwise the popular sentiment is far in advance of the so called po litical leaders, and the people are fully capable and are ready to do their ow n thinking, speak ing, and acting. The idea of the Cincinnati Commercial and tlie Indianapolis Journal char acterizing the outbreak at Waverly as a "rebellion in Indiana" is hugely absurd. There is but one lesson in the whole affair, und that is nothing more or less than that the people are sensitively jealous of their rights, of their liberties, ai d that they are termit ed to maintain and preserve them. So far as the Democrats are concerned, they are pre-eminently law-abiding citi zens. They are most distinctly for law and order. Most tlieerfullv will they yield to and support the rightful authority of the Government. This has been the teaching and the record of the party from the beginning. And knowing and appreciating the rights of the citizen it has ever had the courage to maintain them. The Com mercial intimates that the "Copperheads" of In diana wish to inaugurate war on their own soil. This charge everybody knows to be the merest gammon. The Demacracy have illuslrited their fitrioti m in standing by the Government when they h id every reason to believe that a stupid and weak Administration was bent upon its ruin an Administration faithless to all its pledges and whose entire history has been signalized by hypoc risy ami deceit. These things the honest yeomanry Of the country well understand, and so palpable are they that the commonest intelligence fully com prehends the folly ami wickedness of the party in power. And if the Republican leaders had a particle of practical sense, long ere th;s they would have appreciated and heeded the revolution in public sentiment which will sweep on until a new i:nd totally different policy and rulers guide the destinies of the nation There is one thing certain, lying will not save the Republican party and leaders from utter disgrace, and these acts of folly on their part present the evidence of the recklessness and desperation of men who know and led that power is rapidly sliding from under them and that it will leave them in hopeless dis grace. 'IJte fteirro us Soldier. The correspondent of the Nov York World, writing from Hilton Head, gives the following facts, which go to show conclusively that the ne gro soldier experiment is not twily a failure, but that under the Emancipation Proclamation the negroes are fleeing from, instead of coming to oar lines: The negro brigade is again involved in trouble the negroes are deserting, casting aside the scirlet trousers, gaudy buttons ami glittering muskets. Massa Lincoln has set them free, and heir interpretation of freedom is no work of any kind; hence they do not desire to exert their mus cles in ti e common labor performed by the. white men. A nero soldier was rdioi lasiweeK lor at tempting to lorce the guard. A brother" in color fired the fatal ball. This net has put an end t enlistments in this enlightened body of colored people. Gen Sax ton, fco rumor says, has acked to be. transferred to some other depart ment; he has had enough of negro for some time to come. The foregoing is from the correspondent of a Democratic paper. The following, of the same purport, is from the correspondence of a Repub lican paper, the Philadelphia Inquirer: The negroes are rapidly deserting, and. in spite of the efforts of the provost guard, they still go. The white officers cannot recognize them when in citizens' clothes, and hence a black patrol has been established. Thefciih Maine Volunteers, who are guarding the plantations, h.ve their hands full, and a vast deal of trouble exists on the col ored que.-tion The negroes at this place have thinned out since the 1st of January, many even of the house servants being among the list of absentees. They go out upon the adjoining plantations, and the colore! fair sex hide ihem when sought afier. So great has been the flight of the contrabands that our Chief Uu irtei inaster. Captain C r. Fuller, has been obliged to tret details of white men from the regiments to do duty heretofore performed by the contrabands. Now a white sol dier does guard duty, unloads vessels, and, be sides bein" a s'eredore, he is also obliged to be a ai!or. while these "men and brethren" are out in the woods or on plantations enjoying themselves ml the nleasu'es of emancipation. ItU rumored that Gen. Saxton, tired and weary of negro brigades and regimentsand the Reverend Gen. French' sway, has applied to be relieved from this department. THE STATE OF 1IIE NATION. ADDRESS BY JUDGE . SAMUEL E. PEKKIXS, DLLIVEUkU BEFOBK THE Democratic Association, Indianapolis, TUESDAY EVEMKG, JAN 13, 1SC3. Indianapolis, Jan. 14, 1803. Hox. S.E. Pkkkixs Dear Sir: The Demo cratic Association of Marion connty listened with great pleasure to the able and patriotic ad dress delivered before them by you on the 13th inst.; and, believing that "great good may be accomplished by iti publication, in leading the minds of onr people in a proper coarse, to the. end that the bloody war now desolating onr once happy land may be ended, and that the . broken bonds of affection which once united the North and South may.be reccmented, have ap pointed the undcr-igned a committee, to ask of you a copy of the same for publication. Hoping you may comply with this request at an early day, . . We are, with high regard, Your friends, hj'lDodd1' I Committee. Indianapolis, Jan. 14, 1863. Messrs. Beach asd Dodi Gentlemen : En closed I transmit a copy of the address as deliv ered. Thanking you for the favorable opinion of it you express 'regretting that that opinion is not better merited, and hoping that the influence of the address, if it may have any, shall be for the country's good, With great respect, I am, gentlemen, Your obedient servant, S. E. Perkins. Jr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen . I have turned aside from my usual avocation to meet with you to-night and scnd a fev? min utes in considering the state of the nation. OLDEN TIME. We meet with anxiou, heavy hearts; with a sadness upon us, lightened somewhat indeed by the happy result of the late elections, but still weighing us down to the borders of despair. We, the Democracy, have been in the habit of meeting to consult upon the aflairs of onr be loved country in days that arc past, under differ ent auspices. We met, then, joyous, jubilant and fire. We looked abroad upon a happy peo ple and a prosperous land. Over it extended the broad shield of a Constitution, reverenced and obeyed by . the ruling Democracy, and re spected and administered wirh scrupulous cau tion and religious regard for all its provisions, by the National Administration. Thus did the DeH mocracy, in their primary councils, advise, teach and direct. THE OLD GOD AND THE NEW GOD. The God of Heaven was pleased to approbate our course by Iiis continuous smile; I mean the old God, the God of our fathers; the God whom the Democracy worshiped; the God who made and mies the world, but temporally turned from us His faxe at the advent of Lincoln; the God of law, and order, and peace; the God who, leaving the question of slavery to the owners, issued no emancipation proclamations, but who, at all times, from the days of that good and sensible Abraham o' ol 1 to the timo of his last direct command through the Apostles to man on earth, enjoined that slaves (as it is in the original lan guaae) should be oltedient to their masters, and that the citizens should submit themselves to all legally enacted laws and ordinances of regularly established governments, rendering to Caesar the tilings that were Ciesar's, and to God the things that were nis. I make no reference to the new God so earnestly looked for some years ago by Burlingamc; the G vi first revealed in the modern Republican Bible, au I first worshiped bvtho modern Repub lican party; the God of the second Abraham ("who in no manner resembles the first, but is, in fact, simply an anecdot e the God of anarchy a!ul confusion, of strife and bloodshed; the God who tells slaves not to obey their masters, and the citizens not to submit to the Constitution of the Government, but to act u.Kn a "higher law;" an I encourages slaves to desert their masters, and convert their homes and their lands into a waste of blood and aiics by indiscriminate and rabies ar-wi an I .-huihtcr. This God, the Dem era"v never did and n.vcr will worship. It i to lc ho;iC 1 that iii- r in w ill bo short; that, Ilk La-ifer. his great potoiy.if, he will spccdilv be Im 1 -d lik-1 lightning down to that pit which has n bot;om. CO.tlUTIOX OF THE COCMKT CNDEB REPCB L1CAN IM LE. And what now. lei n a-k, is the condition of our counrry in lc-s thmi two year? from the in auguration of modern Re nhlieau rule? Bad enouzh suicly, with a wrs;- coming. The na tion it severed iuto belligerent fragments; a million and a half of our people arc engaged in eating eii'.-li other throats, and destroying the property, encumbering the future acquisitions and blasting the hopes of all the balance; widows wee; in the solitu l.' of t!:cir doohm homes; the wail of orphans is tiom? sad and mournful npon every breeze ; mutilated living bodies go about the streets; the belt of graves of the patriot dead extends from the Potomac to tho setting sun; the mingled blood and flesh and b jiies of the North em and th? Southern soldiers are fattening the soil of our Southern bivtheru; and, if reports be tra3, many of their unurned lingers now point upward to" the God of Heaven; and their ghastly nncovercd vi -ages look imploringly to Him for vengeance on the anthors of onr terriMo calami tic; industry is palsied by the loss of laborers; commerce is crippled by the loss of exports and the obstruction of rivers and harbors; necessaries of life arc rising in price beyond the reach of the Eoor; gold and silver are displaced as currency y shinplasrcrs; loaded cannon, if reports say true, stand near the halls of justice and legis lation ; arnv-'d soldiers patrol the public ave nues; the sighs of political prisoners die away unheard, npon the walls of their dismal cells; the lilierty of the citizen is gone; for it is enjoyed not as a right, but at the will of arbitrary power; and liberty without right is nothing; and right without guarantees for its enjoyment is nothing; and guarantees for its' enjoyment are nothing without the means of enforcing them; and so the Barons of England found it in case of Magna Charta; your government is now one of proc lamations, edicts and pronunciamcntos of a drivelling joker. WHO HAS DONE ALL THIS. We might forbear to tell who has, but it is due that we should declare who has not, been guilty of these enormities; these calamities have not been brought upon the country by tho Democra cy. The skirt of that great patriotic party, as a party, arc unstained with the blood of the Re public. It warned and remonstrated against the course that has resulted in ibis "devastating and unnatural strife, but the warnings, like those of Casandra of old, were despised. As the unwel come ghosts of our murdered Constitution and L"nion stalk in our midst, they do not shake their gory locks at'us; thev do not, cannot, say to tho Democratic .party: ion did it. nOW THIS THING HAS BEEN DONE. We have now arrived at a point where it will bo necessary to go more into particulars, and, we fear, be both dry and tedious. But it is desira ble that a definite and precise statement of the origin of the war, "and what they kill each other for," should be made. Tho great leading, but melancholy fact of the day, that to which all others are" but incidents, is, that the United States, formerly under one common government, are now, de fltcto, divided and under two; and the question in the mind of every one, tho question which it is due to the truth ot history should be fairly and fully answered, is, how came this dis solution to take place; what causes produced it ? I answer, generally, that it was provoked by bad faith on the part of the North, and accom plished in bad faith on tho part of the South; but that the first wrong was perpetrated by the Abolition or Republican party of the North. They made the first assault. In attempting to establish this thesis or propo sition, I shall necessarily be brief, but shall en deavor to be truthful. Tho United States was formed by an associa tion or union of free and slave States. The Union was voluntary, and upon specified terms ami conditions, evidenced by a written Compact or Constitution. That Compact created a com mon government, with a few granted powers for specitied puqKses and no other, and all powers not granted were retained by the States and the people. No power was granted to the General Govern ment to interfere with slavery in the. States and that Government possessed no such power; but it was made the duty of that Government by the Constitution to return to their masters escaping slaves, and to the officers of jastice escaping criminals. This was one of the conditions upon w hieh the slave States came into tho Union. Now, this act of Union thus accomplished, and this Constitution, thus established, clearly and solemnly laid ujon the General Government and the people of the free States these obliga tions: 1. To treat their Southern si--ens'60 received into the Union, with courtesy and kindness, and as equals, and .to abstain from all interference and meddlinjr in their domestic affairs. 2. To faithfully execute all the provisions of the Constitution. . . Up to 1SG0, the General Government at tempted to keep these obligations on its part, it being, to that date, controlled by the Democratic party. But these obligations were not kept: 1. By the Abolition jople in all the North. 2. By the AbolitionState governments of the North. 1. Of the acts of the Abolition people. - If your neighbor was in the habit of coming, every few days, to the line of your ,1 or yard, and talking to your domestic, tu denunciation of your character and family government, trying to excite in them hostility to you ; to induce them to desert you, and to inflict injury on you and yours ; and should, further, at such impertinent and meddlesome visits, throw among them libel lous papers and prints calculated to stir them up to discord and rebellion, what would you think of him? What would you do in such-a case? Such are just the acts which the Abolition people of the North have been perpetrating upon the people of the South for tho last thirtv years. They have stood upon the Northern bank of the Ohio, and shouted across to the servants of the people south of that beautiful stream, telling them that their masters were barbarians.hcathcns , soul-murderers, unworthy to sit at the commun ion table of our common Lord, or to be admit ted fo His heavenly mansions ; and have thrown among them papers and prints calculated to in duce them to desert their masters, and, in many instances, to burn their houses and murder their wives and children. In this, these Abolition people have violated good breeding, tho rules of politeness, friendship and equality, and the spirit of the Constitution and laws of tho United States. Again : Tiiese Abolition people, during the same period, have stolen away and secreted from their masters the domestics of the South ; and, when those domestics have run away, they have resisted the masters and the officers of the law in efforts to effect their return in olicdiencc to the express provision of the Constitution of the Union. In this, these Abolition people have per petrated robbery npon the South, have refused to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and, in many instances, have been guilty of treason, treason yet unpunished, against the United States. Again : During the same period, these Aboli tion people have tormented the common Con gress of all the States wit insulting, inflamma tory petitions, a-king that body to do an uncon stitutional act, viz., to abolish slavery by a stat ute. In so doing, they have kept up an inter meddling, irritating, threatening political war upon t.ie Southern people. 2. Of the acts of Abolition State Governments in tho North, nullifying the Constitution of the United States. 1. By refusing to surrender criminals. 2. By resisting the officers of the United State who were attempting to return fugitive slaves to their masters in obedience to the in junctions of the Constitution and the law cf Congress. 3. By enacting laws making it a criminal of fense for their citizens to obey portions of tho Constitution of the United States, and by send ting offensive Aliolition legislative resolutions to the Legislatures of slave States. 1. Of refusing to surrender criminals. If a ci.izcn of the North goes into a Southern State and steals a slave, he is guilty of a crime, and is punishable by such State ; and tire Con stitution requires that such criminal, as well as others, if ho escapes, before trial, into another Sta'e, shall, on proper demand, be surrendered for trial, &c This provision of the Constitution, as to such criminals, the Abolition States of the North re fused to fulfill. Governor 'illiam 11. Seward, of New York, set, perhaps, the first example of such refusal in 1839, which example was fol lowed by the Abolition Executives of other Northern States, down nearly to the breaking up of the Union, in 1861, a few months previcus to which event, Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, perpetrated, perhaps, the last example. Chancellor Kent, in the first vo'umc of his Com mentaries, he being an old "Whig, a Northern man, and a jurist second to none, has recorded his opinion of these acts. He declares that, after having read everything on the subject and most maturely considered it, he is deliberately of tie opinion" that those , acts were violations" of the Constitution of the LTnited States; and I have not met with a respectable law authority that dif fers from him. The position taken by these Abolition Gov--eraors operated as a direct encouragtment to Northern fanatics, higher law men, to undertake thicvinjr expeditions to the South. 2. Of resisting the ofiiccrs of the United States w hen executing the fugitive slave law enacted by Contrrcss in fulfillment of the Constitution. When the United States Marshals, by com mand of process issued by judic ial officers of the General Government, have attempted to restore to their masters runaway slaves, it has been the practice for the State officers in the Abolition States to arrest the Marshals and throw them into prison, Seize the fugitive slaves and rut? them otF to Canada, and then arrest and imprison the masters, as felons, for daring to come, nnder the protection of the Constitution, to reclaim their slaves. I will not spend time in enumerating cases under this head. I appeal to the memory of every living man in tho nation. 3. Of the laws enacted by the Abolition States called 'Tersonal Liberty Bills," punishing their citizens for obeying portions of the Federal Con stitution. The" purpose and operation of these statutes were to inflict severe fines and imprison ments upon officers and citizens of the States who should assist a master in reclaiming las slave, and also upon the master himself for attempting reclamation. I will not characterize these statutes. Their condemnation appears upon their face. J When the Southern States began to secede, ! and the Abolitionists of tho Northern States to be called to reflection; when they begr n to appre hend that they had drawn the cord so tight that it was snapping, some of them counselled the immediate repeal of these laws. Said Gov. Banks, of Massachusetts, in his last messages he who had once expressed a willingness to "let the Union slide," and who, at a later day, as be stood by the side of Seward, upon Arlington -lights, and witnessed the start of the grand army of the Potomac southward, is reported to have said, with a significant wave of his hat, that the Union had slid, that that was the last of the Republic; said tbi Governor, remarking of the Personal Liberty Bill of Massachusetts "I can not but regard tho maintenance of a statute, whether unconstitutional or not; which is so un necessary to the public service, and so detriment al to tho public peace, as an inexcusable wrong." Said the Governor of Pennsylvania, about tho samo timo, in his message, in reference to the re peal of tho Bill ofthat State "Before assuming the high responsibilities now dimly foreshadowed, ftho war upon the South! it is a solemn duty to remove every just cause of complaint against ourselves, so that we may stand before High Heaven and the civilized world without fear and without reproach." At the same point of time, said Gov. Morgan, of New York, now better known as "Shoddv," in his annual message: "Let the freo States fulfill all the obligations to the Federal Constitution and laws; then, with propriety, they may exact like obedience from all tho "other States." But the faithless bills were not repealed, and arc not to this day, that I am aware of. In this connection I wiili to quote a judicial opinion, delivered some years ago, from the bench in this State, by Judge Morris, of this city. He said, in a case heard before him: "By the laws of nature and of nations, and the necessary and legal consequences resulting from the civd and political relations subsisting .... 1 .1 - o.. . 1 oetween tno citizens as wen as me otaies oi mis Federative Republic,! hare no doubt bnt the citi- ren of a slave State has a right to pass, upon business or pleasure, through any of the States, attended by his slaves or servants ; and while he retains the. character and rights of a citizen of a slave State, his right to reclaim his slave wonid be unquestioned." 3 Am. Jurist, 407; Cobb on Slavery, 215. I will close this list of specifications with the remark, made for the special consideration of my patriotic friend, Got. Wright, that by the above enumerated, long-continued violations of the Constitution, by the Abolitionists, repeated stabs were made bv "them at "the life of the nation," and several planks were ripped from the sides of the "Ark of the covenant I During all this time the South was strictly ob serving each and every one of her constitutional ' obligations. I challenge the Abolitionists to point to a single instance to the contrary ; unless, indeed, it was unconstitutional for her to com plain of and remonstrate against these breaches of taith on tho part of the Abolitionists of the North, for that was all she did. Sometimes, in deed, her complaints were mingled with condi- : tional threats that if the North would not let her live in the Union in peace ; wculd not let her domestic and private institutions alone ; would not observe toward her the civilities of life and tho obligations of tho Constitution, she would leave the Union. These were the only sins of , which she was guilty toward tho North. " But the Abolitionists would neither let her live in peace in the Union, nor let her go out of it in peace. ACTION OF THE ABOLITIONISTS IN THEIR AG GBEGATE CAPACITT. Thus far we have spoken only of the individ ual and State action of the Abolitionists. We turn now to their party action as an aggregate body. As early as 1840 they organized themselves into a political party for the purpose of keeping up a guerrilla warfare upon the slave States un til they could get possession of the General Gov ernment, when they determined to wield its power, to the utmost possible extent, for the ab olition of Afiican slavery in the United States, and the exclusion of the South from settlement in the common territories with her slaves. Of the character of the fir.-i of these purposes, what I have said above will suffice. The second was one of monstrous injustice to the while men of the South ; of great practical inhumanity to the slave ; and, upon the now avowed principles of the abolitionists themselves, of no practical ben efit to any body. , ? 1. Of its injustice to the white men of the South. The common territory of the United States was won by the common blood and treas ure of the South as well as of the North, (of all the members of the partnership,) and for no other avowed purpose than that of the equal benefit anil enjoyment of all. No notice was given, when tho common efforts and treasure were be ing used, that the territory acquired would not be open to enjoyment by the South except upon the humiliating condition that she should give np her slaves before entering it. Had there been, think you she would have united in the efforts to obtain it ? Think you she would have joined in the ac misitiou of Louisiana and Florida, where by we obtained the so mnch desired mouth of the Mississippi, and the Gulf coast, and would have sent her patriot Jackson, and, w ith him, her chivali ic sons to defend them, if she had been told that they, with their institutions, were unworthy to occupy the territories when acquired and successfully defended ? And think you, further, that the South would originally have come into the Union, if the North had then informed htr that as soon as rel ative strength should render it possible, she, the North, intended to seize upon the power of the Federal Government then being formed, and wield it to destroy the domestic institutions of the South, and deprive her States of the equality they then possessed ? 2. Of its inhumanity to the slaves. It prevented their diffusion in regions where they could have been better fed and clothed, with the same amount of labor, and where their very diffusion would have rendered gradual manumis sion safe, if they ever reached a moral and men tal condition justifying it. 3. Of its supposed effect upon the Territories. Mr: Lincoln now declares that negroes are not objectionable, morally, socially or politically, as companions and fellow-citizens of white men. Hence, he justifies filling up the northern States, as well as the common territories, with negroes, "free American ci izens of Afiican descent," from the South. It is not the negro, that is ob jectionable with the Abolitionists, as a companion, . but the particular capacity in which he appears among them. Now, I ask, considered in an eco nomic or social point of view, which is tho more serviceable to the productive industry and the less injurious to the moral interests of a commu nity, free negroes or slave negroes? Which be have the better, live the better, work the better, keep their senses the better, and commit the fewer crimes? Accurate statistics of the day settle the question beyond the possibility of cavil, against the free negro. We here, however, want neither the slave nor the free negro. Well, this Abolition party continued to increase . and to agitate and irritate till it brought the country to the verge of dissolution, which was arrested in 1850 by the united action of all the friends of our common country, in passing and approving what are known as tho compromise measures of that year, und which the patriots of that dav confide ntlv thought had effected a "re union of the Union,'' and placed it ujon a foot ing from which none malignant enough could be found to attempt its removal, and thus had saved the country. These national compromises of ours deserve a passing remark. The South has certain rights guaranteed to her hy the Constitution. The Abolitionists assail these lights, and then ask the South how she'll compromise. Like a rran who trumps up a false suit against another, and then asks him how much black-mail ho will pav to have tho suit dropped. Like the course of the minority of our present Senate, violate the Con stitution and law, and then ask to be paid, in a compromise, for returning to their duty. j But the compromise of 1850 gave temporary peace to the country. It gave the South nothing that she was not entitled to under the Constitu tion without it, and she lived up to it with a scrupulous regard to good faith, as she had pre viously, to the Constitution, till long after the Abolitionists of the North had inaugurated pro ceedings for its overthrow. Here, again, the Abolitionists of the North were the first aggres sors. The question, Who broke cp the com promise of 1850, and stirred np, anew, the waves of civil sectional strife in our then happy land? is one of fearful import to somebody; for I say now, that whoever inaugurated that rupture is," in my deliberate judgment, as guilty, morally, of treason against the United States as is Jeff. Davis, actually. Well, history informs us that the body of men who inaugurated that rupture met at Pittsburg, (not at, but not farfrom, Altoona,) Pennsylvania, in August, 1852, less than two years after the compromise was enacted; that the now Abolition Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, presided over their deliberations; that the now Abolition Sec retary of the Treasury, Chase, drafted their plat form, and that they nominated the now Aboli tion Congressmen, Hale and Julian, as their representative men. The platform declared: "That the acts of Congress, known as the compromise measures of 1850," were "wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which thev are claimed to he an adjustment." Why? The following resolutions, which we copy from the platform, explain: "6. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment or usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity and patriotism alike demand its aboli tion, this resolution strikes at the National Constitution. "7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is re pugnant to the Constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world. We therefore deny its binding force upon the Ameri can people, and demand its immediate and total repeal. "21. That we inscribe on our banner free soil, free speech, free labor, and freo men, and under it w ill fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions." These resolutions, (this declaration of war,) continued to express the animus and purposes of the Abolition party till it obtained power by the election of Lincoln to the Presidency in I860. They speak for thcmetlves. They proclaim a Peter the Hermit crusade against the South, for there was no slavery to be abolished in the North. They show clearly in what sense slavery is the cause of the present war. They demonstrate that it is simply the practical part of the political, the theo retical war which had been carried on by the Abo litionists for year for the liberation of the South , ern negroes. The existing actual war is simply their principles reporting themselves upon the battle field. Now, let it be observed, right here, that the Democracy have no objection to the abolition of i slavery, no objection to a liberation of the South era negroes, in the abstract; but their objection is to its bcing-etTcctcd by the power that assumes in the present case to declare, and to the mode adopted to accomplish the liberation. I lay it down as a safe proposition in morals that an end which Cannot be accomplished but by usurped authority and dcstiuctive means, is, in the given case, a bad end, whose accomplish ment should not be thus attempted. An offen sive war to enforce a moral or relirions idcais never riphj. Take the case of Utah, to illus trate. She lias followed the laws of the Jews, and sanctioned polygamy .which the Abolitioni'-ts class as the twin evil to slavery; but while Utah fulfills all her Federal obligations, ought Indiana to organize a force to march to her borders, and, bv fire and sword, compel her citizens to sever ally put away all wives but one, and change their laws bo as to prohibit the having of more than one in future? And what rfcht has Indiana, or the United States, to dictatc0y force, the do mestic institutions of South Carolina or Louisi ana? If their local institutions are wrong, they are accountable, not to us, bnt to God, there for. Who made pickpocket-brained New England, or the Northern Abolitionists, ruler and judge over the South in such matters? In follow im: the course of time and events we have now arrived at a point the great event of which we contemplate with u'.iuttcraMe pam. In November, I860, Lincoln was elected President, though by a minority of a million in the popular vote. The day of las election was. the saddest, in its consequences, die country ever experi enced. Some four months were "to elapse, how ever, before he could receive the wand of power; and, as he had been elected by the Abolitionists, whose views and political purposes we have already delineated ; and as he had himself de clared that slavery must be put iu the process of extinction, as the United States could not re main part free and part slave, and that lie would not respect the opinion of the Supreme Court on the Territorial question, the Sonih,being alarmed for the safety of her institutions and rights, im mediately applied for guarantees that those rights should be respected, after Lincoln's ascenicn to power. No State seceded till after such applica tion had lceii made, and but few till after re peated applications had liccn presented and de nied, In my judgment a great crime was com mitted when those guarantees were refused. Iu my judgment there was enough in i he pa.st his tory and the then attitude of the Republican or Abolition party to jutify the apprehensions of the cont!i ; and the subsequent acts of that party, in power, have established, beyond doubt, the justness of those apprehensions. If a man threatens to do yon nn injury, and is putting him self in a po-iiion to enable" him to inflict it, it justifies you, at the common law, in at once pre paring for your defense; and, though in it yon inflict the first blow, he is considered the aggressor. Or, instead of making your defense, you may have this threatening aggressor' put under bonds, guarantees, to keep the peace to ward yon, fo abstain from infringing upon your rights. I think it was necessary, under the urcumstances that then existed, for the Repub licans, looking to the future, to offer such guar antees to the South, to enable them to "stand bc-J fore high Heaven and the civilized world without fear and without reproach," in sending, -ud that, too, in violation-of pledges, reinforcements to Fort Sumter, and thus beginning the war to re dace "other States" to obedience (in tin lan guage of Governor Morgan, above quoted,) to tli Constitution. That the most extreme men of tho South would, between Lincoln's election and inauguration, have been satisfied with the Crittenden guarantees, is beyond doubt. Sen ator Pugh, of Ohio, stated this to the Republican Senators, and Senator Douglas, iu his place in the S.-uate, said, as officially reported in the Con gressional Globe: "I can "confirm the Senator's declaration that Senator Davis himself, Jeff. Davis when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Critten den propositions. I will go further, and say that Mr. Toombs was also." . 'WRONGS ON THE PART OF THE SOUTH. So far we have found all the wrongs to be on the side of the Abolitionists. It is true that it was charged, at one time, that the South claimed that, under the Constitution, she could carry slavery iu;o all thefive S ate-; but, t:ays the truth ful and honored Donglas, in Iiis Freeport speech, when 'I denounced it in the Senate, Mr. Toombs, of Georgia. got nj and replied that iheie was not one man, woman or child south of the Potomac, in any slave State, who did not repudiate any such pretension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made on the spot." The South claimed only that her citizens had a right to settle in the common Territories, with their slaves. But she did commit a wrong-, and agicatoiic, in seceding. Our Union, with its glorious memories, and multiplied !cnefit. ought not to 12 severed; and, though the Abolitionists were itnspeakaMy guilty in rx fu-ing to give guar antees, still, as they were in the minority among the icople, in Congres. and in the Judiciary, thev could not have pcrperraied immediately any new overt act.if wTong, without usurpation on the part tout nsiirpi ie idea of s ot the Executive; and the idea ot sucii usurpation, such wiekedness, on the part of Lincoln, ought not to have Iecn supposed, ought not to nave laTn anticipated. And the South, had she re mained in the Union, and united w ith the De mocracy of the North, would have enabled us, perhaps, to crush out political Abolitionism for ever, and thereby remove the distracting clement from the nation. But this fact in no manner excuses the Abo litionists from refusing guarantees. 1 . Because it was l ight in itself thr.t they should be given. 2. The Abolitionists cannot excuse them selves on lhe plea that it was in the power of others, possibly to prevent the execution of their threatened outrages. . 3. Because an easily performed act of justice would have prevented the present calamitous war. 4. It was possible that Lincoln, by means of the patronage of the Government, might secure a majority of Abolitionists in Congress before the expiration of his Presidential term. Thus we find that the Union was sundered by a collision lctwcen the Abolitionists and the se cessionists, both parties being in fault. By the common law, in such a cac, between private in dividuals, neither could recover for the injury, because neither would have the force of moral rectitude to sustain him. THE WAR FOR THE liESTOKATIOX OF THE CXlOX. But the Aboiitionists.aftcr having ridiculed the Democracy for years, as being "Union savers," by the earnest advocacy of an observance of the Constitution, now assumed the e ftico of Union restorers, by war, wa which the patriot Douglas had dclilterately declared to them was, in itself, eternal disunion; and who subsequently, after having acquicsed in the war for the putting down the rebels in aims, said in hi t eech at Chi cago: " That if the war was converted bv the Republicans into an Abolition war he would op pose it." And now; how have they conducted the war for the restoration of the Union? Why, upon the avowed policy of making it the instru ment of destroying the domestic institutions of the South, converting her States into govern ments of "free American citizens of African de scent," and entombing in Bastilcs all Northern Democrats who did not concur in the monstrous iniquity. We are told by writers on internation al law that civil wars must be conducted by the same rules as other wars, and so our fathers in sisted and practiced - in the Revolution; and the laws of war forbid any outrages upon the persons or property of non-combatants, and forbid resort ing to servile- insurrection, because by such in surrection you cause to bo done by slaves what von are not, by the rules of war, allowed to do by your own soldiers, namely, destroy the prop erty of non-combatants, and mu.-der non-con ba tant women and children. By the course pursued, the Administration has nearly extinguished the last spark of Union feel ing in the South, has consolidated her power and stimulated her energies to the highest degree, and has effectually annihilated the moral sympa thy of the conservative men of the North with the war, and thereby, to a great extent, palsied the power dT the Administration. Such is the result of nearly two years of a w ar for the restora tion of the Union. ' hat ailed to accomplish the object! WHAT OUGHT TO BE DOS. t . And now the solemn, the fearful question arises, what shall we do that the Union may be saved ? I am for the restoration of the Union as it wa. I am for bringing back- the South into the Union; but I prefer rather to draw her in with the silken cords of affection, kindncs and jus tice, thau to drag her back with the halters and chains of a tyrant. I am for bringing her ba k by instrumentalities that will not cause the over throw of the liberties of both sections of the Union. If her return cannot be effected by snch -instrumentalities; if to bring bark the Souh, the liberties of all must be overthrown tnd a general tyranny established; if we cannot have "Union and Liberty, one and inseparable, now and forever;" if the alternative is presented to me, and-1 am compelled to elect between two repub- . lies and one desjoticm, I am for two republic. Small rebellions may be put down by war, even though prosecuted without regard to the laws of justice orl.nmar.itv.and the general pub lic liberties le preserved. But the deduction from history and the induction of intuition both teach that great rebellions, thoe of the gigantic proportions and peculiar character of that w ith which we arc now contending, cannot 1 put down by war alone, and the public liberty be pre served. And here I must be permitted to quote a part of page 345 of volume 1, of the late valuable work of the lamented Buckle, of England, on tb -History of Civilization. The extract is as follows, touching the war of George III, against onr American colonies, then in rebellion against the British Government: "But the mischief did not stop there. The opinions that it was necessary to advocate, in order to justify this barbarous war, recoiled upon ourselves. In order to defend the attempt to de stroy the liberties of America, pri-.iciples were laid down which, if carried into effect, would have subverted the liberties of England. Not only in the Court, but in both houses of Farlia- ' menf, from the Episcopal bench, aud from the pulpits of the church party, there were promul gated doctrines of the most dangerous kind doctrines unsuited to a limited monarchy, and indeed incompatible with ir." "The danger was so imminent as to make the ablest defenders of popular liberty believe that cverythiug was at stake, and that if the Americans were vanquished, the next step would be to attack the liberties of England, and en deavor to extend to the mother country the same arbitrary govemmeut which bv that time would, have leen established in the colonies. Dr. Jel b. an able observer, thought that the American w ar must I decisive of the liberties of both countries. " Lord Chatham wrote, in 1777:., "Poor England will have fallen upon her own sword! Buik said of the attempt to rule the colonies by mili tary force, that the financial ruin of England would be the smallest part of the evil. It would put in ojKration an engine for the destruction of freedom in England. Hence it was that the illus trious Fox w ished the Americans to lie victori .ous, for which some writers actually accused Lim of want of patriotism!" And it w'ns the frit nds of free government that forced England to make .' peace with America. What an exact parallel with the present time! You ask, then, what shall be done? This is a difficult question to answer; but I see no better course of action than to stop the war for a time; procure an armistice ; give time for the pasrions to cool, and for the people to reason and to meet in National Convention. Go back to the start ing point. Comtiel the Abolitionists to do what they ought to have done before the war was ccm menctd; do justice; put themselves light be fore High H aven; offer guarantees; satisfy the South that if she comes back she shall be ' let alone bv the Abolitionists forever; that her rights shall be accorded to her; for, let me say j that, till she is satisfied of this fact, she never will return, as she otherwise would expect only to go again through the same scries of Abolition Krsecutions; satisfy her that her interests will , promoted by the" Union ; and then, I liclicvc she will, sooner or later, again unite with us in concord. If she docs not, then will it be time, and then shall we be able to adopt a proper course of action toward her. But she will re turn ; and I pray God that the next Democratic . President, who," if free elections are suffered to . continue, w ill be chosen in 1864, may have the happiness to be inaugurated under the old ag, without a single star obliterated, or its effulgence in any degree dimmed, to administer the Consti tution as it is, over the Union as it was, with such additional guarantees as thai! effectually preserve them thus forever. U hy Ofpoc tlie Armistice! In the Journal of yesteiday. two communis tions appear, one representing to be from an In diana soldier, and the other from a Georgia refu gee. The former stales that in a cotivertioo with a rebel prisoner be admitted that "the ttbels were tired of the w ar." And the Liter wi ites as follows, and he bacis his opinions upon what be claims fo be a thorough arid practical knowledge of the feelings and sentiments of the great body of the Southern people: The common soldiers are bitterly oppoj-ed to theconscript et; but the officers impose ii upon them, knowing that their lives and their fortunes depend upon the icsult of the war. The army of the South has been tired of the war for the last twelve months, and but for the lack of coi.fidcncc in each other would disband and go home at any hour. It is unnecessary to say that the rmy of the South is .fllicted with all iiiHimer of disease, w ith little or no medicine to be administered for iheir relitf. If these statements in regard to the opposition to the wur in tie South iipproxitn .te the fiuth, we iniiuiie if there cotilj be devised "a more tlioroil: plan in comple'ely demurs ize the icbel army to scatter it betoiid the hope of reconstruction, limn by a relation ' of hostilities through nn armistice of three or four months? No betier arguments can b offered in favoY of an armistice. The nionien that hostilities cease and the jtcople commence discussing plans for the adjustment of the sec tional controversy, the popular voice will resume its sway in the direct'ou of public affairs. At long as wat continue, power and authority are restricted to and exercised by a few, and even one bold, able and anibrtious injn oiay give en tire diiection to the Government What Is true of the North, is equally ttue of lhe South. An armistice would lift this weight and restraint upon popular sentiment. It would provoke free discussion upon the troubles of the nation, and reason would agnin resume its swar. Pas sion and resentmeut, which war infensifies, would yield to the better sentiments ol our nature, and the recollection- f the glorious deeds of a com mon ancestry" fid the prosperity, power and national fa mo which the Union of eighty years had achieved, would enkindle snew the sentiment of national pride. If the army of the South is tired of this w ar, and has been for the last twelv months, as the Republican papers represent, why oppose an armistice which, iu all profwbili'y, would cause Ms disbandment? Politicians, con tractors, and all w ho are making money out of the war, actuated by selfish considers tiors, will attempt to dci'eat a policy whieh may take from them their occupation; but we fail to tec any reason why auy citizen who deires to cud this unn-aural strife, to restore the Union and pre erve Constitutional liberties, can oppos u. St pdi x Di.ath. We are pained to announce the sudden death of James Young, Esq., of Ox ford. He died ut the Lahr House in this city this morning at t? o'clock, of et vsipctas in the head. Mr. Young returned from Cincinnati on Saturday morning feeling a little unwell. He gradually became w orse, ery si pelao breaking out io its most -malignant form." His saift'eriiigs were intense, ami death was undoubtedly a preat relief. Mr. Young was fot some time a Lieutenant in the 15th Indiana Volunteers, end was a highly es teemed snd respected gentleman. He leaves no family. His remains have been conrpyed to Ox ford for interment Lafayette Courier, 3d. 5fThe free nigger soldiers to be raised by the Abolitionists should be used for $mclling committeeg? t3"The Abolitionists are in favor of free nig gers and a lar press. Notice the d-fierence.