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it f 1 m J j j Jo VOL. XXII, NO. 89; INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1863. WHOLE NO."l,S32. Thl ANA STAT N V J ) WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL rilDTID ilD rVIUSHlID IVIII lOKDlI IT Till IVEW SENTINEL OFFICE, XO. 3 SOCTH MERIDIAN STREET, OPPOSITE THE OLD POSTOFFICE. ELDER, BARENESS, & BINGHAM, TERMS OF WEEKLY SEST1XEL: On copy one year $ 1 50 Ten copies, andone to the maker of the club . .. 15 00 Twenty copies, and two to the maker of the club.. SO Oo Additions can ba made to Club atanytime attheabove raus. Tna name will be printed on each paper, without extra charge. One square, one Insertion 0 T5 " two 1 00 " four 3 00 For ach so W iaent insertion, and for each inser tion of zrit additional square 33 Advertisements published in both the Daily and the Wdekly Skstixkl, will be charged the full Daily rates, with one-half the Weekly rates added. Announcing deaths with funeral notice attached, $1; without notice free. Marriage Notices 50 cents. 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All subscriptions invariably In advance. Address ELDER HARKS ESS, RINGHAM. A Slander We have reeeiveJ a card Addressed "To the Democracy of Indiana," and signed by Alvis P. Hovit, Brigadier General, and William T. Spicely, Willi km E. McLeax, Geo. F. McGix Kis und James R. Slack, Colonels, in which oc curs the following passage: We have uoihing to expect from the Soulh, ami nothing to hope, without their conquest. They are now using their money freely, to sub sidize the press and politiciai of the North, and with whit effect, the tone ol some of our journals, and the speeches of some of our leader, too pUiuly and painfully testify. We know uot what motive can influence indi viduals occupying a respectable and honorable position, to thus willfully and maliciously slander .men with whom they profess political sympathy and identity, and with whom they have associated ou term ot gentlemanly intercourse. If high positions in the army are to be purchased and "held at the sacrifice of all manliness and inde pendence, and if the recipients accept them upon the consideration that they will villify, pervett, and misrepresent the motives, actions, and prin ciples of their former political and personal asso dates if such is the price of official favors dark iudeed is the future of the country. The charge that the money of the Rebels is being freely used to subsidize the press und the politicians of the North, hns no foundation whatever iu truth. The men who m ike it are either credulous and weak enough to believe any Munchausen story, or eke they are bought to give character to gen eral slanders against men, who, unlike themselves, are honest and self sacrificing, and uncorrupted by position and its emoluments. It is evident that the signers of the card to which we hve referred, do not appteciate public sentiment at home. While they are making monev by the war, the people of Indiana are be ing impoverished, with no prospect before them but increasing burdens, already grievous to be borne, and more grinding t nation. Instead of the press and politicians at the North leading and influencing public sentiment, they are far, far behind the people. If the Southern Rebels are using money freely to subsidize Northern sentiment, it is the people themselves whom their gold is corrupting, and rich indeed, infinite in resources, must they be thus to buy a vast m jor ity of the people of the North. We cannot im gine how men, occupying high positions in the army, can put forth such mis erxble twaddle, with the expectation that auvbody but twaddlers like themselves, wouid be weak enough to awallow it. If they credit such Stuff it is evidence of their utter incompetency to fil' the posiiions they occupy, and if they publish the charge we have quoted, knowing it to be untrue, they ate unworthy of their places. We quote another extract horn the circular to show how wiHiug its signers are to be used agaiust their former political associates. Jl'hey say: We see with deep solicitude and regret, that there is an under current in Indiana, tending to ward coalition of the Northwest with the South, gainst the Eastern Stales. Where dj Mr. Hovit and his associates "see" this? From what sources of information do they get such news? From Republicans only, and auch seutiments are given out by them knowing that they are untrue and for wicked purposes. If officers in the army, professing to be Demo crats, can be duped iu that way, it speaks but little in favor of their sagacity, intelligence or integrity to principle. The corrupting and de moralizing influences of the war are plainly and painfully illustrated in the willingness with which men, who formerly battled against the usurp i tious of power and every encroachment upon constitutional liberty, now yield to those usurpa tions and encroachments, and even apologize for then, simply to advance their personal interests. The only hope for the country U in the honest yeominry at -home whom position cannot influ ence or gold corrupt. The sagacity of the peo ple in their estimation of public affairs seldom errs, and their sober second thought upon the nation's troubles Is now being expressed and it will be felt, we trust, for good. Who is lie! Makti.y F. Coxwat, the Republican member from Kansas, is frequently confounded with the Rev. Mosern D. Co wax, formerly of Wash ington City, but now filling a Unitarian pulpit in Cincinnati. They are entirely different individ uals, and no way rel-.ted or connected, except as politicians of the same school. The member front Kansts is native of Marvland, of Irish parentage; first a priuter, but now a lawyer by profession; while his namesake, the preacher, is a native of or neir Fredeiicksburg, of an old and well known Virgiui family. He was originally a Methodist minister, but afterward became a Unitarian, and is a writer of considerable ability. JiDOK Smith Rfqiested to Risigx. The Catholic citizens of this State are circulating a petition calling upon Hon. Caleb 11. Smith,-Judge of the United States District Com i of Indiana, to resign, in view of his insulting and outrageous language in reference to their religion in a speech at a recent Abolition meeting in Indianapolis. Judge Smith's denunciations of the Pope aild the Catholic Church are characteristics of the old leaven of Know-Nothinm which is still work ing ia til Abolition party. (New AIbny Ledger. What For! Several military officers have issued an address "to the Democracy of,Indiana," in which they assume to teach the citizen his duty to the Gov ernment. Thiä is rather doubtful propriety in men whom the people are taxed heavily to sup port. But these very pi trio tic individuals are excessively sensitivein regard to the courage and valor of Northern men. They place the prose cution of the war upon a new basis. What is it? Shall twenty three millions of Northern men ad mit that they are unequal to nine millions of the Soulh? So, in their judgment, this war must go on, regardless of the cost in blood and treasure, until that problem is solved. Thus the war roust be prosecuted with vigor until it is demonstrated that 23 Northern men are equal or superior to D Southern men. That, according to Hover and company, is the great issue involved in the gigan tic civil war which is rapidly wasting the wealth and energy of the nation. With them it is an issue of brute force whether a stout, well built six-footer can whip an opponent of at least one half less his weight and size. Say these val iant gentlemen, " shame on the State that would entertain the disgraceful proposition that the little fellow can whip the big one," and " shame upon the Democrat who would submit to it, and raise bis cowardly voice and proclaim that he was an Indiania That's the great principle for which the war is waged, these very wise and valiant men say, and they insist it must not be stopped until that issue is determined. Mr. Lincoln says we are making histoty, and will not such nn elevated and dignified record read well upon its pages ? Such sentiments as these find a cordial en dorsement in the central organ of the Republican party of Indiana a paper which declared that a civil war was an evil of greater magnitude than the loss of a dozen States to the Union, and that it never desired to see Union which could only be pinned together by bayonets. It preferred to have a peaceable separation of the States to let all the dissatisfied States go in peace rather tlmn attempt to coerce, to force, a Union. Sirni I ar sentiments were expressed by the leading Re publican journal of the country, and even Mr. Seward, the Premier of the Administration, ad mitted in his correspondence with the represent ti. es of this Government abroad that it would be in direct conflict with the letter and spirit of the Constitution and our institutions that it would be an exercise of despotic power, to prosecute a war for such purposes. But in the face of these declarations the Jour nal and its adherents now say the war iuus go on, not for the restoration of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution, but to determine whether twenty-three millions of Northern men are equal to nine millions of the S juth r he'her the Benicia Boy or Ton Satbks can whip Tom Thtmb. We regret that Messrs. IIovet and company cannot appreciate the object for w hich the Ad ministration is insisting upon the vigorous prose cution of the war. it is for nothing more or less than the supremrcy of the Republican party. That is all. If Jtrr. Davis would to-day pledge the Administration that the South would give the Republican party a hearty support the war would be brought to a speedy close, und all the protec tion that the Bebel States might ask for their peculiar institutions, would be cheerfully guaran teed to them by the Republican leaders. These are not idle and unmeaning assertions. If the Republicans as a pirty h id looked solely to the best interests of the country and to tlie unity of the nation, and the preservation of con stitutional liberty, regardless of party supremacy, it is exceedingly doubtful whether civil war would ever have been inaugurated, or even if that issue had been forced, the contest long ere this would have been ended. Colonels in the army who ore expecting Brigadiet ships may be so willfuüy blind a not to see the drift of the war, but it is evident to plain people who are un influenced -by fat contracts, or who are not look ing for promotions from the powers that be, that if the Republican leaders were not striving to per petuate the control of tho Government in their bind, pe.ice and union would now bless the land. Democratic .flat .Heeling In JIartin County Indiana. The Democracy of Martin county met in Mass Convention at Dover Hill ou the 31st of January, leG3. After an address by A. B. Carlton, ol Bedford, the meeting was organized by electing S. Cobb President and E. Moser Secretary. On motion, the following gentlemen were ap pointed a Committee on Resolutions: A. C. S'ephens, Joseph Hitchcock, George Inmtn, Pheasant Bowman, Thomas M. Clark and J. C. O'Brien. The committee retired for consultation, and the meeting was then addressed by Ephraim Moser. The committee reported the following preamble and resolution, which were unanimously adopteJ: Wulbeas, 'Hie Democracy have ever been and are hi. I loyal to their country nag; and, Whereas, Charges and imputations of disloyalty h ive been c ist upon them by the Robesierres of the American reign of terror; and. Whereas, The liberties of the white race is im periled to give freedom to the black; white labor is taxed for the suiwrt of hordes of etnancipi ted and fugitive biicks; the resources of the country eaten up and consumed by frauds and peculations; the lives of our citizens immolated at the shrine ol Abolition idolatry ; the freedom of speech gagged; the writ of habeas corpus sus pended; the liberties of our citizens, without charge, trial or conviction, ruthlessly taken away; the Constitution of our country trampled under foot, spurned and 6pit upon as a tiling of trie past; aud the Union our once glorious Union bargained, sold and conveved by u batch of petty fogging usurpeis aud petty political tyrants, to recuie the right of suffrage to, and political equality ol", "free Americans of African descent; therefore, Ut soloed, 1. That while we as Democrats and c nervativ Union men are willing to make any sariitice neeessarv to restore the Union entire. we will never consent to give one 'dollar to buy negroes, or one mm to fight for their enianci pttiou. 2. That we denounce as a miserable heresy that creel which declares our Government and the Administration identical. Our Government in democratic, the Admistration abolition the very antipodes of each other; and while we are true to our Government, we regard the Adminis tration at Washington as an usurpation and tvrannv. " 3. I'hat we regard the treatment of Senator Saulsbury ia the benate of the United States, by the Vice Piesideut, as an index of the tyrannical and despotic disposition of tue Abolition party. i. That we regard the lives of white men as of more value than the freedom of the negroes, aud we have uiveti the last man and the last mouey we are willing to give for the prosecutiou of the pic-cnt Abolition war. 5. That the editors of the Cincinnati Enquirer, Indiana Slate Sentinel and V incennes Sun be re quested to publish the proceedings of this meeting. StfiJJUUE LUUU. J'ies'iient. EruBAiM Mosta, Secretary. 2?Mr. Bohlau, architect, has the plan and specifications about ready for a three story business building on South Meridian street It will be let in a few d.is to the lowest aud best bidder. The plan and specifications ran be seen at Mr. Dobian' office, in the JSuu b'i:lding9, by all who want to bid for its construction. rSTAir tight rneUlic burial caei, of the latest improvement, kept on nana at Loug a, unuer taker. South Meridian street. Also a good two hear?e for ile. 2-d&w4r. - a Iteinarkaol Mr. Iluskirk In tbe House of Itepreaentatlrea, Friday, Feb. C. Ox THE ResOLCTIOX TO APPOIXT A COMMITTtE TO Investigate the Cbabge Made by Mr. Bran ham, that Democratic Members ofthk Hoice bad beex ix coxscltatiox with ax emissary from tbe South. Mr. Speaker; The gentleman from .Jefferson (Mr. Branham) in his speech in this House on yesterday, made a serious and grave charge against the Democratic members of this House. The substance of his charge was that he had been informell and believed that au emissary from the South had been in this city, and had been in consultation with Democratic members of the House, and when he was asked to name the mem bers who bad been holding this treasonable in tercourse, he refused to do so. This refusal sub jects every member of the majority to the impu tation of disloyalty. I am unwilling to remain silent when I um charged with treason. It is true that in political discussions before the people, I haveWen denounced as a traitor, a -secessionist, aud a sympathizer with the rebellion, but 1 had no means of compelling my accusers to es tablish the truth of tho charge. The vote of ray county, where I urn best known, and where my principles and couduct are well understood, is a sufficient answer to all such imputations, but this charge is made by a gentleman of standing, and will be re td by the people ol the State. It has been my pleasure to know the gentleman from Jefferson for many year, and I can with truth say that I have entertained for him no feelings but those of kindness and respect. He is by his age, his experience in legislation, and his ability, entitled to be considered one of the leaders, if not the leader, of the opposition I presume that he has made the charge iu good faith, believing it to be true, and that he is willing to assume, all the responsibility that attaches to such an accusation, and will endeavor to make his charge good. If the charge is true the country should know it, and if we have any traitors in our body they should be expellel and branded with infamy, and if it is not true, it is due to ourselves, to our con stituents, and to the whole country, that the falsity of the charge should be m ide manifest. If we tamely and silently submit lo such a charge the country will have a right to conclude that it is true, and that we are u I raid of an investigation. It is true that the honorable gentleman in ide the charge under the exciienent of debate, but he has had ample time for reflection and lor his passions to cool, and he has not withdrawn the charge. Knowing that I am wholly and entirely innocent of the charge, mid believing that my Democratic frieuds upon this floor are also inno cent, and being desirous of availing myself of this the first oi(oit unity that has been presented of repelling aud disproving the often repeated, but false and malicious charge, of disloyalty, I solemnly declare, that unless the charge is with drawn in this Hoti-e, where it was made, and to the full extent to which it was m ule, that we are in tluiv bound to demand an investigation . and give the gentleman au opportuni'v to est.ibli.-h the truth of the charge, or to convince the coun try tint the charge is untrue. 1 shall vote lor the resolution, and I confidently hope that it will be p is.-ed. I feel that it is my duty to answer the "speech which ha just been ni nie by the geutleman from St Jd-eph Mr -Anderson. That honorable (.cntleuian h to day, and on several oth-r oi-c mions. ind'ilcd ery freely in insinuations :ig ant the loyalty of :hc Democratic members .f this House, and has with unbecoming assurance attempted Ui di tiue cur principles, aud to declare to llie country what we are for and Mhatueaie against. He his charged that we are iu fiver ol taking the State of Indiana onl of the Union; that we re in favor of establishing a Northwestern Confederacy, with the purpose of ultimately attaching it to the Southern Confed eracy; that we ire in favor. of au armistice; that we propose to violate the Constitution by vesting authority in nn Executive Council which the Constitution h is vested in the Governor; and that by our speeches, votes, acta, aud ly t lie resolu tions which have been introduced iu this House, we have convinced the country that we are op posed to the Government mid iti t in favor of rev olutionary measures. I am unwilling to permit that gentleman t iletine the principles of the Democratic pirty, und to dictate to us what our action shall l e unhi any ot tli-e subjects. He h is no aiiihi'iMy and no ii-hi to sveik for the Dcu.ocr i tic p r'y. 1 sh ill t n tr into no labored or len'hv arunii'iii. to di-o r ire the charge ol disloyalty. 1 :ii- eal to the h lory of my country and of my paity as a complete in Tc ilion. and 1 am willing tint the Democrat ic p-oty shall be judged by it- acts. For niy-eii, I wil say that I have eier venerated our Ooiir-titnMou, loved the Union of the Sr. ates. und o.icyed the laws ol my coii iiry , and 1 ran w ith truth nii.J sincerity say that 1 am not coii.-ci ius td having ever enter tained or express d a .-eiimieut ih ai was disloyal to my country. I have exerci.-ed my natural and coii-'imiional r'ht to differ from and oppose the prituip'es and t-oIVy of tli pre-ent Adminis tiation, und in d iii so I believo I have Con sulted the best iiiteicMs of my country. Mr. Johnson: Does the gentleman from Mon roe bei eve tint he and Li parly cm oppose the policy of the Adiu'nitratioii withvut thereby op posing the Govennient? Mr. lJu-kirlt: 1 could an-wer the gentleman in my own I nonage md my own h, but I prefer toansw ei Hi in in the lani.u igenf Mr. Seward, the founder nl mouth piece ol'the Republican party, and who is now Scietary of State under Mr. Lincoln It is true Mr. Seward was the choice Ol the Republican party for President, but he was consi lei cd too radical and too much imbued with Abolitionism to receive the nomination, and tint Mr. L ticolu kkj nominated because he was considerel more conservative. It is also true that there now a strong and controlling element in the Administration party which is opposed to Mr. Seward's remaining in the Cabinet, because he is cons'dered too conservative But I presume he will be considered goo.1 authority with you. You will remember that, before the election last fall, the Administration journals and orators said that opposition to the Administration was oppo sitioi to the Government, and that the success of the Demoi ratic party would be regarded ns a tri umph of traitors. After the elections were over and the Democratic Duty had canied nearly all the elecli m. Mr. Seward found it necessary to correct the error which had been committed by his party friends. In a letter to Mr. Adams, our Minister t England, he uses the following lan guage: "t our country esreeially, it is a habit not only entirely ennxisteut with the Comsfiution, but eten essential to it$ ttabUUy, to regard the Admin istration at any time existing a distinct and sepa rate from the Government itself, and to canvass iht frocetdinrjt of the one icithout the thought of diiloynlty to the othtr." I indorse aud app;ove every word of Mr. Sew ard upon this subject. I believe that it contains the true doctrine. Any other doctrine would destroy our republican form of government, and w uld convert the President into a despot, in stead of being the agent ot a sovereign people. I thank God that the present Administration is not the Government, for if it was I would loose all hope for my country. I confidently trust that the Government will exist long after this Administration is only remembered on accountof its weakness, imbecility, folly xiid wickedness, and will be relerrel to as a warning in all future time. I trust that my friend is satisfied with my answer. Mr. Speaker, I believe I hare the entire confi dence of every Democratic Senator and Repre sentative in this Legislature we have had many consultation. We have fully aud Irankly inter changed views an I sentimeut. I believe that I know their views and feelings, and what their ac tion will be; and I here declare before this House aud the country, that, in my judgment, there is not a Democratic Senator or Representative who is in favor of taking the State of Indiana out of the Union, or who ia in favor of any movement or legislation to that end. And 1 go further. and declare I do not know a Democrat in the whole Sta'e of Indiana who is in favor of such a movement. Mr. Cason aske l,if the Confederacy was recog nized, would the gentleman consider it the duty of Indiana to stand by the Union. Mr. Buskirk: 1 never believed that any State had the right under the Constitution to secede from the Union I have ever denied tne right of secession. The recognition of the Southern Con federacy would not, in my judgment, release or absolve Indiana, or any other State, Irom her duty or allegiance to the federal Government. I can say the same in regard to a Northwestern Confederacy, with this limitation, that I have heard many Democrats say that they believed that if the Southern Confederacy was recognized, it would result in the formation of aa independ ent Government in tho 'Northwest. But I know of no Democrat in this Legislature, or in the State, who iS in favor of attaching any Govern ment which may be formed here, lo the Southern ConfeJeracy. If it is disloyal and treasonable to express th belief that the recognition of the Southern Confederacy would result in the forma tion of a Northwestern Government, the mem bers of the Admin!?tration party had better clear their skirts before they undertake to lecture us, for many of their leading and influential men have sa:d the same thing. Gov. Morton, in a speech delivered in Washington City, gave, as a reason why he was in favor of a vigorous and successful prosecution of the war, that the re cognition of the independence of the seceded Slates would result in the formation of a North western Government. Administration journals ami orators have talked ten times as much about a Northwestern Confederacy as Democrats have, and if they do not stoD it, they will convince the people there is something in it. At present I re gard it as a myth, having no existence anywhere but in the wild and crazy imaginings of fanatics, who think more of their party than they do ot their Government, and w ho are more anxious to retain power than they are to restore the Govern ment. Mr. Andersen: Is not Thomas A. Hendricks a leader of your party; and did he uot say, at the 8th of January Convention. lfo2, that he was in lavorof a Northwestern Confederacy? Mr. Buskirk: Mr. Hendricks is one of our leading men, and has the confidence of the De mocracy of Indiana; but I do not understand his speech as the gentleman from St. Joseph does. As I understand it, I indorse it. Mr. Hendricks endeavored to prove that the commercial and manufacturing interests of New England were iu couflict with the agricultural interest of the Northwest; and thai Western members of Con gress, when they got to Washington surrendered the interests of their section, and voted with their political friends from New England for unjust and oppressive tariff laws, which enriched the manufacturers and impoverished the farmers of the West. He was in favor of massing public sentiment in the West upon that subject, to the end that our Congressmen will dare not betray our interests. I am for the same thing; but 1 desire to obtain a redress of these grievances un der the Constitution, inside of the Union, and in conformitv w'uh the forms of legislation. Mr. Nove: If the tariff is continued, by legal and constitutional means, will the time ever come when you can secede! Mr. Buf-kirk: I have always believed that there was geat wisdom in the Spanish proverb, "to hasten s.owly." I have never been in favor of climbing a hill before I reached it, for fear I would exhaust my strength beiore I '-ommenced the ascent. But I will answer the gentleman more definitely. I have already said I denied the right of secession, and that in my judgment the traitors of the South had no just cause to break up the Government. But there is a right, not derived front the Constitution, but it is above, independent of and superior to all Constitutions, all laws and all Governments, and that is the right of revolution. If the people of the North west should be unable to obtain a repeal of those laws, and should conclude that they were so un just, so oppressive and so destructive of their material interests, that they could not longer t-uimil to them, they may determine to obtain a redress of their grievances by the last and dernier resort of an oppressed people; but it is not for me at this time to say what they ouglit or will do. We will meet and determine the question when it is forced upon us. The gentleman from St. Joseph has labored to prove that the Democratic tarty is iu favor of an armistice. By what authority docs he make this statement? Has any Democratic Senator or Representative said upon the floor of the Senate or this House, that he was in frvor of it ? Has there been any action or vote in either branch of the Legislature, that would indicate we are iu favor of an armistice? I would advise the gen tlemeu of the opposition to wait until we get ready to express our opinion on that subject, and I can assure them that when we do Speak, we will ppeak ns one man. I would advise them to let our affairs alone, and atifrid to some ot the leaders of their own party. The news from Wash ington indicates that the abolition element of the Administration oarty is in favor uot ouly of an armistice, but the i Cognition of the Southern Confederacy. 1 can assure them that if weehould declare ourselves iu favor of an armistice, it will not be for the purpose of recognizing the South ern Confederacy, but it will be in the hope aud lor the purpose of reconstructing the Government, restoring the Union, preserving the Federal Constitution, and re establishing the brotherly teeling and friendly relations to our distracted, divided and bleeding country that existed before the present fanatical, cue-idea and sectional party came into existence. Mr. Van Buskirk: I understand tbe gentleman to say that when the majority speak out on the subject of an armistice, they would do it as one man, but that he does not know how the) will speak. How does he know that they will speak as one man ? Mr. Buskirk: The votes taken in this House completely answer the question of my friend.- V e are a band of brothers. e think together; we act together; we vote together; we have done so since the commencement of the session, and we expect to do so until the close of it. If a ma jority ot my party decide in favor of a measure, which I do not altogether approve, I will still go with my party in preference to voting with the opposition. Mr. Leeds: If vou knev that your party was going wrong would you go with them? Mr. Buskirk: If the support of the meature involved I lie question of loyalty to my parly or to my government, l would sustain my country in preference to my party. But I have never been placed iu that position, aud hope that I may never be. 1 honestly and nimly believe lean bet support my country inside of my party and in concert with it. The history ol the Democratic party down to the incoming of the present Ad ministration, contains the history of my couutry. If my country is ever restored to peace and pros peiity.it will be done through the agency and influence of the Democratic party. The mem bers of the Opposition seem to have serious ap prehensions about a Military Board. While I am not prepared to say what our action will be on that subject, I will say that whatever we may do will be in strict conformitv with the Constitu tion of the State of Indiana. We will not at tempt to divest the G ivernor of any power which is vested iu him bv the Constitution. The gentleman from St. Joseph says that an armistice was entered into the other day by the members ot this House, and proceeds to charge the majority with its violation? What are the facts? We were proceeding with the ordinary legislation of the country when the gentleman from Jefferson made a violent, infl immatory, threatening, aud rancorous speech, in which he charged some of the members of the majority with treason. V hat did you expect us to do? Did vou suppose we would cowardly and meanly submit to such a false and unfounded accusation? If you did you have already discovered your mistake, and I hope you will profit by your ex perience. Tbe members of the Administration party upon this floor complain bitterly of the introduction of resolutions that contain sentiments that they do not approve, and they attempt to hold the major ity responsible for such resolutions. As soon as a resolution is introduced, the reporters, corres pondents and editors of their journals say, "Be hold tbe action of the Indiana Legislature!" and in a few days we have letters from tbe army de nouncing the disloyal Democracy of Indiana. Why is it that this party that possesses so much loyalty and devotion to the country, labors so hard to convince tbe Rebels that we are against the Government and for them? lean conceive of uo reason but that they think more of their party than they do of their country. I admit that many resolutions have been introduced, and in my judgment a good many of them are unwise and imprudent, and will never receive the ap Kroval of this House. It is manifestly unjust to old us responsible for them until we vote for them. But theso gentlemen say that we have referred them to tbe Committee on Federal Re lations. That is true. This has been done un der a rule of this House that was voted for by the opposition party, and they have insisted upon the rigid enforcement of the rule. I ask yea, I demand of these gentlemen to state what resolu tion has passed this House that they complain of. We have passed no resolution, given oo vote. nor done any act that justifies or even excuses the unjust, malignant, false aud slanderous stories that have been put in circulation. Can you not atford to wait a few days, until the Committee on Federal Relations submit their report, and then vou will know what we are for and what n against. I now predict that when we speak we' will speak as patriots and statesmen should speak, tod our action will receive the warm and hearty approval of all loyal and conservative men. Mr. Speaker, I have been thus open and frank in stating the principles, policy and purposes of the Democratic party, to relieve the opposition from their unfounded apprehensions, and allay the excitement that exists in tbe State, and which has been produced by the false and malicious stories which have been circulated for partisan purposes. 1 think that the time has come when we should be frank with each other. The con duct of the Administration party has been such7 for the last six weeks, as to satisfy us that you intend to inaugurate civil war. We believe that the charges which have been made against us in the Legislature, in the public journals and before the people, have been made for the purpose of exciting and exasperating Democrats to such au extent as to impel them to commit some act of violence, and thereby create an excuse and pre text to call upon the military power of the State to intimidate, overawe, and, if needs be, to inter rupt the deliberations of this Legislature. Messrs. Griffith. Leods, Budd and several other members of the opposition party disclaimed all knowledge of any such a programme. Mr. Buskirk said that he and the whole State would be rejoiced to be convinced that there was no truth in it. I give you notice that if you carry out this programme, our State will be involved in civil war, and our property will be destroyed, and our wives and children murdered. Tbe Democratic party has ever been in favor of law and order. It has ever unalterably opposed mob law and vio lence.. We intend to do so now. We intend to do no act which will give just cause for violence or social disorder. If we are involved in civil war, you will be responsible for it.. But do not suppose that we intend to cowardly and basely submit. We have borne much. We have been forbearing and forgiving. But we understand our rights, and have the courage to maintain and defend them. When the news that civil war has been inaugurated is carried by railroad, by telegraph and by other means, there will be such a gathering of the clans in this Capital as has never been seen before. Let us understand each other. When the war begun many persons in the North, said the Southerners were cowards and would not fight. The men of the Soulh said one Southern man was equal to five Vaukees. The historv of the war lias demonstrated that the men of both sections were wrong. It is no com liment to an American citizen, whether you find lim North or South, East or West, to say he is a brave man. It is a part of his nature to be brave and courageous, and to resist wrong and oppression. I beseech you, do not let us com mit the same fatal mistake. I concede to you courage and bravery, and I claim the same quali ties for my own party. I admonish you that the victory is not always to the strong, nor the race to the swift. The party which resorts to mob law and violence will have the moral sentiment of the world against it. and it will generally be unsuccessful. Let us profit by the teachings of h'u-tory and experience of the world. We are told that H tm in was hung upon the gallows he had erected for Mordecai; that Daniel slept soundly and securely in the lions' den, while the wicked men who put him ti:ere were devoured by the wild beasts; that the three Hebrew children who were placed in the fiery fuunce escaped un scathed, while the persons who placed them there were consumed by the devouring flames; that the mm who invented the guillotine had his own head cut off by it; that Robespierre and other de mons who inaugurated and for a lime controlled the French Revolution at last fell victims to the fury of the mob. He that resorts to the sword shall perish by the sword. I implore you to pause and iet us consider what we are doing whither we are drifting and what awful consequences will re sult from our conduct. The gentleman Irom St. Joseph has truthfully said that if civil war is in augurated in our State that one party alone will not suffer. We will all go down in one common ruin. We have an equal interest in this country and an equal motive to preserve the peace, and save our beloved State from all the horrors and enormities of civil war. You have property and so have we. You have homes which arj dear to you, and so have we. Yon have wives and help less children, and so htve we. Who can contem plate the horrors of such a strife? Our cities will be burned our towns and villages will be desolated our fair fields will be ravaged our beautiful ftreams will be red with blood the rich soil of Indiana will be enriched bv the best blood of her citizens our homes will be deso Uled, and our wives and children will be involved iu the common ruin aud desolation and massacre which will everywhere exist. In conclusion, let me ask vou. what is all this for, and w hat will be the result upon our National affairs? If we could not suppress the rebellion and destroy the armies of the South when we were united, cau wo hope to do so when we are divided and involved in civil war? I beg the pardon of the House for the time I have consumed. Wheu I com men eel my re marks, I did not intend to speak more than fire orten minutes, but you will bear me witness that nearlv all the time has been consumed in answer ing questions which have been asked me. A Card from tlic?Iembcriof Ihellonic of Ueprcsenfatlre) llefuKnaj tbe Slanders Against ?Ir. Uuskirk. Hall or the Hclsk of Representatives, February 9, 1563. To the ruhlic: Our attention has been called to an editorial in the Gazette of this city, of last Saturday, and to a communication in the Indianapolis Daily Jour nal, of this n oriiing, to the effect that Mr. Bus kirk, of the county of Monroe, in a speech in this House on la-t Friday said, that if civil war was inaugurated iu this State, the Demo crats would murder the wives and children of the Administration party. These detached and garbled statements wholly pervert the meaning of Mr. Buskirk. We did not understand him to say, that the Democrats would murder the wives aud children of the mem bers of the Administration party, or that the Ad ministration party would inarJer the wives and children of the members of the Democratic party. Mr. Buskirk deprecated civil war, aud described the crimes, horrors and enormities that would be committed; and we understood him to say, and to mean, that men of all parties would go down together, aud that oir property would be de stroyed, the Sute made desolate, and that our wives and children would be Involved in the common ruin, destruction and massacre that would everywhere exist in the State. To the end that justice may be done, and truth vindicated, the undersigned, members of the House, have, without distinction of party, signed this card, and request the publication thereof. . Robert N. Limb. T. W. Wooilen. D. R. Van Buskirk. T. J. Cason, W. W. Uiggins, N. O. Shaffer, Juo. T. Richardson, James Forester, S. M. Holcomb, A. M. Puett. 0. H. P. Abbett, John B. Milroy, C. J. Miller, O. F. Roberts. C. Budd, Thomas Ryan, D. K. Pettibone, Paris Robison, A. T. Hardin, R. B. Perry. John Lemmon, Geo. W. Priest. O. S. Howell, -S. Hetficld, H. J. Bverle, W. S. Hall. J. W. Lemmon, J. V. Wolfe. J. C. Marshall. Henlev James, J.J. Johnson, E. P. Ferris, O. V. Pendleton, J. W. Humphreys, B. R. Kemp. M. Waterman, Stephen B. Cook, J. M. Heishey, Samuel Mustard, A. C. Vetch, R. F. Donaldson, James Harden, W. E. Niblack, N. S. Given, ßaylesa W Hanns, J. R. O'Brien, M. A- O. Packard, Jas. F. Haruey, P. N. Collins, J. Abdiil, Sam'l McCaughey, G. Y. Atkison, John A. Reitz. Chas. B. Lasselle, Daniel Blocher, Samuel A. Shoaff, John S. Tarkington, B. F. Giegory, E. M Spencer, I. C. Branham, 0. Bird, Richard Lake, R. Osborn, John P. Shoafi. t37Mr. Murray, a Republican .Senator, ad m'uted yesterday that secret societies were form ing all over the State by hia party friends uuder the pretense of opposing the scheme of taking the State out of the Union. Mr. Cobb, in his speech, struck him when he said that this cry raised by the Abolitionist against the Democrats was to cover up designs of their own to inaugu rate schemes of oppression against the people. CSPOne hundred and sixty more Rebel prl. tiers ara expected to arrive here shortly. yk great many of those now here rre wounded, and some of tncni very badly. The Hendricks OrationSpeeche of lion. Tl. Hl Hay and lion Thoma I A. llendrlcka. At the Hendricks ovation in Sbelbyville, on j Thursday last, Hon. Martix M. Rat welcomed tbe distinguished guest in tbe following appropri ate and eloquent address: I have been selected, by the proper committee, as the organ of tbe Democracy of Shelby couDty, to tender lo yon. at this stage of a festival pre pared in your honot by the Democratic ladies and gentlemen of this town and county, a hearty welcome to their midst, crowned with those new rtAnnr war KI r Vi wmt Vt fa m vol 1 Mtnikrl ai nst i . which they so proudly rejoice. j I nis spontaneous gttnenng 01 your democratic friends, from their farms, from the villages and surrounding cities, I tender you aa the highest aud sincerest tribute to your worth as a man, and your claims as a statesman, as well as an obla tion of present friendship and a pledge of future fidelity. Shelby county claims you as one of her trusted and honored sons, if she has sympathized with you in times of defeat, if she has vindicated your reputation from calumny, when assailed by mal ice, so she is now alive with sensibility and pride for your present success, and with hope and jeal ous concern for your future fame. As a joint representative of the sovereignty of our proud State, and at a time when the most momentous issues of peace aud war depend npon military conflict and patriotic counsel, you have been summoned to the Senate of the United States by the united voice of the Democracy of Indiana. They consider you a representative man; and that in your hands the flag of the Re public and the banner of Democracy shall wave as living emblems of eternal unity the one over a great, liberal, generous Commonwealth of De mocracy, and the other over a fraternal people and a restored nationality.- They have given no heed to the partisan clamor that roared along your pathway, against your patriotism and loyal ty. The Democratic party of Shelby county is a loyal party, and tin's testimonial of honor is reserved for their loyal Senator. They will stanl by him and the Constiititution as long as he stands by the Constitution and the Union. Au ample field is now open to you for the ex ercise of the highest qualities of patriotism and statesmanship. The public man who ahall, at this crisis, forget self, and rise to that high level of moral courage and political philosophy, which neither panders to the bad passions of men on the one hand, nor worships at the shrine of power on the other if not I he idol of the people, is at least the hope of his country. 1 have no vain words of adulation on behalf of this people, but they claim, as vour life long friends, a share of the honors of the position to which you have been elevated a position where, in the happier days of the republic, the eloquence of a Clay nnited States in the fervor of patriotism, and the .argu ment of a Webster bound them in the fetters ot revetence for the Constitution and the Union. They have faith that, a the genius of history shnii unroll the chart of American destiny, and a bleeding countrr shall challenge your wisdom, courage, prudence and humanity, that you will have the wisdom to compass, the courage to grapple with, the prudence to harmonize, and the humanity to sympathize with the sorrows and griefs that this aid war has brought upon the country. In presenting you to this people in your new relation of Senator, allow me to assure you that we do not forget the perils and responsibilities of that relation, and that when you come to deal with the practical questions of war and peac . that you will be as ready to sustain a legitimate war as to hail the first dawn of an honorable peace on the basis of a restored Union. Fellow citizens, I present to you your Senator elect, w ith the confident assurance that you will never have cause to regret the choice of tbe Democratic Legislature, aud that he will prove in the future, as in the past, worthy of every trust, equal to every emergency, and a pledged foe to every fanaticism, usurpation and corruption. Mr. Hendricks, in response to the addresa of Mr. Rat, and the cot dial and enthusiastic wel come of his life'!ong neighbors and friends of Shelby county, spoke iu substance as follows: Mr. Hendricks took the stand amid the most deafening mo; lause, at the elope of which he com menced by saving that he was gratified at tba4 reception, by those who -had known him from his childhood, aud that the welcome had been ex picfied by an old personal friend. He briefly referred to the honors Shelby county had con ferred upon him. at all times extending to him her confiiieiit-e. The election to the United States Senate brings with it weighty rei-ponsibilities. Can a man now well and safely say what be will do in a twvHe month from lh;. liuie? What will then be duty, no one, without the gift of prophesy, cau now sat; but lie felt sure that if, in the exercise of no rioiie.-t judgment, he dis. charged his duty as the represeu latue of Iudiana, according to conscience, he would again be sus taiued by the men of Shelby count v , who will regard his faults with indulgence, and his merits with partiality. For himself he would only ask that when censure fell upon him, as it must, they will hear him in his vindication, and then judge as the right should require. He had not' come this day to m ike au argu ment, or lo discuss the quei-tions that now occu py public attention, but to nie t old and true friends, with them t enjoy the festivities of the occasion; jet it might le proper to refer to some subjects, about which ho knew they had consulted together at their homes. Two years have brought upon our country a reverse of her fortunes. We were united, pros perous and happy a -ect;enal jndicy and party triumphed, and we ate overcome by evils that threaten our dcstruct:oii. 1 hate i;o defense to make for the Suth iu her present position am no advocate of hr course. In fidelity to tho Union, the North could i'ot organize herself into a sectional party. Mid upon cniiiuents o! hos'ility to the South, undertake the control of the gov eminent; jei this was not sufficient cause for the breaking up of M relations. We were friends to the South, and although beaten in I860, we were ready, protected by the panoply of truth and the Constitution, to fight on for the constitutional rights of every section. We Democrat have cause of complaint The men of the Soulh should have stood by im in the bitt!e for the Constitu tion and civil liberty. That battle should have been fought within the Constitution and behind established institutions The m ar has r.gre-ed with varying results. What success has Mttended Southern arms, and such disasters as have overtaken Northern arms, are properly chargeable upon the President aud present Congress. Eighteen months since, the Presideit, in his message, said that .in all tbe States of the South, except, pet haps, S;juÜi Caro lina, there was a Union majority, irftis and the Confederate Congress had tried to unite the South, but could not ; he could rally an army only 300,00') strong, but when Mr. Lincoln and Congress adopted abolition as the purpose of the war, in violation of the pledged faith given to the soldiers, the South became united ud the North distracted. Had he President and Congress in good faith adhered to the a.-surauce and pledge given in the Crittenden resolution.-, not a dissent ing voice would hue been heard iu the North, while the Union men of the Smith would have gained strength. Should our Government go down in the Tortcx of this revolution, the responsibility ia upon Abo litionism What has been the effect of the Pres ident's proclamation? Perhaps not one slave has been made free by it, but it has caused divisious in the North, and baa stripped the soldier of his pride. In the diu of the battle, when the mis siles of death are falling like rain drops, the sol dier looks to hia flag, and tbe sentiment 'hat it is the emblem of the Union upon the Constitu tion; that he fights to restore that Union upon the basis of the Constitution, with the rights of the States unimpaired, nerves him to meet the shock of the battle. But, instead of that proud sentiment, he is made to feel that be fights to de stroy established institutions, and to free tbe ne gro, his soldierly oride is gone, aud his victories are likely to go with it. Tbe partisans of the Administration denounce Democrats, because they demand that tbe Constitution shall be re spected and maintained. For that we are charged with disloyalty and treason. Who are the loyal men? The men who are faithful to the Consti tution. Who in the North are disloyal? The men who trample uuder foot the Constitution, and treat it as a "covenant with death and a league with bell." Ho ia not R loyal man who makes the freedom of the negro paramount to tbe Union and tbe Constitution. -Our Union cannot be restored, with fraternal relations among tbe people North and South, until Abo litionism Is buried never again to be resurrected. I will not discuss the conduct and achievements of tbe Generals. I ltck military knowledge to do that. But it seems proper to say io this be half, that they have been allowed so fair trial. Interference by incompetent men at Washington has disturbed and frustrated their plan, and brought failure, if not defeat, where victory otherwise might have been achierrd, and the teachings of experience seem to be lost upon the President and this Congress. The last and crowning act of infamy on tne part of this Congress, ts to be the enactment of the law to organize one hundred and fifty thou sand negroes into regiments. Tbe bill has passed the House, and I believe will pass the Senate, aud be approved by Mr. Lincoln. Three Republi can members voted against it. Tbeir names should be preserved in letters of gold. What does this legislation mean? Is it that tbe SO, 000,000 white men of the North cannot cope with the 7.000,000 white men at the South? Or is it that the negro will make a better soldier than tbe white man? Do these men think be will stand upon the rough edge of battles, where oar soldiers falter? Every mau who votes for that bill, aud the President when he signs it, offers a direct and gross insult to every man in whose 'veins flows the blood of our race an insult that the proud men of Indiana will not forgive. Among all nations tha profession of arms has been regarded as most honorable. The profes sion developes the higher qualities of manhood firmness, coolness and courage. The party in power now propose by this bill to place the ne gro upon an equality with the white 6oldiers in this the most honorable of all pursuits. Let the men who do this thing be driven from the high places by the ballots of the people. As a war measure it is most dangerous. The safety of th soldier iu battle ia in tbe firmness of all the regi ments, one regiment uecessirily leaning upon ' another lor support. Shall Indiana lean for sup port, in the terrible hour of battle, upon negro regiments? When they are made to d? so by this Administration, and the negroes give way, as they will do, and then our troops are forced back and slaughtered in retreat, their blood will be upon the spirits of the authors of this outrage. Can it bs possible that the salety, tbe honor and the glory of my country U to rest upon the shoul ders of negro regiments? In church poetry I find the lines: "Upon wbat a slender cord Uaii verlaMing thingt." If our country's fmtunes depend upon negro intelligence and egro valor, then may w e sing. Cpon what a leuder curd Hang kahtult Ibuifrs." The men will be n.arked who have done The people w? ose sons aud brothers are in the field will not forgive the insult. The necessitict of the war hare made the Treasury notes the currency of the people. I know that the supporters of the Administration charge that we Democrats rejoice when this cur rency goes down. How absurd! When it goea down in Republican pockets is the depression cot felt in Democratic pockets? As this has become, and for a time must continue, an important part of our currency, going into all the channel of trade and commerce, I shall regard It my dutv to do all I can, constitutionally, to sustain its value. The proposition of the Secretary of tbe Treasury to adopta system to break dowu our Statebanks, to make mure room for Government uotes, or their substitutes, is a blow at State legislation not to be sustained, and from wh ch relief to the Treasury is not likely to come. The bills of our State Bank would th'S day be within a few cents of gold, if not par, were they not dragged down by the legal tender paper. While the bar.k may redeem its circulation in that paper, it notes must have the same current value. But. inde pendent of that fact, our State Bank paper is a conveuieut, reliable aud par currency. It has served our trade, and benefited the people, and should not be driven out to make way for a lew reliable substitute. Fears have been entertained by some, and ty. others professed, that w are ou the eve of civil strife and bloodshed in our own Sute. Without this, we have trouble enough upon as Of that we are admonished by the bereaved home, the broken fortunes, corrupted morals, and the bur den of public debt and taxation. Every man owes it to himself, his family and his countrr, to promote peace and harmony at home. If the Republican rulers end partisans will der their dutj but half as well as the Democrats will, we need fear no violence. It is a Democratic senti meiit that the laws must be respected and obeyed. Efforts have been made to ejtcite apprehensions of public danger, with a view to political eflect. It may be that some gentlemen have been scared, and that has caused some concern in my mind, for a scared man with power in hia hands, is dan gerous. A firm, cool and courageous man will Dot precipitate the country into trouble. But you cannot tell what a scared mau will do, espe cially if frightened at unreal and imaginary things. For our country, let us stand by the law and public order. Will vou allow u suggestion upon another sub ject, bearing upon that upon which I have been speaking? Fome of our young men who have volunteered, have, without sufficient thought, abandoned their companions and returned borne without proper authoritj;'and a sympathy in their behalf has suggested a resistance to any efforts to compel their return to the service. Now. however much jou may feel for them, resistance cannot be justified. It is reposition to law and lawful authority. Although I made no appeals to men to volunteer, as I would not say go, when I was uot going myself, yet I mutt aay to tboe who have voluntarily enlisted, jou cannot relieve yourstlve by a breach of law, and you ought uot to involve your frie:ids in acts of violence which must bring trouble upon them. In thU State i have no occasion to complain ihit the courts hat e teen unable to relie e from illegal enlist ments. In almost every case the writ of hatess corpus ba? been res;ecteJ. For that we are much indeb'ei to the ccornpli-hea soldier. Col. Carringtoii, who is at the head of military mat ters in this State. He has required that tee civil authority he rc-iiccted within his coram nd. What this year wiil bring to ws w e cannot tell. Ferhaps the condition of public affair justifies the hope that the war cannot hist much longer, and that soon the sunshine of peace w ill rejoice the land. Whatever docs come, let us do our duty as conscience and enlightened judgment dictate. At any momeut I am ready for compromise and adjustment upon the bas s of a restored Union to give to the South all rights'under the Consti tution, and such gnvrantees as may stake their rights secure. We have elected a Dcmocratie House of Representatives, unless a fraud is re sorted to to defeat the elections, but that Con gress will probably not be in session before next December. In the meantime Abolitionism con trols the Government We have not ouch to hope from such a source for our country. The people have sp-keu, 13.000,000 etning.' The great States of New York, and westward to Illi nois, have said to tbe President, withdraw your proclamation and return o the pledge given to the country and the saldier, bit he bceds then not. Thi Government belongs to the millions; yet the President, elected by a minority, says to them I will disregard jour will. Events may, however, compel him to respect that will. The effort to control public opinion by epithets, by threats, by violence and by dungeons, has failed. Tins vast assembly attests the failure. Bold and honcrt, the people will vindicate their right and their manhood at tbe ballot box. Maintaining the rights ol the people as defined and tecured by the Constitution and lawt, fl Democratic party cannot fall. Again, I thank you for the honor yon biTw this day done me. AxoTHia "Oycoirvo Woman. We wib liaheJ, a few days lince, the exp!oita cf Mrs. Spencer, of Clinton county, Indiana, in prent ing her husband, Joseph Spencer, on the 23th of December last, with four young Spencers at one btih. But Mrs. Magee, of Rowena, Wells county, Indiana, is greatly "on!:)! than Mr. Spencer, in the way of babies. During a period-of three years, seven mouths and nine teen days, Mrs. M. gave birth to twelve children, all of whom are "alive and kickins. The births occurred as follows: June 24th, 169. one child; June 30ih, 1859. two children; May 23ih. 18G0, two children; March 29th, IfcGI, three children; February 13th, lfc'62, four children. In these war times Mrs. M.'s services iu recruiting infantry are invaluable. N. A. Ledger. 9" The town clock and a Shanghai rooatar near our office are both frequently out of order. The rooster nrast belong to an Abolitionist, forte commences his midnight crowing usually be tween nine and ten o'clock, and the town clock is quite as often out of order, and as wide of thw mark as tbe feathered time keeper.