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Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, February 16, 1863, Image 1

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VOL. XXII, NO. 89;
INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1863.
WHOLE NO."l,S32.
Thl
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WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL
rilDTID ilD rVIUSHlID IVIII lOKDlI IT Till
IVEW SENTINEL OFFICE,
XO. 3 SOCTH MERIDIAN STREET,
OPPOSITE THE OLD POSTOFFICE.
ELDER, BARENESS, & BINGHAM,
TERMS OF WEEKLY SEST1XEL:
On copy one year $ 1 50
Ten copies, andone to the maker of the club . .. 15 00
Twenty copies, and two to the maker of the club.. SO Oo
Additions can ba made to Club atanytime attheabove
raus. Tna name will be printed on each paper, without
extra charge.
One square, one Insertion 0 T5
" two 1 00
" four 3 00
For ach so W iaent insertion, and for each inser
tion of zrit additional square 33
Advertisements published in both the Daily and the
Wdekly Skstixkl, will be charged the full Daily rates,
with one-half the Weekly rates added.
Announcing deaths with funeral notice attached, $1;
without notice free.
Marriage Notices 50 cents.
Notice of Festivals, Picnics and Excursion, gotten up
by individuals or associations, or by churches, at the reg
ular prices.
AJrertiiement leaded and placed under the head of
8pecial Notices, iften lines orover,willbechargeddoable
the tuual rates.
Tearly advertiser to pay quarterly.
Announcing candidates for offices of every description
to be charged at the rate of tl 50 for each name in the
Daily, and 1 in the Daily and Weekly.the same to be, In
all cases, paid in advance.
Le?a1 advertisement inserted at the expense of the at
torneys ordering, and not delayable for the legal proceed
ings, but collectable at our usual time. Publishers not
accountable for the accuracy of legal advertisemenUbe
yond the amount charged for their publication.
ELDER, IIARKXESS A BINGHAM.
Proprietors Indiana State Sentinel.
J. M. TILFORD,
PresidentlalianapolbJournalCorapany .
THE SENTINEL
Will be ent by msil or express to subscribers at any
point for sixty cents a month, or seven dollars a year. All
subscriptions invariably In advance. Address
ELDER HARKS ESS, RINGHAM.
A Slander
We have reeeiveJ a card Addressed "To the
Democracy of Indiana," and signed by Alvis
P. Hovit, Brigadier General, and William T.
Spicely, Willi km E. McLeax, Geo. F. McGix
Kis und James R. Slack, Colonels, in which oc
curs the following passage:
We have uoihing to expect from the Soulh,
ami nothing to hope, without their conquest.
They are now using their money freely, to sub
sidize the press and politiciai of the North, and
with whit effect, the tone ol some of our journals,
and the speeches of some of our leader, too
pUiuly and painfully testify.
We know uot what motive can influence indi
viduals occupying a respectable and honorable
position, to thus willfully and maliciously slander
.men with whom they profess political sympathy
and identity, and with whom they have associated
ou term ot gentlemanly intercourse. If high
positions in the army are to be purchased and
"held at the sacrifice of all manliness and inde
pendence, and if the recipients accept them upon
the consideration that they will villify, pervett,
and misrepresent the motives, actions, and prin
ciples of their former political and personal asso
dates if such is the price of official favors
dark iudeed is the future of the country. The
charge that the money of the Rebels is being freely
used to subsidize the press und the politicians of
the North, hns no foundation whatever iu truth.
The men who m ike it are either credulous and
weak enough to believe any Munchausen story,
or eke they are bought to give character to gen
eral slanders against men, who, unlike themselves,
are honest and self sacrificing, and uncorrupted
by position and its emoluments.
It is evident that the signers of the card to
which we hve referred, do not appteciate public
sentiment at home. While they are making
monev by the war, the people of Indiana are be
ing impoverished, with no prospect before them
but increasing burdens, already grievous to be
borne, and more grinding t nation. Instead of
the press and politicians at the North leading
and influencing public sentiment, they are far,
far behind the people. If the Southern Rebels
are using money freely to subsidize Northern
sentiment, it is the people themselves whom their
gold is corrupting, and rich indeed, infinite in
resources, must they be thus to buy a vast m jor
ity of the people of the North.
We cannot im gine how men, occupying high
positions in the army, can put forth such mis
erxble twaddle, with the expectation that auvbody
but twaddlers like themselves, wouid be weak
enough to awallow it. If they credit such Stuff
it is evidence of their utter incompetency to fil'
the posiiions they occupy, and if they publish the
charge we have quoted, knowing it to be untrue,
they ate unworthy of their places.
We quote another extract horn the circular to
show how wiHiug its signers are to be used agaiust
their former political associates. Jl'hey say:
We see with deep solicitude and regret, that
there is an under current in Indiana, tending to
ward coalition of the Northwest with the South,
gainst the Eastern Stales.
Where dj Mr. Hovit and his associates "see"
this? From what sources of information do they
get such news? From Republicans only, and
auch seutiments are given out by them knowing
that they are untrue and for wicked purposes.
If officers in the army, professing to be Demo
crats, can be duped iu that way, it speaks but
little in favor of their sagacity, intelligence or
integrity to principle. The corrupting and de
moralizing influences of the war are plainly and
painfully illustrated in the willingness with which
men, who formerly battled against the usurp i
tious of power and every encroachment upon
constitutional liberty, now yield to those usurpa
tions and encroachments, and even apologize for
then, simply to advance their personal interests.
The only hope for the country U in the honest
yeominry at -home whom position cannot influ
ence or gold corrupt. The sagacity of the peo
ple in their estimation of public affairs seldom
errs, and their sober second thought upon the
nation's troubles Is now being expressed and it
will be felt, we trust, for good.
Who is lie!
Makti.y F. Coxwat, the Republican member
from Kansas, is frequently confounded with the
Rev. Mosern D. Co wax, formerly of Wash
ington City, but now filling a Unitarian pulpit in
Cincinnati. They are entirely different individ
uals, and no way rel-.ted or connected, except as
politicians of the same school. The member
front Kansts is native of Marvland, of Irish
parentage; first a priuter, but now a lawyer by
profession; while his namesake, the preacher, is
a native of or neir Fredeiicksburg, of an old and
well known Virgiui family. He was originally
a Methodist minister, but afterward became a
Unitarian, and is a writer of considerable ability.
JiDOK Smith Rfqiested to Risigx. The
Catholic citizens of this State are circulating a
petition calling upon Hon. Caleb 11. Smith,-Judge
of the United States District Com i of Indiana, to
resign, in view of his insulting and outrageous
language in reference to their religion in a speech
at a recent Abolition meeting in Indianapolis.
Judge Smith's denunciations of the Pope aild the
Catholic Church are characteristics of the old
leaven of Know-Nothinm which is still work
ing ia til Abolition party. (New AIbny Ledger.
What For!
Several military officers have issued an address
"to the Democracy of,Indiana," in which they
assume to teach the citizen his duty to the Gov
ernment. Thiä is rather doubtful propriety in
men whom the people are taxed heavily to sup
port. But these very pi trio tic individuals are
excessively sensitivein regard to the courage and
valor of Northern men. They place the prose
cution of the war upon a new basis. What is it?
Shall twenty three millions of Northern men ad
mit that they are unequal to nine millions of the
Soulh? So, in their judgment, this war must go
on, regardless of the cost in blood and treasure,
until that problem is solved. Thus the war roust
be prosecuted with vigor until it is demonstrated
that 23 Northern men are equal or superior to D
Southern men. That, according to Hover and
company, is the great issue involved in the gigan
tic civil war which is rapidly wasting the wealth
and energy of the nation. With them it is an
issue of brute force whether a stout, well built
six-footer can whip an opponent of at least one
half less his weight and size. Say these val
iant gentlemen, " shame on the State that
would entertain the disgraceful proposition that
the little fellow can whip the big one," and
" shame upon the Democrat who would submit
to it, and raise bis cowardly voice and proclaim
that he was an Indiania That's the great
principle for which the war is waged, these very
wise and valiant men say, and they insist it must
not be stopped until that issue is determined.
Mr. Lincoln says we are making histoty, and
will not such nn elevated and dignified record
read well upon its pages ?
Such sentiments as these find a cordial en
dorsement in the central organ of the Republican
party of Indiana a paper which declared that
a civil war was an evil of greater magnitude than
the loss of a dozen States to the Union, and that
it never desired to see Union which could only
be pinned together by bayonets. It preferred to
have a peaceable separation of the States to let
all the dissatisfied States go in peace rather
tlmn attempt to coerce, to force, a Union. Sirni
I ar sentiments were expressed by the leading Re
publican journal of the country, and even Mr.
Seward, the Premier of the Administration, ad
mitted in his correspondence with the represent
ti. es of this Government abroad that it would be
in direct conflict with the letter and spirit of the
Constitution and our institutions that it would
be an exercise of despotic power, to prosecute a
war for such purposes.
But in the face of these declarations the Jour
nal and its adherents now say the war iuus go
on, not for the restoration of the Union and the
maintenance of the Constitution, but to determine
whether twenty-three millions of Northern men
are equal to nine millions of the S juth r he'her
the Benicia Boy or Ton Satbks can whip Tom
Thtmb.
We regret that Messrs. IIovet and company
cannot appreciate the object for w hich the Ad
ministration is insisting upon the vigorous prose
cution of the war. it is for nothing more or less
than the supremrcy of the Republican party.
That is all. If Jtrr. Davis would to-day pledge
the Administration that the South would give the
Republican party a hearty support the war would
be brought to a speedy close, und all the protec
tion that the Bebel States might ask for their
peculiar institutions, would be cheerfully guaran
teed to them by the Republican leaders.
These are not idle and unmeaning assertions.
If the Republicans as a pirty h id looked solely
to the best interests of the country and to tlie
unity of the nation, and the preservation of con
stitutional liberty, regardless of party supremacy,
it is exceedingly doubtful whether civil war
would ever have been inaugurated, or even if
that issue had been forced, the contest long ere
this would have been ended. Colonels in the
army who ore expecting Brigadiet ships may be
so willfuüy blind a not to see the drift of the
war, but it is evident to plain people who are un
influenced -by fat contracts, or who are not look
ing for promotions from the powers that be, that
if the Republican leaders were not striving to per
petuate the control of tho Government in their
bind, pe.ice and union would now bless the
land.
Democratic .flat .Heeling In JIartin
County Indiana.
The Democracy of Martin county met in Mass
Convention at Dover Hill ou the 31st of January,
leG3. After an address by A. B. Carlton, ol
Bedford, the meeting was organized by electing
S. Cobb President and E. Moser Secretary.
On motion, the following gentlemen were ap
pointed a Committee on Resolutions: A. C.
S'ephens, Joseph Hitchcock, George Inmtn,
Pheasant Bowman, Thomas M. Clark and J. C.
O'Brien.
The committee retired for consultation, and
the meeting was then addressed by Ephraim
Moser.
The committee reported the following preamble
and resolution, which were unanimously adopteJ:
Wulbeas, 'Hie Democracy have ever been and
are hi. I loyal to their country nag; and,
Whereas, Charges and imputations of disloyalty
h ive been c ist upon them by the Robesierres of
the American reign of terror; and.
Whereas, The liberties of the white race is im
periled to give freedom to the black; white labor
is taxed for the suiwrt of hordes of etnancipi
ted and fugitive biicks; the resources of the
country eaten up and consumed by frauds and
peculations; the lives of our citizens immolated
at the shrine ol Abolition idolatry ; the freedom
of speech gagged; the writ of habeas corpus sus
pended; the liberties of our citizens, without
charge, trial or conviction, ruthlessly taken
away; the Constitution of our country trampled
under foot, spurned and 6pit upon as a tiling of
trie past; aud the Union our once glorious
Union bargained, sold and conveved by u batch
of petty fogging usurpeis aud petty political
tyrants, to recuie the right of suffrage to, and
political equality ol", "free Americans of African
descent; therefore,
Ut soloed, 1. That while we as Democrats and
c nervativ Union men are willing to make any
sariitice neeessarv to restore the Union entire.
we will never consent to give one 'dollar to buy
negroes, or one mm to fight for their enianci
pttiou. 2. That we denounce as a miserable heresy
that creel which declares our Government and
the Administration identical. Our Government
in democratic, the Admistration abolition the
very antipodes of each other; and while we are
true to our Government, we regard the Adminis
tration at Washington as an usurpation and
tvrannv.
" 3. I'hat we regard the treatment of Senator
Saulsbury ia the benate of the United States, by
the Vice Piesideut, as an index of the tyrannical
and despotic disposition of tue Abolition party.
i. That we regard the lives of white men as of
more value than the freedom of the negroes, aud
we have uiveti the last man and the last mouey
we are willing to give for the prosecutiou of the
pic-cnt Abolition war.
5. That the editors of the Cincinnati Enquirer,
Indiana Slate Sentinel and V incennes Sun be re
quested to publish the proceedings of this meeting.
StfiJJUUE LUUU. J'ies'iient.
EruBAiM Mosta, Secretary.
2?Mr. Bohlau, architect, has the plan and
specifications about ready for a three story
business building on South Meridian street
It will be let in a few d.is to the lowest aud best
bidder. The plan and specifications ran be seen
at Mr. Dobian' office, in the JSuu b'i:lding9, by
all who want to bid for its construction.
rSTAir tight rneUlic burial caei, of the latest
improvement, kept on nana at Loug a, unuer
taker. South Meridian street. Also a good two
hear?e for ile. 2-d&w4r.
- a
Iteinarkaol Mr. Iluskirk In tbe House
of Itepreaentatlrea, Friday, Feb. C.
Ox THE ResOLCTIOX TO APPOIXT A COMMITTtE TO
Investigate the Cbabge Made by Mr. Bran
ham, that Democratic Members ofthk Hoice
bad beex ix coxscltatiox with ax emissary
from tbe South.
Mr. Speaker; The gentleman from .Jefferson
(Mr. Branham) in his speech in this House on
yesterday, made a serious and grave charge
against the Democratic members of this House.
The substance of his charge was that he had
been informell and believed that au emissary from
the South had been in this city, and had been in
consultation with Democratic members of the
House, and when he was asked to name the mem
bers who bad been holding this treasonable in
tercourse, he refused to do so. This refusal sub
jects every member of the majority to the impu
tation of disloyalty. I am unwilling to remain
silent when I um charged with treason. It is
true that in political discussions before the people,
I haveWen denounced as a traitor, a -secessionist,
aud a sympathizer with the rebellion, but 1
had no means of compelling my accusers to es
tablish the truth of tho charge. The vote of ray
county, where I urn best known, and where my
principles and couduct are well understood, is a
sufficient answer to all such imputations, but this
charge is made by a gentleman of standing, and
will be re td by the people ol the State. It has
been my pleasure to know the gentleman from
Jefferson for many year, and I can with truth
say that I have entertained for him no feelings
but those of kindness and respect. He is by his
age, his experience in legislation, and his ability,
entitled to be considered one of the leaders, if not
the leader, of the opposition I presume that he
has made the charge iu good faith, believing it to
be true, and that he is willing to assume, all the
responsibility that attaches to such an accusation,
and will endeavor to make his charge good. If
the charge is true the country should know it,
and if we have any traitors in our body they
should be expellel and branded with infamy, and
if it is not true, it is due to ourselves, to our con
stituents, and to the whole country, that the
falsity of the charge should be m ide manifest.
If we tamely and silently submit lo such a charge
the country will have a right to conclude that it
is true, and that we are u I raid of an investigation.
It is true that the honorable gentleman in ide
the charge under the exciienent of debate, but
he has had ample time for reflection and lor his
passions to cool, and he has not withdrawn the
charge. Knowing that I am wholly and entirely
innocent of the charge, mid believing that my
Democratic frieuds upon this floor are also inno
cent, and being desirous of availing myself of
this the first oi(oit unity that has been presented
of repelling aud disproving the often repeated,
but false and malicious charge, of disloyalty, I
solemnly declare, that unless the charge is with
drawn in this Hoti-e, where it was made, and to
the full extent to which it was m ule, that we are
in tluiv bound to demand an investigation . and
give the gentleman au opportuni'v to est.ibli.-h
the truth of the charge, or to convince the coun
try tint the charge is untrue. 1 shall vote lor
the resolution, and I confidently hope that it will
be p is.-ed.
I feel that it is my duty to answer the "speech
which ha just been ni nie by the geutleman from
St Jd-eph Mr -Anderson.
That honorable (.cntleuian h to day, and on
several oth-r oi-c mions. ind'ilcd ery freely in
insinuations :ig ant the loyalty of :hc Democratic
members .f this House, and has with unbecoming
assurance attempted Ui di tiue cur principles, aud
to declare to llie country what we are for and
Mhatueaie against. He his charged that we
are iu fiver ol taking the State of Indiana onl of
the Union; that we re in favor of establishing a
Northwestern Confederacy, with the purpose of
ultimately attaching it to the Southern Confed
eracy; that we ire in favor. of au armistice; that
we propose to violate the Constitution by vesting
authority in nn Executive Council which the
Constitution h is vested in the Governor; and that
by our speeches, votes, acta, aud ly t lie resolu
tions which have been introduced iu this House,
we have convinced the country that we are op
posed to the Government mid iti t in favor of rev
olutionary measures. I am unwilling to permit
that gentleman t iletine the principles of the
Democratic pirty, und to dictate to us what our
action shall l e unhi any ot tli-e subjects. He
h is no aiiihi'iMy and no ii-hi to sveik for the
Dcu.ocr i tic p r'y. 1 sh ill t n tr into no labored
or len'hv arunii'iii. to di-o r ire the charge ol
disloyalty. 1 :ii- eal to the h lory of my country
and of my paity as a complete in Tc ilion. and 1
am willing tint the Democrat ic p-oty shall be
judged by it- acts. For niy-eii, I wil say that
I have eier venerated our Ooiir-titnMou, loved the
Union of the Sr. ates. und o.icyed the laws ol my
coii iiry , and 1 ran w ith truth nii.J sincerity say
that 1 am not coii.-ci ius td having ever enter
tained or express d a .-eiimieut ih ai was disloyal
to my country. I have exerci.-ed my natural
and coii-'imiional r'ht to differ from and oppose
the prituip'es and t-oIVy of tli pre-ent Adminis
tiation, und in d iii so I believo I have Con
sulted the best iiiteicMs of my country.
Mr. Johnson: Does the gentleman from Mon
roe bei eve tint he and Li parly cm oppose the
policy of the Adiu'nitratioii withvut thereby op
posing the Govennient?
Mr. lJu-kirlt: 1 could an-wer the gentleman in
my own I nonage md my own h, but I prefer
toansw ei Hi in in the lani.u igenf Mr. Seward, the
founder nl mouth piece ol'the Republican party,
and who is now Scietary of State under Mr.
Lincoln It is true Mr. Seward was the choice
Ol the Republican party for President, but he
was consi lei cd too radical and too much imbued
with Abolitionism to receive the nomination, and
tint Mr. L ticolu kkj nominated because he was
considerel more conservative. It is also true
that there now a strong and controlling element
in the Administration party which is opposed to
Mr. Seward's remaining in the Cabinet, because
he is cons'dered too conservative But I presume
he will be considered goo.1 authority with you.
You will remember that, before the election last
fall, the Administration journals and orators said
that opposition to the Administration was oppo
sitioi to the Government, and that the success of
the Demoi ratic party would be regarded ns a tri
umph of traitors. After the elections were over
and the Democratic Duty had canied nearly all
the elecli m. Mr. Seward found it necessary to
correct the error which had been committed by
his party friends. In a letter to Mr. Adams, our
Minister t England, he uses the following lan
guage: "t our country esreeially, it is a habit not
only entirely ennxisteut with the Comsfiution, but
eten essential to it$ ttabUUy, to regard the Admin
istration at any time existing a distinct and sepa
rate from the Government itself, and to canvass
iht frocetdinrjt of the one icithout the thought of
diiloynlty to the othtr."
I indorse aud app;ove every word of Mr. Sew
ard upon this subject. I believe that it contains
the true doctrine. Any other doctrine would
destroy our republican form of government, and
w uld convert the President into a despot, in
stead of being the agent ot a sovereign people.
I thank God that the present Administration is
not the Government, for if it was I would loose
all hope for my country. I confidently trust
that the Government will exist long after this
Administration is only remembered on accountof
its weakness, imbecility, folly xiid wickedness,
and will be relerrel to as a warning in all future
time. I trust that my friend is satisfied with my
answer.
Mr. Speaker, I believe I hare the entire confi
dence of every Democratic Senator and Repre
sentative in this Legislature we have had many
consultation. We have fully aud Irankly inter
changed views an I sentimeut. I believe that I
know their views and feelings, and what their ac
tion will be; and I here declare before this House
aud the country, that, in my judgment, there is
not a Democratic Senator or Representative who
is in favor of taking the State of Indiana out of
the Union, or who ia in favor of any movement
or legislation to that end. And 1 go further.
and declare I do not know a Democrat in the
whole Sta'e of Indiana who is in favor of such a
movement.
Mr. Cason aske l,if the Confederacy was recog
nized, would the gentleman consider it the duty
of Indiana to stand by the Union.
Mr. Buskirk: 1 never believed that any State
had the right under the Constitution to secede
from the Union I have ever denied tne right of
secession. The recognition of the Southern Con
federacy would not, in my judgment, release or
absolve Indiana, or any other State, Irom her
duty or allegiance to the federal Government.
I can say the same in regard to a Northwestern
Confederacy, with this limitation, that I have
heard many Democrats say that they believed
that if the Southern Confederacy was recognized,
it would result in the formation of aa independ
ent Government in tho 'Northwest. But I know
of no Democrat in this Legislature, or in the
State, who iS in favor of attaching any Govern
ment which may be formed here, lo the Southern
ConfeJeracy. If it is disloyal and treasonable to
express th belief that the recognition of the
Southern Confederacy would result in the forma
tion of a Northwestern Government, the mem
bers of the Admin!?tration party had better clear
their skirts before they undertake to lecture us,
for many of their leading and influential men
have sa:d the same thing. Gov. Morton, in a
speech delivered in Washington City, gave, as a
reason why he was in favor of a vigorous and
successful prosecution of the war, that the re
cognition of the independence of the seceded
Slates would result in the formation of a North
western Government. Administration journals
ami orators have talked ten times as much about
a Northwestern Confederacy as Democrats have,
and if they do not stoD it, they will convince the
people there is something in it. At present I re
gard it as a myth, having no existence anywhere
but in the wild and crazy imaginings of fanatics,
who think more of their party than they do ot
their Government, and w ho are more anxious to
retain power than they are to restore the Govern
ment. Mr. Andersen: Is not Thomas A. Hendricks a
leader of your party; and did he uot say, at the
8th of January Convention. lfo2, that he was in
lavorof a Northwestern Confederacy?
Mr. Buskirk: Mr. Hendricks is one of our
leading men, and has the confidence of the De
mocracy of Indiana; but I do not understand his
speech as the gentleman from St. Joseph does.
As I understand it, I indorse it. Mr. Hendricks
endeavored to prove that the commercial and
manufacturing interests of New England were iu
couflict with the agricultural interest of the
Northwest; and thai Western members of Con
gress, when they got to Washington surrendered
the interests of their section, and voted with their
political friends from New England for unjust
and oppressive tariff laws, which enriched the
manufacturers and impoverished the farmers of
the West. He was in favor of massing public
sentiment in the West upon that subject, to the
end that our Congressmen will dare not betray
our interests. I am for the same thing; but 1
desire to obtain a redress of these grievances un
der the Constitution, inside of the Union, and in
conformitv w'uh the forms of legislation.
Mr. Nove: If the tariff is continued, by legal
and constitutional means, will the time ever come
when you can secede!
Mr. Buf-kirk: I have always believed that
there was geat wisdom in the Spanish proverb,
"to hasten s.owly." I have never been in favor
of climbing a hill before I reached it, for fear I
would exhaust my strength beiore I '-ommenced
the ascent. But I will answer the gentleman
more definitely. I have already said I denied the
right of secession, and that in my judgment the
traitors of the South had no just cause to break
up the Government. But there is a right, not
derived front the Constitution, but it is above,
independent of and superior to all Constitutions,
all laws and all Governments, and that is the
right of revolution. If the people of the North
west should be unable to obtain a repeal of those
laws, and should conclude that they were so un
just, so oppressive and so destructive of their
material interests, that they could not longer
t-uimil to them, they may determine to obtain a
redress of their grievances by the last and dernier
resort of an oppressed people; but it is not for
me at this time to say what they ouglit or will
do. We will meet and determine the question
when it is forced upon us.
The gentleman from St. Joseph has labored to
prove that the Democratic tarty is iu favor of an
armistice. By what authority docs he make this
statement? Has any Democratic Senator or
Representative said upon the floor of the Senate
or this House, that he was in frvor of it ? Has
there been any action or vote in either branch of
the Legislature, that would indicate we are iu
favor of an armistice? I would advise the gen
tlemeu of the opposition to wait until we get
ready to express our opinion on that subject, and
I can assure them that when we do Speak, we
will ppeak ns one man. I would advise them to
let our affairs alone, and atifrid to some ot the
leaders of their own party. The news from Wash
ington indicates that the abolition element of the
Administration oarty is in favor uot ouly of an
armistice, but the i Cognition of the Southern
Confederacy. 1 can assure them that if weehould
declare ourselves iu favor of an armistice, it will
not be for the purpose of recognizing the South
ern Confederacy, but it will be in the hope aud
lor the purpose of reconstructing the Government,
restoring the Union, preserving the Federal
Constitution, and re establishing the brotherly
teeling and friendly relations to our distracted,
divided and bleeding country that existed before
the present fanatical, cue-idea and sectional
party came into existence.
Mr. Van Buskirk: I understand tbe gentleman
to say that when the majority speak out on the
subject of an armistice, they would do it as one
man, but that he does not know how the) will
speak. How does he know that they will speak
as one man ?
Mr. Buskirk: The votes taken in this House
completely answer the question of my friend.-
V e are a band of brothers. e think together;
we act together; we vote together; we have done
so since the commencement of the session, and
we expect to do so until the close of it. If a ma
jority ot my party decide in favor of a measure,
which I do not altogether approve, I will still go
with my party in preference to voting with the
opposition.
Mr. Leeds: If vou knev that your party was
going wrong would you go with them?
Mr. Buskirk: If the support of the meature
involved I lie question of loyalty to my parly or
to my government, l would sustain my country
in preference to my party. But I have never
been placed iu that position, aud hope that I may
never be. 1 honestly and nimly believe lean
bet support my country inside of my party and
in concert with it. The history ol the Democratic
party down to the incoming of the present Ad
ministration, contains the history of my couutry.
If my country is ever restored to peace and pros
peiity.it will be done through the agency and
influence of the Democratic party. The mem
bers of the Opposition seem to have serious ap
prehensions about a Military Board. While I
am not prepared to say what our action will be
on that subject, I will say that whatever we may
do will be in strict conformitv with the Constitu
tion of the State of Indiana. We will not at
tempt to divest the G ivernor of any power which
is vested iu him bv the Constitution.
The gentleman from St. Joseph says that an
armistice was entered into the other day by the
members ot this House, and proceeds to charge
the majority with its violation? What are the
facts? We were proceeding with the ordinary
legislation of the country when the gentleman
from Jefferson made a violent, infl immatory,
threatening, aud rancorous speech, in which he
charged some of the members of the majority
with treason. V hat did you expect us to do?
Did vou suppose we would cowardly and meanly
submit to such a false and unfounded accusation?
If you did you have already discovered your
mistake, and I hope you will profit by your ex
perience. Tbe members of the Administration party upon
this floor complain bitterly of the introduction of
resolutions that contain sentiments that they do
not approve, and they attempt to hold the major
ity responsible for such resolutions. As soon as
a resolution is introduced, the reporters, corres
pondents and editors of their journals say, "Be
hold tbe action of the Indiana Legislature!" and
in a few days we have letters from tbe army de
nouncing the disloyal Democracy of Indiana.
Why is it that this party that possesses so much
loyalty and devotion to the country, labors so
hard to convince tbe Rebels that we are against
the Government and for them? lean conceive
of uo reason but that they think more of their
party than they do of their country. I admit
that many resolutions have been introduced, and
in my judgment a good many of them are unwise
and imprudent, and will never receive the ap
Kroval of this House. It is manifestly unjust to
old us responsible for them until we vote for
them. But theso gentlemen say that we have
referred them to tbe Committee on Federal Re
lations. That is true. This has been done un
der a rule of this House that was voted for by
the opposition party, and they have insisted upon
the rigid enforcement of the rule. I ask yea, I
demand of these gentlemen to state what resolu
tion has passed this House that they complain of.
We have passed no resolution, given oo vote.
nor done any act that justifies or even excuses
the unjust, malignant, false aud slanderous stories
that have been put in circulation. Can you not
atford to wait a few days, until the Committee on
Federal Relations submit their report, and then
vou will know what we are for and what n
against. I now predict that when we speak we'
will speak as patriots and statesmen should speak,
tod our action will receive the warm and hearty
approval of all loyal and conservative men.
Mr. Speaker, I have been thus open and frank
in stating the principles, policy and purposes of
the Democratic party, to relieve the opposition
from their unfounded apprehensions, and allay
the excitement that exists in tbe State, and which
has been produced by the false and malicious
stories which have been circulated for partisan
purposes. 1 think that the time has come when
we should be frank with each other. The con
duct of the Administration party has been such7
for the last six weeks, as to satisfy us that you
intend to inaugurate civil war. We believe that
the charges which have been made against us in
the Legislature, in the public journals and before
the people, have been made for the purpose of
exciting and exasperating Democrats to such au
extent as to impel them to commit some act of
violence, and thereby create an excuse and pre
text to call upon the military power of the State
to intimidate, overawe, and, if needs be, to inter
rupt the deliberations of this Legislature.
Messrs. Griffith. Leods, Budd and several
other members of the opposition party disclaimed
all knowledge of any such a programme.
Mr. Buskirk said that he and the whole State
would be rejoiced to be convinced that there was
no truth in it.
I give you notice that if you carry out this
programme, our State will be involved in civil
war, and our property will be destroyed, and our
wives and children murdered. Tbe Democratic
party has ever been in favor of law and order. It
has ever unalterably opposed mob law and vio
lence.. We intend to do so now. We intend to
do no act which will give just cause for violence
or social disorder. If we are involved in civil
war, you will be responsible for it.. But do not
suppose that we intend to cowardly and basely
submit. We have borne much. We have been
forbearing and forgiving. But we understand
our rights, and have the courage to maintain and
defend them. When the news that civil war
has been inaugurated is carried by railroad, by
telegraph and by other means, there will be such
a gathering of the clans in this Capital as has
never been seen before. Let us understand
each other. When the war begun many persons in
the North, said the Southerners were cowards and
would not fight. The men of the Soulh said one
Southern man was equal to five Vaukees. The
historv of the war lias demonstrated that the
men of both sections were wrong. It is no com
liment to an American citizen, whether you find
lim North or South, East or West, to say he is
a brave man. It is a part of his nature to be
brave and courageous, and to resist wrong and
oppression. I beseech you, do not let us com
mit the same fatal mistake. I concede to you
courage and bravery, and I claim the same quali
ties for my own party. I admonish you that the
victory is not always to the strong, nor the race
to the swift. The party which resorts to mob
law and violence will have the moral sentiment
of the world against it. and it will generally be
unsuccessful. Let us profit by the teachings of
h'u-tory and experience of the world. We are
told that H tm in was hung upon the gallows he
had erected for Mordecai; that Daniel slept
soundly and securely in the lions' den, while the
wicked men who put him ti:ere were devoured by
the wild beasts; that the three Hebrew children
who were placed in the fiery fuunce escaped un
scathed, while the persons who placed them there
were consumed by the devouring flames; that
the mm who invented the guillotine had his own
head cut off by it; that Robespierre and other de
mons who inaugurated and for a lime controlled
the French Revolution at last fell victims to the
fury of the mob. He that resorts to the sword shall
perish by the sword. I implore you to pause and
iet us consider what we are doing whither we
are drifting and what awful consequences will re
sult from our conduct. The gentleman Irom St.
Joseph has truthfully said that if civil war is in
augurated in our State that one party alone will
not suffer. We will all go down in one common
ruin. We have an equal interest in this country
and an equal motive to preserve the peace, and
save our beloved State from all the horrors and
enormities of civil war. You have property and
so have we. You have homes which arj dear to
you, and so have we. Yon have wives and help
less children, and so htve we. Who can contem
plate the horrors of such a strife? Our cities
will be burned our towns and villages will be
desolated our fair fields will be ravaged our
beautiful ftreams will be red with blood the
rich soil of Indiana will be enriched bv the best
blood of her citizens our homes will be deso
Uled, and our wives and children will be involved
iu the common ruin aud desolation and massacre
which will everywhere exist.
In conclusion, let me ask vou. what is all this
for, and w hat will be the result upon our National
affairs? If we could not suppress the rebellion
and destroy the armies of the South when we
were united, cau wo hope to do so when we are
divided and involved in civil war?
I beg the pardon of the House for the time I
have consumed. Wheu I com men eel my re
marks, I did not intend to speak more than fire
orten minutes, but you will bear me witness that
nearlv all the time has been consumed in answer
ing questions which have been asked me.
A Card from tlic?Iembcriof Ihellonic
of Ueprcsenfatlre) llefuKnaj tbe
Slanders Against ?Ir. Uuskirk.
Hall or the Hclsk of Representatives,
February 9, 1563.
To the ruhlic:
Our attention has been called to an editorial in
the Gazette of this city, of last Saturday, and to
a communication in the Indianapolis Daily Jour
nal, of this n oriiing, to the effect that Mr. Bus
kirk, of the county of Monroe, in a speech in
this House on la-t Friday said, that if civil war
was inaugurated iu this State, the Demo
crats would murder the wives and children of the
Administration party.
These detached and garbled statements wholly
pervert the meaning of Mr. Buskirk. We did
not understand him to say, that the Democrats
would murder the wives aud children of the mem
bers of the Administration party, or that the Ad
ministration party would inarJer the wives and
children of the members of the Democratic party.
Mr. Buskirk deprecated civil war, aud described
the crimes, horrors and enormities that would be
committed; and we understood him to say, and
to mean, that men of all parties would go down
together, aud that oir property would be de
stroyed, the Sute made desolate, and that our
wives and children would be Involved in the
common ruin, destruction and massacre that
would everywhere exist in the State.
To the end that justice may be done, and truth
vindicated, the undersigned, members of the
House, have, without distinction of party, signed
this card, and request the publication thereof.
. Robert N. Limb. T. W. Wooilen.
D. R. Van Buskirk. T. J. Cason,
W. W. Uiggins,
N. O. Shaffer,
Juo. T. Richardson,
James Forester,
S. M. Holcomb,
A. M. Puett.
0. H. P. Abbett,
John B. Milroy,
C. J. Miller,
O. F. Roberts.
C. Budd,
Thomas Ryan,
D. K. Pettibone,
Paris Robison,
A. T. Hardin,
R. B. Perry.
John Lemmon,
Geo. W. Priest.
O. S. Howell, -S.
Hetficld,
H. J. Bverle,
W. S. Hall.
J. W. Lemmon,
J. V. Wolfe.
J. C. Marshall.
Henlev James,
J.J. Johnson,
E. P. Ferris,
O. V. Pendleton,
J. W. Humphreys,
B. R. Kemp.
M. Waterman,
Stephen B. Cook,
J. M. Heishey,
Samuel Mustard,
A. C. Vetch,
R. F. Donaldson,
James Harden,
W. E. Niblack,
N. S. Given,
ßaylesa W Hanns,
J. R. O'Brien,
M. A- O. Packard,
Jas. F. Haruey,
P. N. Collins,
J. Abdiil,
Sam'l McCaughey,
G. Y. Atkison,
John A. Reitz.
Chas. B. Lasselle,
Daniel Blocher,
Samuel A. Shoaff,
John S. Tarkington,
B. F. Giegory,
E. M Spencer,
I. C. Branham,
0. Bird,
Richard Lake,
R. Osborn,
John P. Shoafi.
t37Mr. Murray, a Republican .Senator, ad
m'uted yesterday that secret societies were form
ing all over the State by hia party friends uuder
the pretense of opposing the scheme of taking
the State out of the Union. Mr. Cobb, in his
speech, struck him when he said that this cry
raised by the Abolitionist against the Democrats
was to cover up designs of their own to inaugu
rate schemes of oppression against the people.
CSPOne hundred and sixty more Rebel prl.
tiers ara expected to arrive here shortly. yk great
many of those now here rre wounded, and some
of tncni very badly.
The Hendricks OrationSpeeche of
lion. Tl. Hl Hay and lion Thoma I
A. llendrlcka.
At the Hendricks ovation in Sbelbyville, on j
Thursday last, Hon. Martix M. Rat welcomed
tbe distinguished guest in tbe following appropri
ate and eloquent address:
I have been selected, by the proper committee,
as the organ of tbe Democracy of Shelby couDty,
to tender lo yon. at this stage of a festival pre
pared in your honot by the Democratic ladies and
gentlemen of this town and county, a hearty
welcome to their midst, crowned with those new
rtAnnr war KI r Vi wmt Vt fa m vol 1 Mtnikrl ai nst i .
which they so proudly rejoice. j
I nis spontaneous gttnenng 01 your democratic
friends, from their farms, from the villages and
surrounding cities, I tender you aa the highest
aud sincerest tribute to your worth as a man, and
your claims as a statesman, as well as an obla
tion of present friendship and a pledge of future
fidelity.
Shelby county claims you as one of her trusted
and honored sons, if she has sympathized with
you in times of defeat, if she has vindicated your
reputation from calumny, when assailed by mal
ice, so she is now alive with sensibility and pride
for your present success, and with hope and jeal
ous concern for your future fame.
As a joint representative of the sovereignty of
our proud State, and at a time when the most
momentous issues of peace aud war depend npon
military conflict and patriotic counsel, you have
been summoned to the Senate of the United
States by the united voice of the Democracy of
Indiana. They consider you a representative
man; and that in your hands the flag of the Re
public and the banner of Democracy shall wave
as living emblems of eternal unity the one over
a great, liberal, generous Commonwealth of De
mocracy, and the other over a fraternal people
and a restored nationality.- They have given no
heed to the partisan clamor that roared along
your pathway, against your patriotism and loyal
ty. The Democratic party of Shelby county is
a loyal party, and tin's testimonial of honor is
reserved for their loyal Senator. They will stanl
by him and the Constiititution as long as he
stands by the Constitution and the Union.
Au ample field is now open to you for the ex
ercise of the highest qualities of patriotism and
statesmanship. The public man who ahall, at
this crisis, forget self, and rise to that high level
of moral courage and political philosophy, which
neither panders to the bad passions of men on the
one hand, nor worships at the shrine of power on
the other if not I he idol of the people, is at least
the hope of his country. 1 have no vain words
of adulation on behalf of this people, but they
claim, as vour life long friends, a share of the
honors of the position to which you have been
elevated a position where, in the happier days
of the republic, the eloquence of a Clay nnited
States in the fervor of patriotism, and the .argu
ment of a Webster bound them in the fetters ot
revetence for the Constitution and the Union.
They have faith that, a the genius of history
shnii unroll the chart of American destiny, and a
bleeding countrr shall challenge your wisdom,
courage, prudence and humanity, that you will
have the wisdom to compass, the courage to
grapple with, the prudence to harmonize, and the
humanity to sympathize with the sorrows and
griefs that this aid war has brought upon the
country.
In presenting you to this people in your new
relation of Senator, allow me to assure you that
we do not forget the perils and responsibilities of
that relation, and that when you come to deal
with the practical questions of war and peac . that
you will be as ready to sustain a legitimate war
as to hail the first dawn of an honorable peace on
the basis of a restored Union.
Fellow citizens, I present to you your Senator
elect, w ith the confident assurance that you will
never have cause to regret the choice of tbe
Democratic Legislature, aud that he will prove in
the future, as in the past, worthy of every trust,
equal to every emergency, and a pledged foe to
every fanaticism, usurpation and corruption.
Mr. Hendricks, in response to the addresa of
Mr. Rat, and the cot dial and enthusiastic wel
come of his life'!ong neighbors and friends of
Shelby county, spoke iu substance as follows:
Mr. Hendricks took the stand amid the most
deafening mo; lause, at the elope of which he com
menced by saving that he was gratified at tba4
reception, by those who -had known him from his
childhood, aud that the welcome had been ex
picfied by an old personal friend. He briefly
referred to the honors Shelby county had con
ferred upon him. at all times extending to him
her confiiieiit-e. The election to the United States
Senate brings with it weighty rei-ponsibilities.
Can a man now well and safely say what be will
do in a twvHe month from lh;. liuie? What
will then be duty, no one, without the gift of
prophesy, cau now sat; but lie felt sure that if,
in the exercise of no rioiie.-t judgment, he dis.
charged his duty as the represeu latue of Iudiana,
according to conscience, he would again be sus
taiued by the men of Shelby count v , who will
regard his faults with indulgence, and his merits
with partiality. For himself he would only ask
that when censure fell upon him, as it must, they
will hear him in his vindication, and then judge
as the right should require.
He had not' come this day to m ike au argu
ment, or lo discuss the quei-tions that now occu
py public attention, but to nie t old and true
friends, with them t enjoy the festivities of the
occasion; jet it might le proper to refer to some
subjects, about which ho knew they had consulted
together at their homes.
Two years have brought upon our country a
reverse of her fortunes. We were united, pros
perous and happy a -ect;enal jndicy and party
triumphed, and we ate overcome by evils that
threaten our dcstruct:oii. 1 hate i;o defense to
make for the Suth iu her present position am
no advocate of hr course. In fidelity to tho
Union, the North could i'ot organize herself into
a sectional party. Mid upon cniiiuents o! hos'ility
to the South, undertake the control of the gov
eminent; jei this was not sufficient cause for the
breaking up of M relations. We were friends
to the South, and although beaten in I860, we
were ready, protected by the panoply of truth and
the Constitution, to fight on for the constitutional
rights of every section. We Democrat have
cause of complaint The men of the Soulh should
have stood by im in the bitt!e for the Constitu
tion and civil liberty. That battle should have
been fought within the Constitution and behind
established institutions
The m ar has r.gre-ed with varying results.
What success has Mttended Southern arms, and
such disasters as have overtaken Northern arms,
are properly chargeable upon the President aud
present Congress. Eighteen months since, the
Presideit, in his message, said that .in all tbe
States of the South, except, pet haps, S;juÜi Caro
lina, there was a Union majority, irftis and the
Confederate Congress had tried to unite the
South, but could not ; he could rally an army
only 300,00') strong, but when Mr. Lincoln and
Congress adopted abolition as the purpose of the
war, in violation of the pledged faith given to the
soldiers, the South became united ud the North
distracted. Had he President and Congress in
good faith adhered to the a.-surauce and pledge
given in the Crittenden resolution.-, not a dissent
ing voice would hue been heard iu the North,
while the Union men of the Smith would have
gained strength.
Should our Government go down in the Tortcx
of this revolution, the responsibility ia upon Abo
litionism What has been the effect of the Pres
ident's proclamation? Perhaps not one slave has
been made free by it, but it has caused divisious
in the North, and baa stripped the soldier of his
pride. In the diu of the battle, when the mis
siles of death are falling like rain drops, the sol
dier looks to hia flag, and tbe sentiment 'hat it
is the emblem of the Union upon the Constitu
tion; that he fights to restore that Union upon
the basis of the Constitution, with the rights of
the States unimpaired, nerves him to meet the
shock of the battle. But, instead of that proud
sentiment, he is made to feel that be fights to de
stroy established institutions, and to free tbe ne
gro, his soldierly oride is gone, aud his victories
are likely to go with it. Tbe partisans of the
Administration denounce Democrats, because
they demand that tbe Constitution shall be re
spected and maintained. For that we are charged
with disloyalty and treason. Who are the loyal
men? The men who are faithful to the Consti
tution. Who in the North are disloyal? The
men who trample uuder foot the Constitution,
and treat it as a "covenant with death and a
league with bell." Ho ia not R loyal man who
makes the freedom of the negro paramount to
tbe Union and tbe Constitution. -Our Union
cannot be restored, with fraternal relations
among tbe people North and South, until Abo
litionism Is buried never again to be resurrected.
I will not discuss the conduct and achievements
of tbe Generals. I ltck military knowledge to
do that. But it seems proper to say io this be
half, that they have been allowed so fair trial.
Interference by incompetent men at Washington
has disturbed and frustrated their plan, and
brought failure, if not defeat, where victory
otherwise might have been achierrd, and the
teachings of experience seem to be lost upon the
President and this Congress.
The last and crowning act of infamy on tne
part of this Congress, ts to be the enactment of
the law to organize one hundred and fifty thou
sand negroes into regiments. Tbe bill has passed
the House, and I believe will pass the Senate,
aud be approved by Mr. Lincoln. Three Republi
can members voted against it. Tbeir names
should be preserved in letters of gold. What
does this legislation mean? Is it that tbe SO,
000,000 white men of the North cannot cope
with the 7.000,000 white men at the South? Or
is it that the negro will make a better soldier
than tbe white man? Do these men think be will
stand upon the rough edge of battles, where oar
soldiers falter? Every mau who votes for that
bill, aud the President when he signs it, offers a
direct and gross insult to every man in whose
'veins flows the blood of our race an insult that
the proud men of Indiana will not forgive.
Among all nations tha profession of arms has
been regarded as most honorable. The profes
sion developes the higher qualities of manhood
firmness, coolness and courage. The party in
power now propose by this bill to place the ne
gro upon an equality with the white 6oldiers in
this the most honorable of all pursuits. Let the
men who do this thing be driven from the high
places by the ballots of the people. As a war
measure it is most dangerous. The safety of th
soldier iu battle ia in tbe firmness of all the regi
ments, one regiment uecessirily leaning upon
' another lor support. Shall Indiana lean for sup
port, in the terrible hour of battle, upon negro
regiments? When they are made to d? so by
this Administration, and the negroes give way,
as they will do, and then our troops are forced
back and slaughtered in retreat, their blood will
be upon the spirits of the authors of this outrage.
Can it bs possible that the salety, tbe honor and
the glory of my country U to rest upon the shoul
ders of negro regiments? In church poetry I
find the lines:
"Upon wbat a slender cord
Uaii verlaMing thingt."
If our country's fmtunes depend upon negro
intelligence and egro valor, then may w e sing.
Cpon what a leuder curd
Hang kahtult Ibuifrs."
The men will be n.arked who have done
The people w? ose sons aud brothers are in the
field will not forgive the insult.
The necessitict of the war hare made the
Treasury notes the currency of the people. I
know that the supporters of the Administration
charge that we Democrats rejoice when this cur
rency goes down. How absurd! When it goea
down in Republican pockets is the depression cot
felt in Democratic pockets? As this has become,
and for a time must continue, an important part
of our currency, going into all the channel of
trade and commerce, I shall regard It my dutv to
do all I can, constitutionally, to sustain its value.
The proposition of the Secretary of tbe Treasury
to adopta system to break dowu our Statebanks,
to make mure room for Government uotes, or
their substitutes, is a blow at State legislation not
to be sustained, and from wh ch relief to the
Treasury is not likely to come. The bills of our
State Bank would th'S day be within a few cents
of gold, if not par, were they not dragged down
by the legal tender paper. While the bar.k may
redeem its circulation in that paper, it notes
must have the same current value. But. inde
pendent of that fact, our State Bank paper is a
conveuieut, reliable aud par currency. It has
served our trade, and benefited the people, and
should not be driven out to make way for a lew
reliable substitute.
Fears have been entertained by some, and ty.
others professed, that w are ou the eve of civil
strife and bloodshed in our own Sute. Without
this, we have trouble enough upon as Of that
we are admonished by the bereaved home, the
broken fortunes, corrupted morals, and the bur
den of public debt and taxation. Every man
owes it to himself, his family and his countrr, to
promote peace and harmony at home. If the
Republican rulers end partisans will der their
dutj but half as well as the Democrats will, we
need fear no violence. It is a Democratic senti
meiit that the laws must be respected and obeyed.
Efforts have been made to ejtcite apprehensions
of public danger, with a view to political eflect.
It may be that some gentlemen have been scared,
and that has caused some concern in my mind,
for a scared man with power in hia hands, is dan
gerous. A firm, cool and courageous man will
Dot precipitate the country into trouble. But
you cannot tell what a scared mau will do, espe
cially if frightened at unreal and imaginary
things. For our country, let us stand by the law
and public order.
Will vou allow u suggestion upon another sub
ject, bearing upon that upon which I have been
speaking? Fome of our young men who have
volunteered, have, without sufficient thought,
abandoned their companions and returned borne
without proper authoritj;'and a sympathy in their
behalf has suggested a resistance to any efforts
to compel their return to the service. Now.
however much jou may feel for them, resistance
cannot be justified. It is reposition to law and
lawful authority. Although I made no appeals
to men to volunteer, as I would not say go, when
I was uot going myself, yet I mutt aay to tboe
who have voluntarily enlisted, jou cannot relieve
yourstlve by a breach of law, and you ought uot
to involve your frie:ids in acts of violence which
must bring trouble upon them. In thU State i
have no occasion to complain ihit the courts
hat e teen unable to relie e from illegal enlist
ments. In almost every case the writ of hatess
corpus ba? been res;ecteJ. For that we are
much indeb'ei to the ccornpli-hea soldier. Col.
Carringtoii, who is at the head of military mat
ters in this State. He has required that tee civil
authority he rc-iiccted within his coram nd.
What this year wiil bring to ws w e cannot tell.
Ferhaps the condition of public affair justifies the
hope that the war cannot hist much longer, and
that soon the sunshine of peace w ill rejoice the
land. Whatever docs come, let us do our duty
as conscience and enlightened judgment dictate.
At any momeut I am ready for compromise and
adjustment upon the bas s of a restored Union
to give to the South all rights'under the Consti
tution, and such gnvrantees as may stake their
rights secure. We have elected a Dcmocratie
House of Representatives, unless a fraud is re
sorted to to defeat the elections, but that Con
gress will probably not be in session before next
December. In the meantime Abolitionism con
trols the Government We have not ouch to
hope from such a source for our country. The
people have sp-keu, 13.000,000 etning.' The
great States of New York, and westward to Illi
nois, have said to tbe President, withdraw your
proclamation and return o the pledge given to
the country and the saldier, bit he bceds then
not.
Thi Government belongs to the millions; yet
the President, elected by a minority, says to
them I will disregard jour will. Events may,
however, compel him to respect that will.
The effort to control public opinion by epithets,
by threats, by violence and by dungeons, has
failed. Tins vast assembly attests the failure.
Bold and honcrt, the people will vindicate their
right and their manhood at tbe ballot box.
Maintaining the rights ol the people as defined
and tecured by the Constitution and lawt, fl
Democratic party cannot fall.
Again, I thank you for the honor yon biTw
this day done me.
AxoTHia "Oycoirvo Woman. We wib
liaheJ, a few days lince, the exp!oita cf Mrs.
Spencer, of Clinton county, Indiana, in prent
ing her husband, Joseph Spencer, on the 23th of
December last, with four young Spencers at one
btih. But Mrs. Magee, of Rowena, Wells
county, Indiana, is greatly "on!:)! than
Mr. Spencer, in the way of babies. During a
period-of three years, seven mouths and nine
teen days, Mrs. M. gave birth to twelve children,
all of whom are "alive and kickins. The births
occurred as follows: June 24th, 169. one child;
June 30ih, 1859. two children; May 23ih. 18G0,
two children; March 29th, IfcGI, three children;
February 13th, lfc'62, four children. In these
war times Mrs. M.'s services iu recruiting infantry
are invaluable. N. A. Ledger.
9" The town clock and a Shanghai rooatar
near our office are both frequently out of order.
The rooster nrast belong to an Abolitionist, forte
commences his midnight crowing usually be
tween nine and ten o'clock, and the town clock
is quite as often out of order, and as wide of thw
mark as tbe feathered time keeper.

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