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Jo VOL. XXII, NO. 40. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1863. WHOLE NO. 1,233. r NB ANA S Ä NE ) WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL rump aid muiiiD itih iordat it t IVE AV SEI TI IV E I, OF FI C E, SO. 1 SOUTH MERIDIAN STREET, OPPOSITE THE OLD POSTOFFICE. ELDER, IIARKNESS, ii BIXGI1AM, TEEMS OK WEEKLY SESTINEL: One copy on year 1 50 Tea copies, and one to the maker of the club . .. 15 00 Twenty copies, and two to the maker of the club. . 30 00 Additions can b m de to Club a Cany tiW at th e above rates. Tb. aame will bo printed oo each paper, without xtra charge. ' One square, one Insertion to 75 two 1 00 " four " 1 00 For each subsequent insertion, and for each inser tion of each additional ,uare 33 Advertisement published In both the Daily and the Wdekly SsTi!f at, will bet-harped the fall Daily rates, with one-half the Weekly r-ttes added. Announcing deaths with funeral notice attached, $1; without notice free. Marriage Notices 50 cents. Notice of Festivals, Picnics and Excursion, (rotten up by individuals or association, or by churches, at t je reg ular prices. Advertisements leaded and placed under the head of Special Notices, If ten lines orover, willbectaargeddouble the usual rates. Teivrly advertiser to pay quarterly. Announcing candidates for offices of every description to be charged at the rate of $1 50 for each name in the Daily, and 2 in the Daily and Weekly.the same to be, In all cases, paid in advance. Leat advertisement inserted at tbe expense of the at- torneysorderins andnotdeUyableforaeW Inifs, but collectable at our usual time. PubliMiers not accountable for the acenrwv of leeal advertisementbe f ond the amount charced f-r their publication. ELDER, IIARKNESS k BINGHAM. Proprietors Indiana State Sei-4inel. J. M. Til-FORD. President tndlanapolItJournalCompany . '1'JrJ.E JDAJFLT5T SETTTXTSTRT. Will be ent by mil or express to subscribers any point for sixty cnts a month, or sven dollars a year. All ubscriptlons invariahlv in advance. Addre ELDER HRKNESS, BINGHAM. The f.ate Cartgrrssienal Klection in Louisiana Another Dangerous Act of Executive t aurpatlon. On the9ih instant, in the House of Represent atives, there was a discussion on the report of the majority of the Committee on Elections, in favor of admitting Benjamin F. Flandirs ns the Rep resentative from the first Congressional District of Louisiana, and Michael IIahx, from the Sec ond District, to their seats in the House. The remarks of Mr. Yoorheks upon the occasion to. show most clearly and conclusively the danger to the liberties of the people by this act of Exec utive usurpation in attempting to control Congress ana me legislation 01 me country mrougn unitary elections in the insurrectionary districts. If I euch elections are permitted if Represent- ( i.t t " . .i l. : atives in Congress are to be chosen un der the direction and control of the military commanders, or Governors of States or districts, and the will of the people of the loyal State thus defeated, the people might as well surrender at once the rights of freemen and pro claim the President the Dictator of the nation. It amounts to just that, no matter under what form or name whether as President, Dictator, Emperor or King, the Executive of the nation assumes, controls and directs the .administration of the Government Politicians of the Joi Wright school talk about preserving the "lfe of the nation," but in so doing they propose to erect a Governmental despotism as fatal to the rights and liberties of the citizen as the most arbitrary government of the Old World. It is not government lor which the people of the United States are struggling. The people of Greece, of Hungary, of Poland, of Austria, of France, have a government. AH communities acan have a government if they will liut sub mit to despotic rule. That is not what we understand as being involve I in the present crisis of the country. The people desire a free Gov ernment a constitutional Government the Gov ernment and the institution such as the fathers of the Republic framed, and which secured to every citizen, high and low, rich and poor. con. ftitutional liberty and popular political rights. Upon these poiut the remark of Mr. Vookhees contain many suggestions worthy the considera tion of every man who desiies to preserve the. Government which Washixotoj inaugurated, and which was preserved and perpetuated by his successors until now. Let us not lose that rich heritage by insiduous acts of Executive .usurpa tion. To secure it for ourselves and hand it down to our children as we received it, we should em nlate the patriotism, the self denial and the sacri fices of the men who achieved Union, Liberty and Independence. The Inquisition. The Grand Jury of the United States Court is still devoting its entire energies and the credulity of its members to a partisan examination of the character and objects of secret political orders in Indiana. They care but little as to the existence of such organizations, for most of them are fully advised that Republic!. and Abolitionists have instituted secret political societies all over the State, but the investigation is prosecuted solely with the hope thxt no rue odium may be f.isttued npon the Democratic party. We hear that it is the intention of the Jury to imprion a witness because tie will not divulge the obligation of an order to which he belongs, although he testifies that there is nothing disloyal, treasonable or unpatriotic in its objects, or that can be so construed. As wel might a Grand Jury attempt to compel a Mason or aa Odd Fellow to divulge the obligations of those orders." They alieadv profess to know the obligation of the order to which the wkne-ss be- longs, and upou that information they can judge of ita character without asking him, to violate his honor and perbaps his oath. Would the Foreman of the Grand Jury regard it as honorable in him self, or that it was within tbe province of the Jury, to evcu ask him to divulge the obligation of tbe secret political order to which he belonTS, and which upou bis honor and perhaps under his Oath be is pledged not to reveal to tbe uninitiated? W should like to have tbe Jury tttt him in that regard. Tbe inquisition will signally fail of its purpose. The peopla understand it They know that the investigation aa now conducted bas its origin in the rankest partisanship, and that it is only to make political capital for the party whose policy and acts are ruining the country. Death or Nicholas Losowoata The weal thiest man in this city and in the West, passed from time to eternuy when Mr. Locgworih breathed bia last, lew days a:o. Tbe value of his estate is estimated at seven Tmillioa dollars. His will was admitted to probate yesterday. He bas not given one dollar 10 anv charitable institu tion, nor for the promotion or learning or the arts or sciences. His appropriations to tiiese objects were made in bis lifetime, and were numerous. His blood relations inherit his rast estate, he even turning off those a ho married his children with a cold shoulder. He was a singular mar., eccentric and original. He dressed shabbily and slovenly, and was proud of it. He was miserly, and yet munificent; be was penurious and yet prodigal in manj respects. He despised the worthy poor, but, gloried in feeding the worthless and the vaga bond of the community. His charitable acts were more tbe results of his ecccutricity than of genuine benevolence. Cm. Price Current. 7Iut Go It llllnd. It seems that the Administration bas deter mined, and fcnued an order according!? through the military authorities, th.tt no more newspaper must be sent or sold to soldiers in the Union army ! This new dodge to withhold information from the rank and file, is doubtless predicated on the failuy of such partisans ns Colonels Hcxter. Goodixo and Co., tJ impress those umler them with the belief that' the Democracy their rela tives, friepds and neighbors at home were the enemies of the soldier. The schemers see plainly that, so long as the gallant volunteers are per mitted to read and judge for themselves, they cannot be deceived and tricked into the Abolition ranks, and hence the attempt to exclude from them all knowledge but such as they themselves think it expedient and proper to dole out for their edification. - JcrrEHsox well remarked '-hat "error of opinion 'may be tolerated wheie reason is left free to com bat it," but our would be military dictators have no notion of permitting their errors, ol fact or opinion, to be confronted with such formidable or inconvenient adversaries as reason and argu ment. Not satisfied with holding those under their command to the most perfect and unresist ing docility and obedience in military matters, the Abolition juhieftaina seem disposed to deprive the soldier of the humble privilege of thinking or having an opinion of his own on matters of interest relating to our civil affairs. Their beau ..... , ,. , . , ideal ol the soldier is, an emasculated biped a miiiurv machine with DO r knowledge ot public anairs except wn.it has been first purged and refined by the political alchy mists undet whom he serves. From the very ne cessity pf his political position, the American sol dier 'a a man a freeman as well as a soldier, and can never cease to feel an interest in the acts and measures of the people's servants in civil as well as military life. This attempt, therefore, to crib, cabin-in and dwarf his mind, like a Swiss or Hessiau mercenary, into the passive in strument of his siierior's will, in things apper taining to the political'iia e!t as military affairs of his country, can never succeed, and tnu?t re coil on the heads of those now trying the ex peri uif i it. As a general thing, (and it is fortu nate that it is so.) the American soldier carries with hi in into the army that .knowledge of the elemental principles of Republic hi Government, liberty and law, which, in any situation, cannot fail to serve him against the wiles of despots and usurpers or their subservient tools, with or with out shoulder strips, to use him, in bis military capacity, to subserve the interests of faction in the overthrow of those civil rights guaranteed to M bv lh(J il)COmp;ir,bie institutions of our coun- TnoM, tliere-ore wno ate al,emrti,.K to mouj our soldiers to their ": wishes, will find. sooner or later, that they have reckoned without their host.' The Vickburff Cut-Off. A correspondent writing from near Vicksburg, under date of the 6th hist., thus alludes to the attempt to divert the channel of the Mississippi by cutting a canal across the bend opposite Vic Lo burg: ; The "last ditch" is nt present played out. Wa ter has been running through it sluggishly for ten days; but. cH'.trary to all sage predictions, the soil utterly refuses to wash away into the Missis sippi below, as it was fondly hoped it wou'c. No coaxing, conjuring, or engineering has thus far been able to ui vert the current of the obaqueFather of Waters from the even tenor of his way. That way, unfortunately for inter St ife cnminnnica tion. lies directly under Rebel puns at Vicksburg. The old mouth h s been "blockaded" wjth bags of sand, and a large force engaged fur several days in opening a new one that will leave the river some distance above where the main current of the river sets in near shore, and-intersects the present canal about one thiid of the way, across the point. The labor will most certainly be lost. I am no engineer, but think I have practical sense enough to know the "concern" can never be made available. A canal, to answer the purpose, is being dug all the way across the point at least fifty feet wide, and fifteen or twenty fett deep.- It must be cut the required width and depth first, for no "wash ing" can be depended on till dug o the quick sand, which is from twenty to thirty-feet beneath the surface. ' To dig such u canal will take too long. Beside, the river is rising, nnd will soon drive us from the point altogether, if it con tinue, and before the work could l.e more than commenced. ' And. even ff finished, and water sufficient running through t to float all the neces sary tuuhoats miiiI transports, there is no sur nnce to my mind that we should not find its mouth as thoroughly commanded by Rebel guns from the opposite heights as the channel of the river now i. Be not surprised if the whole project turn out a stupendous engineering humbug. rvom Washington. Correspondence of the N. T. Journal of Commerce.! Washington, February 12. An intelligent m m who formerly resided in this city but who, lor reisons not proper to mention here, has resided, in Richmond for the last len months, has recently arrived in Washington. He was a clerk in the Adjutant General's office under' the Confederacy, and resigned his po-ition for the double purpose ot avoiding the conscription and making his escape to the North. He came North on foot, creeping along stealthily, and between Culpepper Court House and the Potomac he did not happen to nieei a single Rebel or Federal soldier. The information which he has commu nicated to the authorities here is considered au thentic, and I am enabled to give you a few par ticulars. The fact that he was a, clerk in the office of the Adjutant General gives importance to his statement concerning the Rebel army. He says that there are only Ail regiments hi the Southern army, but that these are all kept full, ami all skeleton regiments tptve been abandoned; the total nnmberof men at the present time being 525.000, which will certainly be increased to TIKI 01)11 liv rhu fi-cr Af li..,o Tl. i !.,.! m j ber yf Rebe, (fficers ,ie e!ltim,tes Ilt 33 or about one-half those in the Federal army, and he asserts most positively that droves of thatkid- 1 e-T. 00 BO' ' cruw" u.'e noieis 01 jticnmona asiney KU? ii-ci c. jlxo sa9 iv is m cviuiuuii iK'turrrncv lor men to be shot down for attempting to shirk their duty, and from U'n knowledge, githered from the records, at least 2,500 have thus perished in dif ferent parts of the country. When he left Richmond there were fire thou, and negroes enajied in stretigtlie:iiu the de fenses ol that city, mid now it is surrounded by three lines of lortificatiops. He t'escribes the consternation that prevailed in the Rebel Capital when the Merrimac was Mown up, and when. Gen. McClellau was at Harrison t Landing, as truly frightful, and there was at least one occa sion when the city might have been captured with ease. It was' a common saying among the Con federates, that the only man thev feared was McClelUn. - . In th? opinion of our informant, the rebellion can never be put down until the finances of the R'-bels are ruined or their army broken, for until these events take place the leaders will have -their own way and the m asses remain in a state of subjugation. Cripple the head devils, and then things will come right. An auction sale took place this morning oa Government account of a large amount ot sub sistence k to res, which are declared unfit for use. To whom we are indebted for this waste of pub lic property is not stated, but among the articles sold are the following: 173.644 pounds! of bacon, 335 barrels of beef and pork, together with a mis cellauepua assortment of flour, molasses, coffee, potatoes, &c. The Republicans about this rejrion f re rather disgusted with the selfishness of the California members of the House who were candidates for the Senatorship, because, as is alleged, their squabble secured the election of a Democrat. Nothinz better could have happened for the Golden State, in such a time as this, and those' who have not wholly forgotten their countiy are hoping that similar results may come to light In other quarters. Krmarks of . .Vir. 'Voorliee In tbe House of llepresentaf ive on the Louisiana Congressional Klection. Asa meinbtrof the committee that reported this resolution to the House, having voted uainst the action vf the committee in the committee room, I desire briefly, and very briefly, to express the views which will govern my vote hero in the House. . It would nave given me great pleasure to nave concurred with the committee in this ca;e. It would give me al-Mi very great pleasure to vote upon the floor of this House for the admission of the gentlemeu who re presenting their applica tions here. And I wish to say nt once, as a preface to the remarks I shall make, so that thete shall be no- misunderstanding, that the gentlemen from New Orleans have so borne at.d conducted themselves during this examination as to win the entire respect of every member of the committee. No part of my objection to their en trance into this hull, therefore, can be considered personal. -'' - It has been the rule of my action since I have been a member of this (louse to take the laws and the Constitution of my country as my guide. I have done so honestly aud conscientiously; and in doing so, I regret to t-ay that 1 have nearly al ways found mvself in a minority. And it hap pens to-day. iiut, sir, I concei-e my dufy to be a plain cue. I do not concur with the chairman of the committee, Mr, Dawes, when be speaks of the affirmative action, of this House in admit ting these gentlemen to seats here as doing but little violence to the laws nnd Constitution of our country., I regard such an action by the House as a total subversion of the principles of repre sentative government. I repird U'is question as one of exceeding and paramount importance. I regard it as setting a precedent for future action which will be exeee.iinjjly imjiortaiit iu its bear ing on the destiny of this Government. In other words, I regard it as surrendcni.g to the Ex ecu live the branch of the Government to which we belong. In my judgment the Executive has al feadv usurped the judicial department of this (Jovei niuent by the Mipeusion of the writ of in leis corpus. It lacks but tiie am-cion of such n report as the committee has made in this case to surrender up the legislative Iep utiuetit also to the Executive. I hn ve no doubt that this House will do it. Step by step Executive encroach ment has come upon this country with a rapidity the like of which is -uiknown 10 h.story ; the like of which has never been seen iu any country that called itself free. Now, in Mipixirt of these observations which I have made in regard to the surrender of the leg islative department to the Executive, by the principle sought 10 be' enforced b this report, allow me to submit to the House what 1 conceive the law in such cases to le. The law as laid down in England, in a report before ine, in lite case of Hall vs. Campbell, (1st Cowpcr's Re ports,) and which has the sanction of the highest coutts of our own country, is this: if you make conquest of territory from a foreign enemy with whom you Hie ut war. xou ni i in that territory in hielt you have mane conque-t and plantcu your powtr, establish municipal regulations and civil laws,-set aside the !aws which there prevail, and substitute a system of law s made bv the leg islative authority of this coun'ry This, howev er, i.- not true in the ease ot m ii..uri-ectionary di.-t:ict belonging to this Government. If you reduce a it-voTled Slate to obedience you cannot supercede her laws and her domestic institutions. She is protected in them by that vcrv Constitu tion whose supremacy you claim it as the mis.-ion of our arms to restore.' AH such States mu-t be taken back, if taken back at all, with all the laws unimpaired which they themselves have made for their own government, pursuant to the guirau tees of the Federal Constitution. Understand thi principle. If the Southern Confederacy is a foreign Power, an independent nation-lity to day, and you have conquered back the territory of Louisiana, you may then substi tute a new system of laws injhe. place of the laws of that State. You may then supplant her civil institutions by institutions made anew for her by the proper authority of this Government not by the executive, but by the legislative branch ol the Government, assisted by the Executive simply to the extent of signing his ntme to the bills of legislation. If the Chairman of the Com mittee of Ways and Means Mr. Stevens is cor rect; if the gentleman from Kansas M". Conwav is Correct, ami this hs-uiiiJ P.iwer iu the South is .1 Power of Ihe earth, arid stands to day upon equal trrms of nai'ouality wiUi ourselves, and we conquer buck S1 te by State its territory by the power of .itin-. liien wenn govern tln.m itnle iendcntly of tiie r bcal laws. But it the theorv that we have been proceedm-; up-m here, that this Union mihiokeu; that 110 S'ates have sundered the IhmiJs that bind us together; that no successful disunion b is vet taken place it that theory is Still to prevai1 111 llie-e Hails, then this thing can not be done. You are as much bound to uphold the laws of Louisiana in all their extent aud in all their prt as yon are to uphold the laws of Pennsylvania or Sew York or any other State whoe civil policy has not been disturbed. Such is th. law as laid down iu numerous de cisions We have had one ja-e in hi country. We conquered California from the republic of Mexico, and took possession of her by our arms. It is a rase sometimes quoted b gentlemen peek ing to sustain tlie view taken by the majority of the committee in tliisc-se I neiiev e it is quote! in their teioif, though, to roniess the truth, I have not h id time nor has my health allowed me to make, such preparation as I would have de sired, even to the reading of the report of the committee. I know very well, however, the views entertained' by the chairman and the ma jority of the committee in the committee room. I repeat that this case, in the instance of the t on quest of California, is often relied on; it is the case of Cross et I. v. Harrison. In that case our own Supreme Court laid down the principle to which I have already adverted. It was decided that we held C ilifornia not ns a part of our coun try, where our own laws prevailed, laws made in pursuance of our own Constitution, which our arms had been, as they ought to have been in this instance, employed to uphold, but as a conquest from a foreign nation, and hence that we bad a right to subs'.itute a different and distinct set of municipal regulations to that which had previously there prevailed It is one of the belligerent rights that prevail under the law of nations, and it only exists, as I have already Said iu cases of tenitory conijuered from a foreign enemy. Sir, let tne ask this House what we have been warring for. Have we "been sending our fleets to the South for the purpose of making new codes of laws for States? Have we been sending our fleeU and armies there for the purpose of empow ering the Executive of th country to set aside the laws of the Slates which may become subject to our military power? The people have pot so understood it. They have understood, on the contrary, that we hive been making war for the purpose of resurrecting and upholding the pros trated laws, placing them ouc-e more erect, and giving the people who may desire it the benefit of them How does this principle apply to the case under discussion? Ltt us see. The President of the United States appoints Major General Butler to the command of the Department of tbe Gulf. Under him is a simple Brigadier General, General Shepley. He is called a "Military Governor;" but the farts in this case show that he was simply a Brigadier General, with the duty imposed upon bim of reporting to General Butler as his superior officer.. He went there with none other than military powers. He went there with none other than military instructions none, at least, whicu could be legally given him. -He goes there and he a aii met to act, not only as Brigadier General, but as Governor of the Sute of Louisiana. Now. I will pause here, and ask the Chairman of the Committee on Elections, or nnv other gen tleman upon this door, to tell me by virtue of what clause iu the Constitution, by virtueot what rule of law the President of the United States has authority to appoint any human beinga"Mili tary Governor?" He has not 0t it. It is nowhere given him. it is an assumed power. I will tell you tbe extent, and the sole extent, to which the power of a so called Military Governor can law fully go. The commandant of a military depart ment may take possession of an insurrectionary and disturbed district, and there enforce order and peace. He may take possession of a region dis turbed by riot and armed disorder,' command peace, and give the people an opportunity to assert -their civil rights once more. He can do no more than that. I defy the ingenuity of nan to show me the law that gives bim more authority than this. Tlie Executive has no law for an appoint ment to go beyond this purpose. It is not be tween the two lids of the Constitution. The sole duty of the officer under such circumstances is to keep the peace, and his army is his posse comi talus. I apprehend that, even in reference to. a conquered territory, it can only be held under military power until Congrcws can legislate for it people and pive them such laws as we may deem wise and useful. But. in the case of our own revolted territory, once more subjected to the power and authority tif 'ihe Government, you can simply keep the peace thete bv the military power until the people can have a chance to return to their allegiance ihrough the channels and avenues of the laws already prevailing over them. I undertake to say that this is sound doctrine. I undertake to say that it cannot be controverted on this floor or any where else Take any other view of this ques tion, gentlemen, and where are you? You are now narrowed down to this point, that you have either to take the ground that you are waging a war for conquest as against a foreign enemy, and may govern these revolted territories as you re possess them.just as you would govern conquered foreign territory, or else you have to recognize the principles I have laid dow n, and hold with me that the laws of Louisiana cannot be disturbed or interfered with, but must be upheld and enforced. Ir. either case, however, the elections under co? aiders tion re invalid, und the claimants not, in my judgment, entitled cfeeat ou this floor. Sir. Harrison: Will the gentleman permit me to ask him a question? Mr. Voorhees: Certainly. Mr. Harrison: Mr. Speaker, the office of civil Governor of Louisiana became vacant by the vol untary aud wrur.iful act of the Governor of that State. Mr. Voorhees: Yes. Mr. Harrison: The Congressional delegation from that State was not chosen iu 161, in conse quence ol rebellion; and the office of Governor be came vacant by reason of the treason of the Gov ernor and of his uniting in the rebellion. In view of these facts and of the other circumstances in which the people of Louisiana had been placed by the rebellion, might not the loyal electors of the several districts in that State, when the military power of the rebellion was suppressed by the arms of the national Government, have themselves, by their own voluntary action, assembled in conven tion and appointed a time for the holding of an election for members of Congress, and would not Congress hu e been authorized to receive as mem bers Representatives thus chosen? 2vow, then, the people of these two districts, having assei.ted to the time appointed by the Military Governor, (whether his action was legal or not.) for the holding of an election, and that election having been actually held by the loyal electors of the districts, are not the Representatives of their choice entitled to teats here? Mr. Voorhees: Mr. Speaker, I have foreseen and anticipated and answered in my own mind the argument which the gentleman from Ohio has in t!e, and which is the only one that can be made. The answer to it is a plain and inevitable sequence of the position which I have taken. I have already laid down what I suppose to be the duty of a military commandant iu an insurrec tionarv di.-trict not a Military Governor. There is no such offn er know n to the law. But the duty of a military lomtmndant of an insurrectionary district is to keen peace until the people can have nn opportunity of acting according to law, and thus securing their representation. Have they done so in this instance? That question rises riht in the chain of the argument which 1 have made. I say they have not. The law has been violated. And even if the people have acquiesced in it uurpatiou, you und I are, by our oaths, for bidden to assist them in carrying it out. Now, let us see how tins stands. Suppose the military commandant down there does hat I say his duty is Suppose he keeps the peace and gives the reople an opportunity to return to their alle giance; and not by brutality and ferocity, such as has disgrai ed our cause in New Orleans, but by the superior law and power of kindness, he wins them to return once more to their fealty to the Government. When they have thus returned, let me ask the gentleman from Ohio what is tueir legal me' hod of obtaining representation here? The gentleman savs the Governor of Louisiana has vacated his office; then theürst thing for the people to do in returning to their allegiance is to till the office of that civil Governor. This has been done in other cases. Why should it not be done in theirs? First nnd precedent to a valid election for members of Congress to fill vacancies it is the duty of the Governor of the State of Lou isiana.iis the gentleman froni Ohio knows, to call such election. It is made so by the Consti tution and laws of that State, which, according to t":e theory on which this war was commenced, are still in full force within the Union. In this instance, however, somebody else has done it for him When the people shall have returned to their allegiance by virtue of the peace established, if you please, by the military governorship of that region, let them not commence to obtain repre seutatiou here first by ignoring the only principles on which that representation can be lawful. Let them commence at the foundation, and restore tlieii civil policy that has been disturbed by the rebellion, and then, by virtue of it, hold their elections according to law. Mr. Harrison: My answer to the gentleman from Indiana is this: the difficulty, to my mind, is a practical one. According to the gentleman's own theory and principles, as I understand them, the election for Governor cannot be held in pur suance of the Constitution aud laws of the S'ate of Liuisiana until the expiration of the term for which the Governor who voluntarily and wrong fully abdicated his office was elected. Therefore that State would necessarily have to remain un represented in the Congress of the United States until the full term for which trie Governor was elected bad expired. This brief and limited state ment of my views is simply an illustration of the evil which I fear will necessarily result in accom plishing the great Hiid difficult work of restoring the insurrectionary States to their proper consti tutional rclatbtis, f-om the practical application of the general doctrines which the gentleman is presenting with so much ability. Mr. Voorhees: Mr. Speaker, all this has passed before my mind already; and, whether feebly or well. I have attempted to answer it. One of the primary rights of a people is a government. If a man runs away from an office which the people have selected him to fill, they can. in their pri mary capacity, call a constitutional convention, and refill that office. Now, the difficulty be tween the gentleman from Ohio and myself is, that I want to commence at the beginning, and have the law administered in Louisiana from the foundation of the State Government up through all its parts, while he wants to 6kip the condition precedent to a valid election of members of Con gress the sanction of the only kind of Governor known to the Constitution of Louisiana or the Constitution of the United States and reach by one leap that point; a leap, however, let me say to him, that involves a power in the Executive over the State never heard of, never dreamed of, by the letter or spirit of the Constitution. The gentleman may say that the difference between him and ine is small; that I am for having the people to net in their primary and fundamental capacity in regard to the Governorship, and that he is for having them to act in the same capacity in regard to the members ot Congress. Thogen tlemau asks, what is the difference between tbe two positions? The difference, 1 will say to my friend from Ohio, is rast, and fraught with the roost momentous results. Tb one involves the total prostration of free representation, the utter ov erthrow of your Constitution, and the utter abrogation of tho State to govern her local affairs by virtue of her own laws. The gentleman's position inaugurates a system of Executive usurpation which will stalk through these Halls t the bead of a military power. It will send us all home or silence our tongues. It will make theso arches resound with tne clacking of the chains of an absolute despotism, instead of with the voices of free men. That is tbe difference between the position of the gentleman from Ohio and mino. Mn Harrison: The gentleman from Indiana will, I am sure, do me the justice to admit that the ground on which I have suggested the claim ants are entitled to their seats is entirely inde pendent of the action of tb Military Govei nor of Louisiana. ', Mr. Voorhees: I am obliged to the gentleman from Ohio, for that is just the point in my argu ment tbat comes next in my way, and to which I desire to hasten. There I take issue with him; and I will show him that he is in error. By vir tue of mv position on the committee not by vir tue of my superior industry or intelligence, by any means I am enabled to prove to him that his statement is incorrect. Mr. Menzies: I was not presentat the meeting of the committee at which the vote was taken on this matter, and I would like the gentleman from Indiana to answer me a question. I wish to know whether the people of Louisiana did not in theo elections comply with the laws of Louisiana as fully as they possibly could; and whether, in those which they failed to complj with, they did not fail solely in coosequence of the rebellion? j Mr Voorhees: I am just coming to that point. I Let rce answer the gentleman from Kentucky that I hold that the right of representation, the whole machinery of civil government, is stopped and held in 'obeyance iu a Sute situated as Lou isiana is. until it can move according to its laws. Whether the people have been prevented from executing their civil duties according to law. by reason of the rebellion or any other cause, does not affect this argument. If they have Bot done so in the case under consideration, I know of no power which I possess to give validity to their illegal acts. Neither can the Executive heal the defect by an act still more illegal, indefensible and unconstitutional. But there is another anawer which occurs to me in connection w ith the question of the gentleman from Kentucky, and also in continuation of my answer to the gentleman from Ohio. General Shepley, a Brigadier General, exercised all th power which resulted in these elections. He, in subordination to General Mutier and tbe Execu tive, moved everything. Without him nothing was. He spoke this election luto existence. With out this military power, supplanting and assum ing to act for the civil power in Louisiana, noth ing would have been done. Every one knows this to be true. In evidence of it, let me call the attention of the House to the proclamation of the Military Governor: A PROCLAMATION f ri(fadier Gtntral Gtorgt F. Shtptey, Afiläary Ooctrnor of th H'aU of Louisiana. Whereas, tbe State of LouUiaus Is now and bas been without any Representative In tue Thirty-Seventh Con greu of the United States of America; and bereits very large majority of tbe citiiens of the J- irst and Second Con irreseional liistrict in this State, by takisp the oath of allegiance, bave given evidence of their loyalty and obe dience to the Conttituiion and laws of the' United States: Now, therefore, I. George F. Shepley, M lirary Governor of the State of Louisiana, for the purpose of securing to the loyal electors in the TariUjes composing these two Congressional DMricts their appropriate and lawful repre sentation in the houe of Representatives of tbe United States of America, mud of enablin them to avail them selves of the benefits secured by the proclamation of the Present of the United States to tbe people oftny State, or part of a State, who hall on the 1st day of January next be in good taith represented in tbe Congress of the United States by numbers chosen thereto at elections w herein a majority of the qualified voters of such State have pait cipatetl. have eeii fit to issue this my procla mation, appointing an elec.ioti to be beld on Wednesday, tbe 3d day vf December next, to till said vacancies in the Thirty-Seventh Cunsms of the United State of America, in the following Uisirict namely: Then comes an enuaietutiou of the election precinct?, 4c. Now, whit is the law of that State on this point? The power to i.-sue a proclamation cal ing a special election is vested in the Governor of Louisiana, chosen by her own people, and not in an instrument ot the Executive. How does the gentleman from Kentuckv answer that? How does the gcntlemau Iura Ohio answer it? You say the military had nothing to do with these elections. Yet yon see they had their origin in a p'ain and absolute military usurpation. They . commenced in a military proclamation, and the only certificates ot election which the claimants present here as titles to their seats are signed by a Brigadier General of the army. Mr. Harrison: I ask the gentleman rom Tndi nna whether the legal principle, that eubsequent ratification is equivalent to antecedent authority, does not pply to this act of the electors of Lou isiana. Mr. Voorhees: Has the gentleman from Ohio any evidence of subsequent ratification? If be has, I have none. I ,-ee influences surrounding these elections which, to my mind, indicate any thing nit her than the tree, untrainmeled voice of the people, actini independent of military coer cion and executive dictation. On the very face of this proclamation, what do we see? One in ducement held out fo the citizens of New Orleans to participate in these elections is, that they m ay in that way escape the effects of the Presidential proclamation of the 1st of January last; that they may escape beinj; robbed of their property by i"g to the polls and voting; may escape havjng their slaves taken from them by the Presi dent of the United States, if they elected mem bers of Congress. One inducement held out in the body of this proclamation was the right of representation, it is true; but the other was the argument and inducement of the highwayman: "Llect.. and your property will be saved!" 'Re fuse to elect, and the Coinmander-in Chief of the Army, the President of the United States, will strip you naked, and roo you of your plainest rights ot property." This is the language, plain and distinct, addressed to tho citizens of the first and second Congressional Districts of Louisiana by the proclam ition under which these flections were held. Is this a free election? Who will dare say so? To my mind it is the grossest nnd most outrageou? assault u,ou the freedom of the elective franchise ever knou iu a republican Government. Mr. Harrison: I submit to the frentleman from Inaiana. that if the statement of facts made by the Chairman of the Committee of Elections is true namely, that the loyal and qualified elec tors of the two Congressional di.-tricts of which the claimants are citizens exercised an untram meled choice at the elections under which they claim seats whether the attendance by the elect ors on the day named in the proclamation of the Military Governor for that purpose, and actually holding the elections, was not an emphatic anil conclusive ratification of his act by the people so voting, thereby making the elections as vadlid ss if they had themselves taken the initiative? Mr. Voorhees: Now, will the gentleman from Ohio tell me how many voters cast their votes on the day of that election because they desired to be represented in this Congress, and how many because they wanted to save their slaves under the proclam ition of the President? If hw can give me this information, I can tell him how much the ratification of which he speaks was worth. Both inducements were held out; and if the gentleman can inform me how many persons voted because they desired to prevent their prop erty being taken from them, and how many be cause they desired to send these claimants here, I can answer how far this act of the Military Gov ernor was ratified by the people. The induce ment in regard to their slaves was deemed as of sufficient importance to insert in the body of the proclamation, and I have no doubt it brought many citizens to the polls. Tbe gentleman asks me whether the people there did all they could. I expect they did to avoid injury to their rights and the plunder of their property. Mr Menzies: I will repeat my question, in order that the gentleman may understand the point upon which my mind turns. I would like to know if the people of these districts complied with the law of the State of Louisiana except in the particulars mentioned iu the report of the Committee of Elections; that if the day was not the one prescribed by law as an election day for this purpose, and that the proclamation was not, iii that event, issued by the legal Governor of Louisiana? I ask the gentleman whether he be lieves, the rebellion having deprived them of the power to comply with the law in these respects, the people might not have themselves assembled on any day they might name and elected persons to represent them iu Congress? Mr. Voorhees: I answer the gentleman by re peating that when the forms of regular govern ment are lost, the people must begiu again de novo. They must begin down at the very foun dation of civil government. They taust again fill their vacant offices, commencing wiih that of Governor, and then bj bis aid proceed accord iug to their own laws to give motion and vitality to every department. This may be done by virtue of the peace secured and maintained by the arms of the Government. Let the people of Louisiana do this if their condition will permit it, and then they may proceed under the constitution of tbat Sute and in obedience to their own laws. In that way we avoid this monstrous constitctional stretch of power, unknown to our Constitution or laws, which has been exercised in the appoint tnent of a Military Governor, by whose conduct the laws have been violated. Again, sir, I come back to the very foundation of this whole proceeding. I deny that George F. Shepley, as Brigadier General and Military Gov ernor of Louisiana, or in any other capacity, unless the people of Louisiana had of their free, uu trammeled choice, made him their Governor uu der the Constitution and laws ot the. State, had any right at all to the power which he has exer cised. I care not if he had exercised this power in accordance with the forms and precedents of the Constitution and laws of Louisiana. The question would still arise as to his right to be In that capacity at all. The Constitution of Lou isiana knows him not. The Constitution of the United Suites knows not this man, George F. Shepley, as the Governor of a State, military or civil. He is known to nothing except the ap pointing power that rests in the Commander in Chief of the Army, the President of the Uuited States, to make bim a General. Do you know what powers appertain to a Brigadier General of the United States Army ? If you do, you know what powers reside with George F. Shepley; and ' be can properly exercise no others. Outside of them be is a dead roan officially, and bis acts hare no validity with me. You may argue questions of expediency; you may argue questions of the restoration of tbe Union; J shall argue, first my oath, my con science, and my duty to civil liberty. You may reflect your wishes, your hopes, and your fears in your arguments here, but nothing cau change a principle or escape the power of truth. No inge nuity can reason away the fact that in this procla mation George F. Shepley was a usurper. It is of a piece, too, with a widespread system of ex ecutive encroachment, which, unless trampled under foot by tbe representatives of a free people, will speedily trample us to death under iu feet. Give to this system vitality here, in this Hall, and if your armies more on and tike possession of States, the Representatives, not of the people, but of the one man power euthroned at the west end of this capital, will be seen here outnumber ing and defeating the Representatives of all the loyal States in this Union. In vain then will popular elections take p'ace; in vain will popular measures be inaugurated; your President can defy them all. If you falter upon the course which the recom mendation of the Committee on Elections invites us to pursue, this day you place the liberties of the people :n the hands of the President. A ma jority in this House may adopt 'this resolution, but that majority no longer expresses the will of a majority of tbe people. No, sir; the people of the country are listening with joyful anxiety tor the sound of the retiring footsteps of the majority of this House as they ro out to return no more to these Halls. I declare before the country that within the last twenty months the Thirty-Seventh Congress has sanctioned greater strides toward despotism than has ever been made iu any other Government professing constitutional limits within a period of two hundred years. And if I bad not thought this was a part and parcel of a grand gignntic system of executive domination, I would not have raised mv voice to day. It is not my custom nor my pleasure to mingle much in debate. But I k the people to watch the pro ceedings on this question. If the nrtny can go forth and bring representa tives with voices equal to ours; with no constitu ents to trammel them at their back; with no one to represent except the President, then we might as well know it at once. Then our seats here becom" worse than valueless. They will be em blems of our vassxlaue I uu not say, and do not w ish to lie? understood as sav ing, that the gen tlemen from New Orleans woi.ld, in any sense, be the tools aud the implements of usurped pow er here. I know- nothing ol it. 1 care to know noth ng of it. The principle, however, is wrought with disaster and absolute overthrow to republi can liberty. It is al-o fraught with the absolute overthrow of the independence of this legislative body. You may sanction it if you please. I wash my Im nils of it. But, sir. suppose we sanction the principle of this report of the committee; where will it stop? Under this military mle members of a Legisla ture may be elected, and they can return Sena tors to the other' branch of Congress, and soon the unbroken wves of an absolute despotism will sweep overeverv State iu the Union. The ! proud turrets of State novereigntv will sink be neath the st.ignat.t uniformity o! executive Usur pation, as hopelessly submerged the cities which perished in the dismal depths of the Dead Sea. Av. hir. the Dead Sea ot absolute despot ism will pervade the face of the whole couutry, for if this thing can take place iu one instance, it can take place in all. Mr. Hairison: If the people of Louisiana can not reconstruct their State government, by put ting its organization into active, practical operation and thereby fully restore the constitutional rela tions betw een it and tbe General Government, in the manner which I have ugested, would they not be compelled, if the rebellion could be totally suppressed in that State to morrow, still to re main for a long period of time unrepresented in Congress, and continue substantially in a state of aiian-hy? Mr. Voorhees; The j:entleman's argument pro ceeds upon a ground I have never recognized, and which I never will recognize, the ground of expediency. They mut so remain rather than call upon us to prostrate nnd Mal the liberties of the country. They must so remain rather than ask us to establish ujton the ruins ot the country the unquestioned tyratinv of Executive power. One word further. Thev must remain unrep resented according to the theory of our Govern ment, peace being kept iu their borders by military power until the pe,.ple can re establish their civil government, not iu iolatiou of law, but by virtue of and in srrici conformity to law , as I have al ready indicated. If the inilitai v power cannot protect the people in asserting their rights accord ing to law , it is not worth maintaining. Its mis sion, in that ca-e. i failure What are V0U ex- 4 excising it lor? To give the people a chance to violate .aw? o. sir; I will never give my sanc tion that the military power shall become an en gine with which the Executive uiav overthrow- the laws and make his will supreme. Tne cenileniaii sav that Louisiana msv remain a long time in this condition. Suppose she does, we do no violence to our own lihertif. If mili tary power is to win back "iiile State to the Union, let tne sav that it will have to be wielded in all instances to jiive th people an opportunity to obey the lw, of their own miking, and not for the purpose of usmpiug tl-oir laws and sup planting them with another ystem Mr. H in-isou: Will the gentleman yield to me once more? Mr. Voorhees: I yield to the gentleman, al though I am not the recipient of any like favor from that nide of the House. Mr. Harrison: 1 have never refuje I the gentle man, a like couitesv. Mr Voorhees: The remark was not intended for my clever friend from Ohio, but for the ma jority on that side of the House who, by parlia mentary tactics, have kenf tne oft' the floor. Mr. Harrison: 1 have, since I became a member of this House, been in favor of freedom of debate by gentlemen on both side of the House, and have studiously enOeavored to ob-erve that cour tesy toward every member which becomes the place. I do not intend now to be troublesome. Mr. Voorhees: You are uot. Mr. Harrison: I desire to Inquire of the gentle man what provision of the Constitution of the United States will be violated by allowing the people of the State of Louisiana to obtain a rep resentation in this House, to banish from their midst the evils ot mutrchv. and tecure the protec tion afforded by the execution of the laws by civil magistrates, which they so vastly need? Mr. Voorhees: A representation according to law would be in violation of no principle that I know of. A representation againsf, contrary to law would be in violation of the Constitution, which requires us to uphold law. Mr. Harrison: I ommed to limit rav proposi tion with the words: obtaining representation in this House in the mode I have suested. Mr. Voorhees: I have been trying now three quarters of an hour to elucidate that very point whether these gentlemen come here by virtue of the sanction of the Constitution; by virtue of au thority we can hold to be legal and proper. I think I have shown to the House that their elec tion is founded ujxm a principle that is totally j subversive ct the freedom and independence ot this body, and in contravention of the Constitu tion and' laws of Louisiana aud the Constitution of the United States. Let me hasten on. I have ulked much longer than I expected I would. This Governor Shep ley, as he styles himself, bas not even tried to obey tbe laws concerning the detail of these elec tions. My friend from Kentucky bas asked whether the people have not done as well as they could. I expect they have. I do not blame them. They were threatened with the Presi dent's proclamation to be tobbed of their proper ty if they were not represented. They were surrounded by a military power, exercised by a nun who never saw the face of his enemy in the field, but who reserved h's military powers for non-combatants, captives, prisouers of war, women and children. They were oppressed un der General Butler with the most atroc:ous tyr anny, in my judgment, which baa ever disgraced the annals of civilized warfare. They came for ward and voted, perhaps thinking that they were doing something which might mitigate the severity of the military despotism which ruled over them. Under these circumstances, the suf frages of tbe people of New Orleans and vicinity were taken on the 3d day of December. But, as I have said, there was no attempt to obey the laws. The laws of Louisiana require a registra tion of the voters. It is required in New Orleans that each man's name shall be registered before he can vote. The Military Governor set thtt law aside aud permitted everybody to rote, whether they were registered or not. By proclamation tbe rigbtfo! law of Looiaiaca upon the subject of elections ws set aside, so that the voting might be as illegal as the Unsettled and licentious spirit of the times might dictate. Sir. the two proclamations of Gen. Shepley overthrow the whole system of elections and rep resentation in the State ot Louisiana. I submit to my candid friend fiom Ohio, Mr. Harriso, what could be more complete thin the utter overthrow of the Constitution and the laws on the subject of elections by this Military Governor; first, by euperseding the Constitution, and usurp ing the powers and duties of civil Governor; and next, by proclamation setting aside tbe law which required the legistration of voters. Under these circumstances a certain number of votes were cast; whether they were legal votes or not. the law which protected the puritv of the ballot boxes being nullified by the stroke of a pen, we cannot say. And under these circum stances it is gravely urged that these men are en titled to seats upon this floor. Mr. Speaker, I bave said more, by far, than I intended. AU 1 desired to Jo was simply to call tbe attention of tbe House, first, to tbe protojition which I made in the opening, that if this Sute is jour Sute; if it is yet a member of this unbrok en Union, according to the. construction of nearly every gentleman upon this floor; if it is not a foreign power, you cannot not merelj the Ex ecutive cannot but you cannot. Congress can not, no power, known to tbe Government can, supplant or do away with its laws in exercising authority over it. if it were a conquered or a foreign Government, it would be different. As it is a part of our ow n Government, the point I insist upon is that we should leave her alone until you receive a representation here as the off spring of her own system ot laws, and not by vir tue of any emanation of Executive authority. Until the people of Louisiana, protected, !t may be, by military power, in a peaceful condition, can t ome forward and resurrect the r State Gov ernment, and by virtue of their own law ot their own making, send Representatives bere, they must go unrepresented. I insist, fan her, that if you surrender this great power to the Executive, a Our armies move oo you will have more Military Governor. ou have one now in North Carolina; yeu bave one in Tennesse; you have one iu Arkansas, and, per haps, one iu Ten; and men will come here who are the choice of nobody, who have no constitu ents to represent, and though I may bave thirteen thousand votes for myself, though some here may have twenty thousand votes, yet one vote, the vote of the Executive operating through a Mili tary Governor, cau send men bere to carry out executive designs, defeat the popular will, aud thus totally overthrow our system f govern ment. Let the advocates of this monstrous doctrine bew are. Let me say to them that their pow er is not the longest nor the most stable. You do tiot expect to carry the next Presidential election. We do; nnd we do sot want a system made to our hands like this. Remember that your day is drawing near the cloe, and that which you may seek to exercise for temporary purposes, while you yet linger in power for the destrurtiou of political opponents, or as a power upon which the Executive is to ride through this Hall triumph ant, may all come back to haunt you hereafter; may come back to disturb you as it now disturbs us. As for me. for all times ami under all cir cumstances, now and forever, I repudiate all these designs which I conceive to be fatal to the Constitution of roj country, to the independence and freedom of this House, and to the libertieaof the people. A Prayer tat be used daring- Lent la Hie Llcopal Churches of Indiana in Reference to tue ExUtlns; Condl tlon of our ."National Affair. Rt. Rev. George Upfold, D. D . Bishop of the Diocese of Indiana, has set forth the following prayer, to be used in the Episcopal churches dur ing the season of Lent: Almighty and most holy Lord our God. who dost command us to humble ourselves under thy mighty hand that thou roayest exait us in due time, we, thy unworthy rervants. desire most bumbl v to confess before thee, in this tbe time of sore affliction in our laud, bow deeply as a uatiou we deserve thy wrath. In the great calamities which have come upon us, we acknowledge thy righteous Visitation, and tow down our souls un der the mighty hand of our holy and mercif ul God and Father. Manifold are our sins and transgressions, and tbe more sinful because of the abundance of our privileges and mercies un der thy providence and grace. In pride and lir in unto ourselves; iu covetousne-s and worldii nessof mind; in self sufficiency and e!t'-depud-ence; in glorying in our own wisdom aud riches, and strength. Instead of glorying only iu thee; in making our boast of thy unmerited blesings, as if ourown might aud wisdom had gotten them, instead of acknowledging thee in all, and seek ing first thy kingdom and righteousness; in j-ro fauenes of speech, and ungodliness of life; in polluting thy Sabbaths, and receiving in vain thy grace in the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, we acknowledge, O Lord, that as a nation and people we hive grievously sinned against thy Divine Majesty, provoking most justly thy trrath and indignation gainst us. Righteousness belorgeth onto thee, but unto us confusion of face. Because thy com passions have not failed, therefore we are not consumed Make as earnestly to repent and beartily to be sorry for these onr misdoings. May the remembrance of them be grievous unto us. Turn unto thee. 0 Lord, the hearts of all this people, in humiliation and prayer, that thou mavest have compassion upon us aud deliver us. For thy Son. our Lord Jesus Christ's sake, for givf us all that is patt, and grant that we may ever hereafter serve aud please thee iu newne-s of life, to the houor and glory of thy name. We beseech thee to to sancify unto us our present distresses, and so to make haste to deliver us. that an honorable and permanent peace may speedily ensue, that war shall be no more in all our borders, and that all resistance to the lawful Government of the land shall utterly cease May our brethren who seek the dimeineinnieiit of our National Union, under which this people, by thy Providence, have been so signaily prospered and blesed, be convinced of their error and re stored to a batter mind. Grant that all bitter ness, and wrath, and anger, and malice may be tut awsy from them and us, and that brotherly ' ove and fellowship may be established among us to all generations. Thus may the land bring forth her increase, under the blessings of peace, and thy people wve thee in all godly quietness, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. IST" A letter from Warsaw, dated the I8ch, bas considerable intre't. after what has hap pened. The writer d' scrioes the progress of tbe "branka." or conscriptim: "Night after night toe conscription Tampire is sucking the life blood of the nation of Poland. Night after night the citadel and town hill the two storehouses for the reception of tbe lie spoilare filled with gongs of unfortunate white niggers. As the branka progresses, tbe horrid trinity of fear, fury and revenge rises higher and higher iu the soula of men. Tbe men yo& meet in the street are silent and taciturn. Even if ignorant of the turn revolutionary tactics have taken, you cannot misapprehend the language of their looks. Here is nothing of despoudency in their sorrowing mien. They are afflicted, but bope for tbe day of reckoning; they bave tbe overpowering grief of the bour, but they art buoyed up with the sustaining consciousness thatJI they chose, they might give tha Grand Duke more trouble than be wocld be able to go through tto ruffled. But a pitiful sight is offered by 'be fe males in tbe streets. At every step you encoun ter tbese sobbing gronpe. Ton cannot avoid fail ing in with a bevy of cryinj girls. Too slacken your steps, in order not to overtake that lamest ing crone; but the bouse opposite resounds with imprecations, and a feminine voice is beard ad juring the celestial powers to look upon Poland and r-unish the malefactors. In frout of tbe town hall you find hundreds of girls and wives staring in bfunt despair at the inhospitable edifice, where their lovers, their brother, and, alas! in but too many cases, their husbands, are stowed away for the disposal of the Czar. Now ani then the Cossacks of the Guard will think it the duty of a man and a warrior to bear down upon them and disperse the crowd of harmless, woe begone wo men; but shortly after the tide of female mourn ers return?, and the wave of wailing lamentations Is driven against tbe towering walls of their rela tives prison." LxraTrm, Feb. 18. T. J. Winchell. tbe bav tuorist, died at the Lahr House in this city ibis morning, after a short illness, of erysipelas. Caicaoo, February IS. A special from Mem phis, dated the 17th, r.ys: The new gunboat Indianola ran the blockade at Vicksburg on Friday night The Rebels did tboir utoDoet te stak her. bat sbe ps md la taJetgr.