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1' r nn ä nn m J ii Jo YOL. XXIII, m 32. INDIANAPOLIS, IND.; MONDAY, JAN. 11, 1864.: WHOLE NO. 1,278. Ml) A J A N 11 T V r WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL, lit . r rsiSTaaa sro rcuMiiiif mono AT tar EWE.TITEL OFFICE, XO. 11 mJ 1J SOUTH MERIDIAN TRI IT. ELDER, niRRNESS, & BINCÜA5 TERMS OF WIIKLT XimXL: Dae eapy m ;ttr 1 SO reo copies, and one to th maker of tbe elab . IS o twenty enple, and two to tba maker of the elnb, SO 00 Additions Mn be mao to Clobeat any time at tb above rates. Tbe aataeewiU be printed eaeach paper, wtthoot ' txtracbarg. . . Oa i sqaare,oae Insertion........... . ....f O TS ' - two 1 00 foar " 1 00 PorKh obMqaent nsartiun. and for ab laser- lioanfeacb additional qnare.... SJ 7 Advertisement mot bo band! In by Sunday to Hnm Insertion In tbe weekly. Viverttserneat published In botb tbe Dally and the wVetiy Tni,wUl be charged tbe fall Dallyrate, wttbone-batf the rTeeklyrate added 4nMiMlnt aths rl tb faoera I notice attached. $1 without notice, free. MarrUft Notice 50 cent!. . 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Address HI.DKR H'tKKKK. EISGHAV. The Queetlen of I'eare in the Siouth Wo publish tlii morning letter from T. 15 LT IK Kino, of Qeorgia, which presents the evi dence that there is a latent Union sentiment in' tho Etnpiro State of (lie South, which only needs proper encouragement from the Federal auihoti ties to m ike it an open and active agent in the restoration of the Union. Mr. King was former ly a prominent Whig politician and undoubtedly expresses the yiewsofthe conervatiye roen of tho South. In his late speech in New York, Wis kell Phillip, the great abolition orator, sa'ui that thin civil war, ns all others of the kind hn.l done, must end in compromise, and Mr. Kino express the axnie idea, altbuugh iu different Lnu ijie. lie twtys: "Bat war muat end in pence; and ooner or later, both parties must agree to terms upon which they will lay aide their arm " hy then tbe neces sity of wasting? the blood and treasure ol tho na two. of prosecuting an ealiitustini; war to both sections of the country, when finilly term of settlement must be considered and determined apon? Wo know of eo reon except that men will pot alio their better nature and better judgment to puide them. iute-id of passion and (artiz in prejudices and resentment. Some little time ago, we were in a room where theie were assembled a number of prominent Republi can politicians, among whom was one who htd occupied a high position in the councils of the nation, and the sentiment was eipreMd by one, which met a hearty concurrence from all, that when this war w ia ended, that he de-tired the Union to be restored precisely as it was before iu commencement. Here was an unrcerre and apparently citiidid expression of opinion, yet every one of thj-e peroD support the am nety proclamation of Mr. Lixcols and II measures of ' the prtv in power which makes the reconstruction of tbe Uuion upon tike old basis an imxssibility If these gentlemen were honest in the riewa they expressed, the letter of Mr. Kimg opens the way for their accomplishment, lie evidently ha the confidence of the leading men ot the South and is in their councils. In his letter which was writ ten to give his views to his oeihbors and friends, he says: "I believe it would be better for ourselve, for our prooperity, aud for m-mkind. thit we thould accept peace with our rich's secured withiu the Union than to continue the war many yers, giv ing oceans of blood, millions of trens-ure, and ruining our country lor independence." - If tbe war was (Toecuted for no other pur pose than the restoration of the national author ity over the rebel Stativ, as Congress solemnly declared it waa to be. the propoi'ion of Mr. Kino could be, and in fact wou'd b' accepted, and the war ended. Although he bei'evea that independ ence would be desir.ble. yet rather tb in to con tinue tbe war many year, giving ocean of blood tod millions of treasure, and ruining the country, he thiuk that it would be better for tbe South ern people to accept peace with their rights se cured within the Union. Should a wise and just Government be unwilling to concede that much? What a crime is this war when we consider what vast amount of good could have been accoaiplh.hed by the expenditure of the same amount of money that it ha-i and will cost, to say nothing of the sacrifice of life, in the useful arts of peace; or on the other hind when we estimate tbe ontold evil it will entail upon generation. to come? And how much longer must this folly continue to gratify fanaticism when a beneficent policy, as the letter of T. Cctlee Kixo demon strates, woold reunite the nation and stop the exhausting drain upon the resources of the coun try, which, if much longer continued, must result La conontoa ruin Tho Ilj-poertoy o tbe Xetv England Abelttionit. We publish this morning an article from the 2Tew Tork. Journal of Commerce which mott completely puu at reu the claim set up by the Tanke abolitionist that New England from the landing of the My flower was nlwavs theiiurery of freedom. History refutes this assumption. The reverse is true. New Englanl fur long period from its first mdemeut was the nursery of slavery. She bad her rode of slave I w and he was the first to enact a lurjtire slave law. The early faaatieistn of New England cannot be (or- fotten. Her croel punishment of witcht raft und tb persecution of the B.j-tista are itluxtrations of er early bigotry and which to a great extent yet exist wiia equfti intensity, if differently devel oped, among the present descendants of the Fu ritan lathers. Tie influence of New JSogUad bad much Ut do with fastening slavery upon the Southern Slates. Her at a capital procurfd the si ires from Africa and her voaaeis transported thiu to Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinaj tnJ Gwigi. For a lotig wbileih bad tli aoonopoly -tbwej tv trade, and anuch of tbe wealth of y?w Eng! nd wj dented from the trc in human fl?sh. Tbe section of tbe Union which has au:b a record, now bat the im pedeneeto set op as the champion of freedom od proposes to subjugtte the Sutes upon whom she helped to force slarery because they will Dot at her dictation submit to the abolition dog mat of her Scm'e&s, atd JTalis. and Oaieisoxs, and PiiUJMes. This clcst of New Ecglaaders (and thank God the people of that section are not all such.) uot only want to conquer and rule the rebel States, bat they propose to furuwh the brains to govern the balance of the country. - Thiarttempt to be overseers of the whole nation m iy be sue cesvful, but we apprehend not. The dictation from that quarter will ere long become as odious J as did that of the ilotopors of South Carolina. The homogeneity of the New England States has given them a power which they have made felt. But " Weetwar tb star of empire takes Its way," aLd the Western States will ere long have an identity and a Slate pride which will make them the power in the Und. And they will make that power felt ia ioiprcaeing tbeir policy upon the nation. But we only tarted ouato show that the professed regard of New England for freedom is of quit recent date, and it waa never manifested o long at the cou'd make money In tbe ilave traffic. This fact indubitably prove. The rederat l'rlsonera at Danrltle. Tbe Southern papers elate that the Federal prisoners confined at Dtnville, Virginia, are suf fering terribly from small-pox. and that wagou load are carried, away daily Iron the prison for burial. Why ire tlee gallant men, who were promised the protection'of tba government when they enlwted, thus left to taffer and die?- There would have been no trouble in effecting arrange meiita for the exchmiee of all our priotier in rebvldom, if it had not been for the negro. The abolitioiiixts insist that the negro must be plat ed ou an equality with the white mn, hence if t!te rebels are liot willing to yield that point, then our soldiers who were so unfortunate as to be captured may rot xnd die in their prisons without one word of sympathy benu heatd as to their fate from the negro philaiiihropifi The abolition ist, to gain theirend, are ready to sacrifice cveiy feeling, of humiuitr for the white race, while their bejrt overtlow with u'.lk and Itoney for their colored brethren. A Letter from ttutler King, of Georgia Stamford, (a . June SC. lc-G3. JIobect II. WHiTruLD, Esq- Dkae Sib: Your Uvor of the iSlh inst,. informing me that the nrcentatioti bv inv liiends of my name as candidate for Cuu ire.- in the Firt Congressional District ot Georgia, has cdled forth paraitrnphs iu the Kichmoud pifera to the effect that I am a reeoiiHtructionist,' e'e , ws Ibrwanlexi from my home to this place, where 1 propose to spend a fortnight or Ihre week . The IrieixJs who have thought proper to use my name in connection with the position re I en fa to. are pciectly lamili.tr with the sentiments 1 entertain ou the subject of the war, and the con ditions upon which I wuuld favor peace; and I am perfectly willing that my views on those subjects should be equally well known to the whole peo ple of tle country. A paiuful indisposition which I now suhv r will prevent my addressing you at much length, or with much care. I1 I hop to be able to devel.- ope my riewa sufficiently to prevent any misap prehension iu regard to them. My political record will cleat I v hoar that I have ever mairituineu the right of any SiaU , or number of Sutes, to withdraw from the Federal Union and lortn a new government for them selves; and it will further ehow that, alter the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Piesideucv, I ad vocited the propriety and necessity of such a course betug pot sued by the Slate of Georgia. W hue I advocated this measure, I pt-ofuunnly regretted tbe necessity for it. No'.hing but a firm conviction that our constitutional rights would be denied and violated by the Lincoln Altniuistra- lion prompted aLd induced me to recommend the secession of mv State. And when the ordinance of accession waa paesed by out convention. 1 in dulged the hope and even the expectation in tt at no distant period measures would be adopted by tbe federal loverps;iit hieb would te-ult in such guaranties ol' our rights within the Union as would enable us lo return to it. My hope were noon dissipated by the clash of arms, and I was behind uone ol mv fellow citi reus iu declaring that we must defend our coon try to the last man. I have given to tbe field every male member of my family, and to the soldier's grave two who were -most dear to me, and although too far advance I in years to render much military service, . I am willing and deter mined, it it becomes necessary to continue my feeble assistance i my country's defense nut war must end in peace; sootier or later both parti must agree to terms upon w hich they will lay a-ide their arms. The events ol the pa si two years ehould be sufficient to convince every re.isouabl man. both North and S-mlh, that it is impossible lor the Federal government to subjugate our people; and statermen of the Somh cannot fail to percteve that the Federal government cannot abandon tbe war. except on restoration ol the Uuion, without danger of the further dismemberment of the nation Then, unless both parties can be inÜ lenced br the spirit of concession ar.d compromise," When,'' in the language of one of our dislincuished Sen ators, "is this (itruggle to end?" No man can ansa er as to the years; but he may safely answer. "Not until loth parties are exhausted and ruin ednot until tbe mrth is reduced to a conditiou worse than it would have been if she h id quietly acquiesced in our separation, and not until the South is worse ü than she would bare beert by remaining in me Linon under anaootition admin isiration of the government." These considerations would lead me to favor any terms of peace that the South could, with a proper regard for her interests and honor, accept. The energy, pkiII and blood of our fathers helped to achieve and establish the independence of the United States, and our own enterprise, treasure aud statesmen have helped to make the nation one of the greatest and most powerful on the globe. We have the aame right to enjoy the power mi J grandeur of that nation as the people of the North Our States cut the Gordian knot, retired from ihe Union, and formed a new gov ernment, because, and only because, our rights in the Union, and under the Constitution we had helped to establish, were denied us. If the people of the North would now concede our rights, and the Federal government secure them to us, the danger wis h which we were threatened by remain ing in the Union, and the objection we had to it. would be removed, and we mi"bt with honor and advantage reintn to it. The Federal Government has proceeded to far with the war that these are ihe only terms of peace to which we could reasonably expect it to agree; and I regret to s:iy that I have no expec tation that ouch terms will be proposed, or would be accepted by that Government while the Pirsi dentia) chair is occupied by the present abolitiou incumbent. Uut if, fortunately, during bis ad mi ni. ! rat ion. or within a reasonable time after ward such term should be offered, I am free to say I should prefer their acceptance by our peo ple to the continuance of the war, which may re sult iu the desolatiou of our country, aud the ruin of both North and South. A peace on such terms would be eminently honorable to both par ties neither could claim the victory while the strength aud valor each has exhibited would coin m:id the respect and admiration of the other. To Uii extent I am a "reconstructioniat." But it must not be understood that I would pre fer reconstruction and peace on the terms indi cated, to a peed y peace recognU'ng our inde Hendence if that were possible; nor must it be understood that I doubt our ability to achieve our independence if the conflict is continued. But I believe it would be better for ounelve. for our posterity, and for mankind, that we hou!d ac rept peace with ajiir rights secured within the Union, than to continue ihe war many years, giving oceans of blood, millions of treasure, and ruiuing our country, for independence. Aa yet the North lias mauileated no inclina tion to make peace on anv reasonable terms; and until she evinces a pacific disposition, and hca tilities are suspended for negotiation, nothing re main for ut bail to devote ail our energies, skill and resources to tne conflict. ,Hop;ng ere long to have the pleasure o( seeing you in Richmond, when we may talk over the condition of affairs, and interchange our views in detail, . ,. I remain, aiucerely your friend. ' T. Ben Kivo. Mtr Fnrland and niarert-. Our remarks on the slaveholdiug and slave trading character or the Puritan fathers have naturally attracted wide attention. We beg our readers and contemporaries not to fall Into the error of supposing that we are m iking any in vidious attack on New England in this matter. Nothing is further from our purpose. In proving New Eiiglmd lo have been slsveholding from the start, and in establishing slavery aa a Puritan principle, we simply prove that the New Eugland fathers were like the New York fathers, aa J like the Southern father not a whit belter, and per hapa not a whil war. Wo publish tne truth of history against i bold misrcpre-entiliun of Mr. Charles Sumner aud the Now England Society. We know, and gladly recoijiiixo the fact that these New England Society men, ash med of their ancestry and seeking to conceal the truth ahotit them, are poor epeciroen.i even of modern New Etigltud. But their falsification of history receives wide circulation, and nine tenths of th abolitionists in tho country really believe that tho Puritan fathers came to this country to establish free institutions Thit belief needs enlightening. The subject is Important in a historical point of view. We thetefore pursue it, ... , , .A false statement travels Ur and fast, ind the truth seldom over akes it. Mr. Sumner's loolish letter to the Now England Society, In which h so boldly defies historv, was backed up the same evening by a voice from the society Itself in the . folloainjr ton': "The New En .-land Society In thecitv of New York to the New EnglanJ.Soclety In Montreal. Greeting: Thanks for your generous wishes. We shall not cease to labor for their complete fulfill ment, and, by the blesin of G'xl and our still victorious arms, we mean in our next anniversary to celebnto in all States from Maine to Califor nia the National Jubilee iu honor of the eternal principles) of Liberty under the law which the Pilgrim emerging from the cabin of the May flower tail down as the corner-stone of the nation." Loud npplause Ilete we see the Society endeavoring, hy a bold denial ol' history, to conceal the character and misrepresent ihe piinciplcs of their ancestors. Of course these sot iety people and II people of t'ir s.une sort in.-ist th tt whoever undertakes to correct t!i historical blunders or deceptions of New England men, is tlimw'mg dirt at New Eng land. L t lliern insist. We will take the risk of all accus t'ions of intent to def ime New Eugbtn J while we proceed to show that she was never any better thau her neighbors. "CousiK-r tiexl to hu man liberty," quoth Mr. Sumner writing of the Pilgrim Fithcr?! It would in ike no Vort of dif ference to the present race of men whether the Pilgrim Fathers were consecrated to liberty or to t r.tnny , if they ee not brought out of their graves so constant by these false teachers and made to play a part in history which they never drcimed of when alive. These Boston boasters ought to be ashamed of themselves for thus be lyini their ancestors. They ought to fear the ghosts of their Pilgrim Fathers, or their veritable bones rising from uncomfortable graves while their sons are thuj disturbing their repose by falsehood. Why, if Mr Simnei hid liveJ in Pilgrim times, that tetter of his would have made him liable to sit in the stocks all day, and be branded, if not to be banished or put to death. They had severe statutes aaiust falsehood, cir cuhiting fIse news and misrepresenting; the truth. It would horrify a Puritan father to hear any one say he was consecrated to human liberty, lie would abhor the idea. Tint we may furnish the truth on this subject, and not be accused ol bearing false witness our elves, we hive nlreidy given some evidence of the slaveholding and slave trading propensities of the pilxrim fathers We propose now to ehow some more of the hi.-.toricni evidence, by which itwillappeir whit nonsense those men are en . deavoiing to uprea-' in the community, for truth, when they boast of the superiority of New Eng land over the rest of mankind in the miller of slavery. There is omc question whether the first writ ten law. actually establishing slavery in the mod etu world, did not originate in New England. Elsewhere it was accepted as an nucieui institu tion, but in M i-sachusetts it was justified on Mrri'nral grounds and established bv statutes and treaties. As early as 1641, the M is-achusetts General Court adopted the following law: "Iiis ordered by ibis court and the authority theteof. that liiere shall never be anv bond si a - very, vittanageor capnvitv amongst us; urilesa it be I tu ful captives ttken in just wsrs, n. willing ly sell ihem-elve or are sold to us. and such shall have the liberties and Clu istian usage which the law of God estiblihed in Israel concerning such persons doth morally requite; provided this exempts none from st-rviuide who shall be ad judged th-reto by authority." We doubt whether any earlier statute can be found in modern ävilizttio-t which recognizes, and in tact appoints and protects the institution of slavery. We have hereioiore shown how the Puritan liotight ,-iegroe., and shipped and sold in the Bermudas the captive Indians aid their child reo. VVe have not the spice to quote a tenth part of their legislation on this sul.ject. If any one seeks the origin of the fugitive slave law, at which Massachusetts now pro i esses a holy hor ror, we point lo the "Articles of Confederal ion of the Ne England Colonies," mide iu Ply mouth, close hv the rock, Sept. 5, 1C72, in which it was provided; "Sec. 7. It is also agree-1 tnat if anv servant run away from his master into any other of these confederated jurisdictions, that iu such ease, upon the certificate of one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which said servant fled, or upon other due proof, the said servant shall be delivered either t' his m aster or any other lhi pursues and brings such certificate or ptoof." 0 O 0 0 0 Here is the first fugitive slave law. Here was no talk of jury trials or of the prima facitti'x detice of freedom until a m in was proved to be a siave I he certiuciite ol a magistrate was the eole evidence required for extradition. . ! In 163 the General Cjurt enacted a law con cerning the right of men to sell themc!ves for Cebts. and protidiug that the court of '.he county rhould regulate the lim of service so that other cteditors should not be defrauded of their fair share of the in m's life-time. Here was a curious provision for men consecrated to human liberty, being nothing more nor less thin an establish ment of slavery for debt. Long before this (in lboG) they had forbidden any one who was a "covenant ferv int inhousehold with aoy other," to vote or hold office. The Puritan s)ttem involved three distinct castes in society. The "master or owner," the "servant" and the "slave." The grades of su periority and inferiority were regulated by la w. and strictly observed. The "servant" waa to all intents and purposes a slave for a limited period. He could rot buy or be' I g'Mxl?. not even the pro duct ot hi- own ex'r t labor (u this respect be was worse oft" than the South Carolin slave to day. He might become a servant by ruling him self, and in other ways.' Tbe Idea of equality in human rights or in the enjoytnant of liberty woul I have been rank heresy in the Puritan chuicb. Superiority , and inferiority, master and servant, owner and slave, wer relations do feuded out of scripture aud firmly held as scrip tural by the Pilgrim fathers Od the subject of emancipation the Puritan fathers hel l doctrines tint would bonify Mr. Sumner if he ever read history. They were de cidedly, nrmly opposed to the indiscriminate emancipation. Thev denied the ri"ht of a m aster to cast off his relation as master at will. They found freed men troublesome and they made laws against emancipation. In lb:J6 they passed a law on the subject of "covenant servauis," of which Section I waa this: " . "It is ordered that no servant shall be set free or hare any lot until he have served out the time covenanted, under penalty of such fine as the quarter's courts shall inflict, u riles i they see cause to remit the same This provision forbidding the master to eman cipate Ins covenant savvant waa continued as the law of the coh ny for a century. The question of immediate emancipation, which is discussed in this country, was not unknown to the Puritan. They held to the divine origin of slavery at.d its rightfulness as on institution having Bible sane tion I hry also held that emancipation waa im politic and inexpedient unites the master made provision for the support of the freedman. Tbe wisdom of tbeir view on this subject ought not to admit of dispute. But what will Mr. Surrner Lnd the members of the New England Society say, when we show them that after holding slaves for more than a hundred and City tears, with lull knowledge of the evils of slavery, the Puritan colony ol Massachusetts enacted a law to pre vent the emancipation of slaves? We quite the atatate la tail. - It wal enacted In J uot, 17Ü3. "am act a a latino to mulatto ax nxoao aiAVia Whereat great charge and inconveniences have arisen to divers towns and places by the re leasing and setting at liberty mulatto and negro laves, for prevention whereol Tor the future, "Be It declared and enacted by bis Excellency the Governor, Council arid Representatives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, that no mulatto or ttegro slave shall hereafter be manumitted, discharged or set free, untilrullicletitsecunty.be given t the treasurer of the town or place where such persou dwells, in a valuable sum, not less than fifty pounds, to secure and Indemnify tho town or ftlaco from all charge for or about such mulatto or negro, to be manumitted and set at liberty, in ease be or she by aickneso, lameness or otherwise, be rendered uncaps ble to support hint or herself. "And no mulatto or negro hereafter manu mitted shall b deemed or aecouated free, for whom security shall not be given as aforesaid, but hall be the proper charge of their respective ma at era or witotroaaea. In ot they eta od in need of relief and support, iot withstanding any mena mission or Instrument of freedom to them made or pi von; and shall also be liable at all times to be put forth to service by tbe selectmen of tho town." Jone, 17U3. - ' It may be at well to quote another statute of 17U3 tu show tho etor' resemblance between Massachiieettt slavery and South Carolina slave ry. It is at followt: "ax act to rasvyxr Dieoanr.a t Tita: moht. "Whcrets great disorders, insolence and bur glaries ar oluimes raised and committed in the night time, by Indians, negro and mulatto ser vants aud slaves, to the disquiet and hurt of her Majesty's good subjects, for prevention thereof, "13i it enacted by His Exc llency the Governor Coum I; aud Representatives, in Gen-r 1 Court, assembled, and by the authority of the same, that no Indian, negro, or mulatto servant or slave, may presume to be absent from the fami lies whereto they respectively belong, or be found abroad in the night time after nine o'clock, un less itte upon some errsud for their respective masters or owi e "And all justices of the peace, consUblea, tithiugmeii, watchmen, and other of Her Mje. ty's good subjects, being householders within the same town,' are hereby respectively empowered to take up and apprehend, or cause to be appre hended any Indian, negro or mulatto servant or slave that hall be found abroad after nine o'clock at night and shall not give a goo and sitisfac tory account of their business, make any disturb a uce, or otherwise misbehave themsel res, and fort j with convey them before the next justice of the peace, if it be not over-late In the night, or to restrain them in the common prison, watch house or constable's house until in the morning; and then caue them to appear before a justice of the peace, who shall order them to the house of cor rection to receive the discipline of the house, and then be dismissed; unless they be charged with any other offense than absence from the families whereto they respectively belong, without leavs from their respective maätets or owners; end it such towns where there is no bouse or correction, to be openly whipped by the constable, not ex ceeding ten stripes." October, 17113 In 1716 they passed a law punishing the mas ter of any vessel who should receive on board a hired servant without permission of his master, and making him alfco liable in damages to tbe "master or owner." , Massachusetts men are very fond of calling Southcrneis "slave hunters," and retail within dignation the stories of the pursuit of fugitive slaves escaping to freedom. One of the very earliest statutes of the Puritans, passed within twenty years after the landing of the Mayflower, provided as follows: "Sec. 3. It is also ordered that when any ser vants shall run away from their masters it shall be lawful for the next magistral, or the constable and two of the chief inhabitants, where no magistrate is, to press men and boats or pin naces at the public etiarge lo pursue such per sons by se t and land, and bring them back by force of arms." We need not pursue this subject further. "It Is abundantly evident that the true followers of tbe Puritans to-day are those who hold slaves, buy and sell human flesh and blood, enact laws for regulating ale very,, forbid emmcipation except on strict conditions to support -the emancipated person; in short, th.tt the present inhabitants of South Carolina are much more like the Puritan lathers than are the people of Massachusetts Instead of the contest which Mr. Sumner po etically im igined between the principles of the Mayflower, consecrated to human liberty, and the principles of the Virgin5 slave-ship, it appears beyond possible dispute that the May dower prin ciples were on the side of slavery, and therefore, it the contest has been going on all this time as Mr. Sumner pretends, then the rebellion is the culmination of Mayflower principles adopted at the South and fought against by Massachusetts! What further need be said to show the utter non sense which Mr. Sumner and these poor speci mens of New England sprouts uttered, and seek to palm off on the people as history. Let New' EnirlaoJ be? proud of her origin, aTnd New York of her origin, ami Virginia and South Carolina of their origin But let each be equally proud of the origin of the Other, each equally humble in view of her own sins. If Massachu set is insists that slavery is demoralizing and sin ful, let her rememler that she is .abusing the memory f her Puritan fathers We have not yet finished with the subject of the Puritan "consecration to human liberty." The t:me is favorable to a correct understanding of our own national history, and we shall take occasion to give our readers materials for tbeir aid in this important matter. N. Y. Jour, of Com. 22TWe copy the following interesting items from the Washington correspondence of tbe Cin cinnati Enquirer: i CHAT CHANGE IX EOtTBCKX P0UCT COXTEM FLATED. Private newt from Richmond indicate a change n two very important particulars of Southern policy. The first is a return to specie currency and the levying of a direct lax sufficient to carry on the war, and sustain the civil administration of thegovernmeut; and the second, the adoption ol a gradual system of emancipation for the women and children, and the immediate emanci pation of all the males between the ages of sev enteen and fifty and pulling them in the army The consideration of this policy, I learn, bat been going on for some lime, and the policy it. sew has met with vio'enl opposition. Some ob jected that tbe negroes could not be trusted - ith arms: but the reply was that, if intelligent Northern men, who detested the service, could be conscripted, and, when in the army, could be trusted, why could uot the blacks be trusted in the Southern aimy. The reply is unanswerable, besides, if servile insurrections are to be dreaded, how much better is it to have ia the army, in stead of among the women and children on the farms and plantations, the most dangerous portion of the servile class. ' Tbe great difficulty has been, that tho emancipation must be the act of the respective States, aud not of the Confed erate Government. The pressure of Federal successes has, I learn, brought the States to tbe conclusion that, if they did not emancipate their slaes. the Federal armies would do it tor them. Te objectors to emancipation hare been the planters, who have always been Union men, and opposed to secession, and now desire reconstruc tion ou the old basis. They wanted to save their negroes, and believed that disunion would be fa tal to their security. Since, however, the issuing of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, the planters have come to tbe conclusion that slavery is doomed, and they mght ss well liberate their slaves vol untarily as be coerced Into it. These two great and vital changes In the policy of the Confeder ates will, if successfully carried out, impart a uew Interest to the war; and the Utter especially will excite in Europe a deeper and livelier feeling than now exists for the success of the Confeder ates I ne war will then be carried on unaer a new phase. The abolition administration can no longer be justly charged, a now, with orosecu ting the war simply to free the slaves, . I he war will then be on one side for unity and empire, on the other for liberty and independence. "Loneixo rooms tjb HOMELESS WOMIX. "Dr. Mary E. Walker has the pleasure to in form thos females who are homeless, that she has ecured respectable rooms, where they can remain over night, free of charge. Let no woman who Is ne.iriv out of means 'perish in our streets' hereafter. She will also hear the cases of pros pective mothers who ore without homes and means to take care of themselves, and begs to Inform ail tutb who will endeavor to live better lives that they ncl not coinitU suicide, nor mur der innocents, for they tball be cared for and their misfortunes not be published to the world, for, Russia-like, your names wilt not be asked. We hall have temporary 'Foundling Hospital for the present, supported by volunftry contribu. tion, and we wish to know how many are in want of such a home during the period they are unble to labor. We have the lodging room's ready, and hall have the 'Foundling Hospital' soon. Tbe rooms now ready are not near ber residence, and those wishing lodging will call, if possible, be fore seven o'clock P. M. 'M. E.'Waliu, M. D , ' "374 Ninth street." ; No such thing every appeared io Waablugtoa paper during the prevalence here of "plantation manners and Southern morale." There was no necessity for euch institutions or such a notice. But tituoo have changed, and society bare at loaal has changed with thean. Tb Yankee la impress- in: upon ereryihinjr here hit msnnere sod his morale. Washington City la bow a Yankee citv; so at least New England papers od their Washington Cnrrespon0ntt lay. A chant to the old regime would be a great la proveaieut. ( And nothing shows the prevailing Yenkeeitm here OQjre than doet the M. D. who puts forth the above card. Look at that opruoe liltlo fellow walking up the avenue to the White House, of which be is tejrular visitor. A well-Ötting pair of boots encase hia pedal extremities, blue cloth pants enclose hia nether limbo, while a abort mil- ihrjcott with Urge cspe finish bis outer gar ments. On his head, he wears a fancy Burnside hat with a plume in it. He has a brisk walk. And ever and nnon he slaps his boots with a rat tan he carries In b!a hand. Follow him. He it about entering the White House. Ho enters just as you are up wiih him, and you ask the porter, after he is In, who that smsrt young gentletnnu was. "He! That fa i,o he, it 'is a she, a doctor at that, who can rut off a leg with the best of them." It was indeed a Yankee bloomer wijh an M. D to her name This female M U his gotton up this new es tablishment, which the great chtnge in the mm tier und 'morals of Wasbingten make, in her opinion, a necessity to keep females from com. milling suicide and munier. She has opened a correspondence, nruler the frank of New Eng land members of Congress, with persons in the loyal States, usking contribution to sustain her enterprise. The inUu'ioii iisclf is an encour agement of that other Yankee conception free love and passional attraction; and. if the thing can be kept in running order twelve months, Dr. Mary E. Walker will uot only have ber hands but her institution full. IFrom tit New York World. ft' reed African .ticxicoour Warning. If faith be plat ed iu the averments of leading Republican orators and newspapers, many men must be satisfied thut not only is political power abandoned which is based on slave labor, but the legt relation heretofore existing between master and slave must everywhere in the United States speedily cease. Such a consummation will, by a very large proportion of the now loyal States, be hailed aa a public blessing a blesiut alike to free and bond, to white aud black.. There are not a few honest aud intelligent roen and women in the United States who believe that slave labor has dictated and domineered over our national p-jlicy, ever since e entered ou the great highway of sovereignly, who unceasingly pro claiai such to be the fact, and demand that the Tree labor States shall now assert their rights and seize the helm of government. These very peo p'e, however, have assembled together on each returning Fourth ol July, aud vexed all judicious is teners by the extravagance of tbeir encomiums tpon the successful career Of the government oi the United States, a it bout thinking, apparently, thst. if our nation had become so great, had been the instrument of so much good, and if slave labor had dictated and controlled our Federal government during II that lime, then, slave labor, as a systeru, deserves the credit of having made the best government the world ever saw. - Another class, l.ire and potential, sincerely believe slave labor to be the sole and exclusive .t-hue of all our present woes, aud that destruc tion of that system of enforced labor will forever close up aud forbid all chance of another rebel lion between the people in the United States dwelling north and those dwelling south of a gien line of latitude. It is useless to pointsuch rcasoners to the fact that the rebellion which was nipped by the energy of Jackson bad not slave labor for its pro xi ante cause. Doubtless tbe lealous men and women we describe, if they bad lived in England during our struggle for inde pendence, and had never been colonists, would have anaihem.iiizeJ Pitt as a copperhead, aud would have insisted tint, as right to tax waa the cause of the rebellion, therefore all taxation must be destroyed forever. So, if these men and women had lived in the years of the long Ger man wars, M;d had believed the struggle a con test to decide wheiher front substantiation or eon substantiation was tbe true faith, they would have urged persistently that destruction of all substantiation was the only way io perm am en t peace. And so It is that vast numbers of good and patriotic Americans tejoice to-day, with joy nn ceasing, at the assume J near approach of the day when, in our rejn.blic. there shall be neither slave to flee nor master to pursue. Conservative men they who seek to deal with the main problem presented for solution, and donotdrell ou mere incidenu stand confuted and doubting. They never have consented tobe ruled by wryroes when held by Southern slave holders, and do not believe they ever have been. Neither, on the contrary, do they intend, if they have power to prevent it, to be governed io the future by negroet in the hands of Northern abo litiouioU. Whether held as slave, or as mere voting tools aud puppets of Black Republicans. they do not btliere that Africans can carry on the government of the United States for tbe best interest of the white race. It would be siippo.-ed that the tidings of want. wretchedness, filth, d sease moral and physical, starvation, death in its most appalling thapes, which come to ns from every portion of tbe land where our advancing armies have sundered the relation of master and slave; no obedience to abolition passion and hate would attemper the joy of the emancipationists. We cannot under stand how Christian roen and women can read without a shudder the letter of the committe of the Freed man 'a Aid Societies, and the pitiable, sickening confession cf President Lincoln, iu bis message, transmitting the same to Congress with but a paragraph of notice, in which he says he has not "the time to form a matuie judgment of his owu thereon." And yet this letter of the Freed man's Committee does but deal with the physical condition of the houseless, homeless, cloihesless beings. who have been thus pushed out into what, to them; is an unknown sea. All this is but as a drop in comparison with the greater question which rises portentous from the recent convention in New Orleans, iu which freed Africans were, as we understand, permitted to enter and deliberate on equaliry w ith the white race; for thut touches, as with a needle, the point of what in the future is to be the political rela tion between us of the European races aud then of the African race, now freed, as we are told, at the rate of ten thousand for every mile advanced by Genet al Grant iuto the enemy s country. President Lincoln has placed upon the records of bis country his inability to grasp the mere physical problem. Who will say that be or any other of the men now in power can master the political problem? Wtf shall wait to see what a Republican Congress can propose! Theirs is the re?pon.ibilitj, and theirs raust be the glory or the shame ' . It has seemed to us that there is much of in struction and warning io the history of that neigh boring nation upon this cout'.neill In which war civil war has come to be tbe chief industry of the couury. What is the key to the abject con dition of the Mexican republic? Had she not vegetable, animal, and mineral resources far sur passing those of the United Sutes? Reflect upon the enormous advantages we gained by possession of California, which was but one of her provinces! Why has uot Mexico been proportionally as pros perous and powerful as tbes-e United StAtC9? Not because we were colonized rhiedy by the Anglo S ixon race, for Brazil is alike peaceful, prosper ous, with us.and that powerful State was founded by the Portugese an Iberiar. race, like, but not superior to, the Spaniards. Not because we are a republic, for again, in Brazil, we have monarch ical institutions and herefiury rulers, with a titled aristocracy. And Brazil is but an illustra tion which comes, with many others, as we write. What, we repeat, Is the key what explains the difference between the United Sutes and Brazil, oa tbe one band, and Mcxio, oa the ether? . Tbe topic is large enough for a book, too Urge for one article of a daily paper to give all iU facts, illustrations, and limitations; aid vet there ia one fact io tbe history oY Mexico which we desire to touch. Tbe wtr of Independence of Mexico from Spain, aided, to be sure, by the attempted trans fer of the Spanish monarchy from its old Kings to Joseph Bonaparte, began by tbe uprisings of tbe Indiana of Mexico agaiost the European race in Mexico. The first great revolutionary movement ot New Spain was the tumultuary uprising of a hundred thonssnd Indians io Guan ajuato, fomented and headed by a dissolute pries- by the name of Hidalgo. Tbat rebellion avow edly for the extermination of tbe white meo in Mexico, who alone were capable of carrying on a relator government, waa uppreosed lo tbe blood of Hidalgo and tome of hit deluded Indian fol lowers. Two years elapsed, and In tbe province of Valladolld ensued a second revolutionary op- riticg, by t new army of half breeds and Indians, led an by another priest. More loo. to war npon white men. A second timo tbe whites succeeded In suppressing the iusurgents. Inconsequence of this strife between the ehlte and colored races In Mexico, there waa oesosotty for compromise, which was offered by a Creole of Spanish parent age, Augustin Iturbide, who had resisted Hidal go and Morelos. and that compromise consiated of a treaty between the insurgent Indians and white men, called the Three Guarantees of Igua- la. from the village of its signature. One of the condition s of that agreement was fAe rqumlittf of the raeti inhalitinq Mtxieo, by which Indian) were elevated to equality with white Europeans. This was tb atarting point of Mexican indepen dence. How unlike that ofAmericun indepen dence? But the colored race did not abide by the guarantees of Igudla, for within a single year there was nnother Indian demonstratio!: which expelled Itnrbide Irotu the country, and in this effort tfie leading thought was not equality of races, but driving of all roen of European race from Mexico And from that time to this there baa been for Mexico nothing but civil war, and half breed Indians, with now and then a pure white man joverning the country. The great mining establishments are destroyed; Institutions of t hurify, religion and administration, reared by the Spaniards, are completely ruined, until to the anarchy of Generals for forty years there has been succeeded, what was to be expected, the es tablishment of an administration resting for im mediate support t.n the i'orcts of a foreign gov ernment.. . And all has resulted from tho attempt to make Indians and half breeds politically equal with the dominant European race. Shall we profit by the lesson? ft'lCOTl WANIIING ION. Great Extent nf t enlistment A in ens; Site Veteran 1roop-C'ol.-. Efans llrlgnde HoenlUled for tbe War Splendid Ifecord -tud by this Atodjr . of Troop-Progreao of tlie Over throw of the old State Government The Stale overnmentat the !1orlh will not lone; Survive the Destruc tion of the Stale Governments at the South Special CorTopoDdence of the Chicago Times. J Wamusqtox, December 2S. Washington is preparing itself for a tiftw sen sation. The great avenue will witness, in a day or two,' a sight not often beheld even in this military city and in this warlike age, and far sur passing in real grandeur even the gorgeous fageaut that waa presented on the 16th of July, $61, when the brave but undisciplined legions of the first Army of the Potomac made their gala march across the Long Bridge, and "On to Rich mond," as they thought. That was a grand sight never to be forgotten by those who wit nessed it. But in a day or two we shall see here nearly a whole brigade of veteran troops from the Army of the Potomac, who bare re-eullsted lor the war, and who are going home to recruit. It is Berry's old brigade of Birney's division of the 3d array rorps, and is commanded by Colonel Thomas W. Egan. formerly ot Chicago, who has been acting as Brigadier General, in com maud ofi thit line body of troops, for some months past. The brigade is composed of the4üth New York, 3d and 5th Michigan, 17th Maine, 5Sth Pennsylvania, and 1st United States Sharp shooters. It is Ihe threa tegiments named first, together with the 2 I Michigan, who are coming through this city and are going to New York to recruit for the war. By the order of the War Department, Gen. Egan will Accompany the regiments to New York, and will personally su perintend the business of recruiting. This brig ade has a clot iotts history. The regiments com posing it formed at first the two brigade of Gen. Jamison and Gen. Berrv, in the division of the lamented Kearney, of Heintzel man's corps. It was ray good fortune to accompany this division during the whole of the Peninsular campaign. jnaj to witness tbeir coolne-vs, courage and en durance ou many a hard (ought held. Ueuera! Kearney had i Jason to le proud of his ttops, nud he was proud of them Almost the last words be spoke before be rode out in the blind iug storm, lo meet bis death on the bloody field of Chautilly, were addressed to Col Egan, at the bead of the ondauntel 40th New York. "Col onel," said he, "you have done nobly. I always find you and your gallant regiment in the right place.". Kearney, Jamison and Berry are all uow deid The latter fell at Fredericksburg, sword iu hand, at the head of his brigade in that terrific but fruitless rharge ordered by Burnside. Gen. Birney is the only one of Koamey's Briga diers who now survives. . When the shattered regiments of the Army of the Potomac were consolidated, the brigades ol Jamison and Berry were incorporated with one of Birney's regiments, and the whole placed un der Col. Egau's command. A higher compli ment could not have been paid to nny officer in the army. " ' It is expected that something like an vaiiou will be paid to this veteran brigade as it passes through Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia aud New York. They hive set au exalnple that ought to be followed by every regiment in tbe army. If the old regiments re enlist for the war, they will all be sent here to recruit (though not all at once,) and there will be no need of drafts or con scription laws; and they would do this if the fund arising from the $300 exemption was properly applied, instead of being used to buy negroes with. It is amazing bow the American people, once free, can stand still and look on in silence, while one pillar after another which supports the glo rious fabric of our system of government is torn down and rolled in the dust by tbeir perfid ious public servants. The mere announcement of the atrocious purposes of the administration, as set forth in the President's message, should hare been sufficient to cause tome action on tbe part of the people which would avert the de struction of all the old State governments in the South, which the President proposes. Embold ened, however, by the apathy with which the an uouDcement of this purpose has been received, the radicals are now hard at work devising schemes by which the old Staats shall be blotted out of existence. Tbe President's message fur Dishes "a short and easy method" by w hich this can be done. Whenever ons-tenth of tbe voters ia any State see fit to indorse tbe monstrous doc trines set forth in the last message, that act on their part is to be regarded by the Federal gov ernment as the abrogation of the eld State Con solution and tbe old Suite organization. The administration, organs are already bor.ir at work, trying to prove that this plan of the President's Ot.ly means one tenth of tbe legal and oen Jidt votertionny a;ate one tentrv oi toe aniens oi A State who are, by the laws of that State, le gally en tilled to vote This would be bad enough. The national government using iu utmost power in upholding a pitiful minority of one tenth of the citizens of a State in uproot'ng and demol ishingthe established order of .things, in oppo sition to the wishes of the other nine tenths of the citicens of that State, would be a fine spec tacle for the enemies of republican iusiitutions in Europe to contemplate. But the milignitr of Mr. Lincoln towards the southern people goes further than that. The one tenth of the voters are not required to be citizens of the State; they are not required to be qualified voters iu tbat State; they may be black men; they may be soldiers frem auf northern State. I know this wdl be denied by the Administration orgaua. But lot it be put upon the record, and let the evt-nta of the next twelve months de cide if I am not right. I know that the Presi dent will deny that he intends to let tbe negroes rote at all, or tbat be intend Northern soldiers to vote In Southern Sutra. Bat bo he denied that we bad any, power or desire to Interfere with lavery in tbe States where it existed; yet look what he haa done. And your readers will see that the game hat already begun in Louisiana.. Already a convention (!) has been held there, composed, not of citizens of Louisiana, but of abolition adventurers from the North, runaway slaves, free negroes, and white meu who by the lawa of that Slate are debarred fron the elective franchise. There might have been a lew legal voters in the convention, but the above constita ted by far the largest number of persons present. Tne facts I have from a gentleman, a oincoro Union Ban, a man of large property, w ho baa been for twenty-Are years a ciiixr-n of that State. These negroes aud Noitbern adventurers ore en gaged In a plot to revolutionize the State govern ment of Loultiina, and bring that Sute under the term of tb Preoideat'a proclamation. Ne groes voted tn tbat convention the same aa white men. The legal vote of Loutdana Is 60,500. According to Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. It only requires &.0&0 rote to overtura the wbol social and political organization cf that State, to abolish tbe old Slate constitution, and to place these ne groes and Northern adventurer at tbe bead of affairs (n Louisiana. These 5,050 vnte can easily be obtained. First, 2.00U to! dien, will be marched up to tbe polio end made to vote; theo 2,500 u-jgroes will be brought up. and their voles will be taken; and lastly, the SOU adrenturera from the North will vote; and lo! th work ia done, and Louisiana will bo a free Slate, in lb Union, by the President', procltinttion. What tb 5U.ÜÖU real voter will say to all this is a ia alier of not the slightest consequence. And when all the old Statt governments are twept away ia the South, bow long will it be that we will be allowed to retain our State governments at the North? It ia time that tbe eyes, of tbe people were opered. . X. . No Official Communication to be held, with Gen. Duller Exposure of moro I the BMetsof itto Jtdntinlet ration Increased llurdeno.o! Taxation to ' be Imposed I'pen the People Tho Itadlcalo Covet tue Laati of tbe Southern People Washikgtom, December 31. "Tho government" haa received official In form ttiou from Richmond to the effect that the Southern authorities will not recognize the beastly Butitr as an offioer, and that they will hold no communication with him ou tbe subject of tho exchange of prisoners, or on any other subject. You will remember that I stated in a recent letter that tuvb would be tbe action of the Confederate government. Butler's conduct at New Orleans was so beastly that tbe Confederate, government were compelled to pronounce a decree of out lawry agaiust him.. If by any chance be were to fall into Che bands of the Southern soldier, be would be hung on the nearest tree. This is the reason why be is not regarded like other officers in our army by the Confederate authorities. Acd this ia tbe reason that Butler can be of no use aa an agent for the exchange of prisoners. If tbe subject ofUhe exchange of prisoners has been in trusted to bim. the Union soldiers in the South ern prisons will be a great deal worse off than before. And, if "the government" is really de tirous to effect the exchange of such prisoners (which I doubt;, tbey will bate to take tbe matter out of Butler's hands, acd commit it to tome officer whom the Confederate government will recognize as a gentleman. Above all things, before a regular exchange of prisoner is again commenced, the Administration will have to retract their absurd dogma about negro troops. When that obstacle, and Butler, are both out of the way, the exchange of prisoners will proewjd rigularly. It ia true that the eyes of the people were fully opened to the vast extent, and to the full depth, of the atrocious designs of the Administration, in reference both to the next Presidential election, and to the mtni er in which they have determined to dispose of tbe lands embraced witbin the terri torial limits of th Southern Sutes. On both of there subjects new facta are coming to light ever few daya. There was a great ceal of meaning in that speech ot Mr. Seward, made some time ago, in which be spoke of Mr. Lincoln's Having been elected President of ofi the States for four years, and having been robbed of bis right lo act as President in fifteen of them. It will be re membered that Mr. Seward declared in that speech that tbe people eared1 it to Mr Lincoln to re elect him. ?o that he could hare his rights! One of tbe Republican representative from Illi nois advanced the same views in a public add rest delivered here a few evenings ago. But he put it upon the ground that "Lincoln ought to be allowed to complete the great work of emancipe tion which he ha so well commenced." Let the readers of tbe Times observe well the language and sentiments of these men, and also those of Gretley, mentioned at the close of my last letter. All these roen are intimate of the President. They have bis ear daily. Tbcy are imbued with his views. 'There is a perfect accord between what they say and what the President intend to do. And, iu ail that the say, there is nothing about the constitutional obligations of tie Fed eral government toward the Sutes; nothing about preserving the Union; nothing about winning back the love of the people of tbe Southern States by securing to them tbeir righu by consti tutional guarantees; nothing about restoring to the people of the North tbeir lost liberties; uothing even about our "dissatisfied fellow citi zens of tne South." as Mr. Lincoln at first called tberu. About all these thing Mr. Lincoln and bis advisers care nothing. What they care about Is to enrich themselves by prolonging the war and retaining themselves in power. What they talk about is tbe nigger. Tbeir war for the negro will only result, so far as the latter Is concerned, in the misery aud starvation of thousands of that unfortunate race. It would result in tb exter mination of the whole race, but for the fact that it will never reach one-fifth part of them. All their loud professions of philanthropy for the negro are only used to cover up their own selfish purposes Wendell Phillips wants the estates of all the Southern people to be confiscated and divided among the negroes of the Sovtb. Mis taken zealot though he be, be, at least, ia siu cere. But it is not so wi'.h the Sumners, tba Greeley, tbe Beech era, and the Lovejoys, who direct and control tbe actions of the President. These roen clamor tor the same thing. But they know that, even if tbe Southern people are sub jugated and exterminated, and tbeir lands parcel ed out to the blacks, the latter could not reUia them long; and they trust tbat, ultimately, by some legislative Republican jugglery, those lands will revert to them. Tbat is the secret motive with all the men who are clamoring for this wholesale robbery of our fellow citizens f tbe South, and for the division of their estates among tbe negroes. X. ' A Peculiar Institution In Iowa. Among the curious phases of Iowa ociety It the " Amanua Society." located in Iowa county, twenty miles west of Iowa City. From the Mu cntine Journal we glean the following facts re lative to this community. It says: It numberyight hundred members, and is di vided into seven villages- It is goverened by trustees, elected by all the members of the Soci ety. The Society owns twenty thousand acres of land in one belt. They have a Urge stock of horses, sheep and cattle seven hundred head of cattle, twelve thousand head of sheep, and a Urge number of horses; also, two thousand two hucdred acres of land under cultiv avion. They are, to some extent, in manufacturing, and have a good flouring and sawmill and a Uire woolea factory in successful operation.. Tbey card, pin, weave and full all kinda of woolen goods, running twelve looms nine narrow, and three for weaving broadcloth. Their machinery is of the most perfect kind. They will work wp thia season from five to six thousand bales of wool. The members of the Society are of a religious order. Everything moved iff in perfect harmo ny. When necessary, the women aid io out door wotk We saw twenty in one esrrot pitch, all at work. In the same field, eight teama were plowing. The Society i destined to become wealthy. ' JSThe Boston Toft says that the doctors are recommending whisky, both as a euro and pe VHitlve of diptheria. The remeJy is popular, aud the immense strides that medical science Is making In the art of preserving life, are very gen-. cYally admired. . giTSir William Armstrong is making a l.OUK pounder gun for the Euglir Govern meu t, the cost f which will probably be 10.000.