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North Eastern Boundary.
GOVERNOR’S MESSAGE. To the Senate and House of Representa tives. I herewith communicate for your con sideration, n communication addressed to me by the Secretary of State of the United States, with the correspondence therein re ferred to, in reference to the North East tern Boundary. This communication is made bv request of the President of the United States, and in suggestion, I ask your careful and deliberate attention to the facts and propositions therein contain ed. . The duty devolving^n me would per haps be performed by the™iinple communi cation of these documents, without anv re marks or comments of my own. But this subject, always interesting to Maine, has become more so by this direct application on the part of the President of the United States, for the expression of the wishes and will of this State in reference to the adjust ment of this long pending question; and feeling a deep interest personally and offi cially in every thing that relates to it, and Anxious mainly that the rights and honor of Maine should not be jeopardized or im paired, I fee), it to he a duty which 1 own to the peoplo who have assigned mo my part of responsibility, to speak my honest opin ions and views, plainly and unreservedly, upon the grave matters now submitted to you. [ ask for my views no other weight or influence then such as their intrinsic value may entitle them to, and I desire on ly to ho regarding as connected with you in guarding with watchful care the great interests entrusted to us and doing my du ty in this important crisis according to my best judgment. If mv views are erroneous,or if I am in your opinion unnecessarily stript or severe in my judgment of intentions, or too limited in tny suggestions of policy — I trust to you to correct or overrule me. I assume no right to dictate or control your action. In the communication ot i\ir Forsyth, in connection with u very lucid and inter esting history of the negotiations between the two Goveininents, we arc informed that the discussion between the Federal Governments, and that of Great Britain,has arrived at a stage in which the President thinks it dun to the State of Maine and ne cessary to the intelligent action of the General Government, to take the sense of this Stale in regard to the expediency of Opening a direct negociation fur the estab lishment of n conventional line, and if Maine should deem an attempt to adjust the matter in controversy in that form ad visable, then to ask the assent of Maine to the same. The grave and important question thore ®fore presented for your consideration, as you will more fully perceive, by the docu ment referred to, is whether you will clothe the Executive of the United Stans with unlimited power of fixing a ne w and cosi ventional line in view of the treaty boun dary. It is certainly gratifying to perceive that the right of Maine to he heard and consul ted, before the treaty line is abandoned is I fully recognized by tbc General Govern- I merit; and I have no doubt the Legislature of Maine will approach the consideration of the proposition in the same spirit in which it is offered, and with an anxious de sire to terminate this long pending and em barrassing question if it can be done with out too great a sacrifice of honor and right. Although the documents nro somewhat voluminous, the proposition is single and simple in its character, and easily under stood. l nave given uit; r?uwj- mi mu m ucu- , lion anil examination I have been ah!e to bestow, since the reception of the docu ments; and with a most anxious desire to acquiesce in any feasible scheme of ad justment, or any reasonable proposition for a settlement, feel constrained to say that 1 ran see little to hope and much to fear, from the proposed departure from the trea ty line. I think that the most cursory examina tion of the correspondence and movements on the part of Great Britain, must satisfy any one that the leading objects which her diplomatists have had in view, since the result of the arbitration, has been to des troy ot lay aside the treaty line, to lead us away from the clear unambiguous, definite, terms of that treaty, and involve us in in terminable discussions, propositions and re plies in relation to conventional lines, no one of which will be accepted unless it gives to them a large part of our territory. We find that in May 1833, very soon af ter the President in pursuance of the ad vice of the Senate, had opened a new ne gociation to ascertain the line according to the treaty of ’83—to which treaty line the negociation was of course confined, the British Minister suggested "that this per plexed,and hitherto interminable question, could only he set at rest by an abandonment of the defective description of Boundary contained in the treaty, and by the two governments mutually agreeing upon a con ventional line, more convenient to both "parties.” The same intention is apparent in the refnsal to acquiesce, in lire proposi tion to refer the settlement of the boundary line to a commission, to be constituted of an equal number chosen by each party, with an Umpire to be designated by a friendly power, from the most skilful men in Europe, or secondly—that the commiss ion should be entirely composed of such scientific men in Europe, to be selected by some friendly power, to be attended in (be survey and view of the country, by agents appointed by the parties. It was in answer to this proposition that the suggestion of the impracticability of the treaty line was made, and the intention became apparent to lead us away from that inconvenient ob stacle to their wishes, and plans—the trea ty languauge.—The propositions was so equitable and fair—so just to all parties and so full of promise of adjustment up or pro ceedings satisfactory to us, that it could not be preemptorHy rejected. Bui although it was entertained the answer to it clogged the proposition with so many conditions and so limited the powers of the commission ers, and required the concession on otir part of the all important fact, that the St John’s and Ristigoucho are not Atlantic river—that the original plan was at once deprived of nil vitality or pouer, or use— and in fact, the reference would have been merely an agreement to abide by the decis ion, provided both parties should be satis fied and assent to it. i It is certainly somewhat retnai liable, that if the assumed fact is true, viz: that the treaty line cannot he laid down or fixed .according to the treaty, that so much un willingness should he exhibited to have an i attempt made to ascertain it, or if Great ! Britain is so strongly convinced of the jus tice and strength of her argument and I Haim, that should be so reluctant to refer ! the whole question to disinterested and j scientific Europeans. I There is an apparent and I doubt not n I real anxiety to avoid discussion or examin | ntion based upon tne treaty—and 1 fear that if we once abandon that line in search of a conventional one, we shall never he able to bring thorn back again to consider the present line or to recognize the treaty ns of any binding eliicncy. I fear, too, that the only question in negociations for a conventional line will be, how large a por tion of our territory we must y ield up. The suggestion made by our government, to take the river St John from its mouth to its source ns the boundary was rejected, with a simple expression of wonder that it should have been made—and our Government is told explicitly that his “Majesty’s Govern ment cannot consent to embarrass the nc gociation respecting the boundary by mix ing up with it a discussion regarding the vai'ii'ntion of the St John, as an integral part of the question.” The intimation seems plain, and no ne gociation for an exchange of territory or privileges will be entered into, but the sin gle. point w ill he, how shall the disputed territory be divided between the parties. 1 fear that if we abandon the treaty lunguage —so clear nnd so decided in our favor, and sb much at variance with their claim, we 1 shall leave a certainly for an uncertainty, and throw doubt, confusion and embar rassment over our claim and our course of action, and yield to Great Britain, the great obstacle we now. present to her grasping spirit, the solemn treaty of ’S3. And what security have we that any line can be fixed upon which shall he permanent, or what certainty is tlirie that the new line may not be declared to be “impracticable” whenev er it may come in contact with any of the plans nr wishes ofGreat Britain? It would certainly lie difficult to present a stronger nnd clearer case than we now do, and if diplomacy and skill can manufacture doubts arid embarrassments, in the discus sion of the question as now presented, we may well despair of ever fixing a certain • anil unalterable line of boundary. If I am accused of in justice or severity in these re marks, I would point in justification to the remarkable progress of the doubts and as sertions in relation to the treaty line of boundary,—When the question as to which river was the true 1st Croix of the treaty, (which was the only question thru in dis pute) was before the commissioners under the treaty of 1794, the British agent found ed his principal argument for the western most river, upon the ground that, a line due north from the source of that river, (the St Johns,) which have their mouth within New Brunswick. He says, “ tlie most accustomed and convenient rule in cases of this kind, is to leave to each power respectively the sour ces of those rivers that empty themselves, or whose mouths are within its territory up on the sea coast, if it can be done consist ently with, or in conformity with the intent of the treaty.” * * * * “A line due north from the source of the western or main branch of the Schrodiac 01 St Croix, will fully secure this effect to the United States in every instance, also to Great Brit ain in all instances except in that of the river St John, wherein it becomes impossi | blc, by reason that the sources of this river jare to’ the westwnrd, not only of the west I ern boundary line of Nova Scotia, but of the sources of the Penobscot, and even of the Kennebec so that this north line must of necessity cross the St John, but it will cross it in a part of it almost at the foot of the highlands and where it ceases to he navigable. But if a north line is traced from the source of the Cheputnatecock, it will not only cross the river St Jphn within about fifty miles from Fredericton, the me tropolis of New Brunswick, but will cutoff the sources of the rivers which fall into the Bay Cheleurs, if not of many others, prob ably of Meramaichi, among them which tall into the Gulf of St Lawrence, nnd thereby be productive of inconvenient con sequences to the two powers, if not of con tention between them,instead of terminating their differences in such a manner,as may,be best calculated to produce mutual satisfac tion and good understanding, which is one of the principal und avowed objects of the treaty.” At this time then, there was no doubt that the line running due north to the high lands of the treaty, must cross the St John’s river; and if the starting point was carried cast it is admitted that such line I would cut off the Restigouche, which is nearly as far north ns our claim. And cet tainly the line was to run equally far north whether the starting point was east or west; unless the highlands inclined to the south. And yet we are now required as a preliminary to admit that the St John and the Resligouce are not Atlantic rivers. In 1814, when the negociations which resulted in the Treaty of Ghent were in progress, no pretence was made that our line did not extend beyond the St Johns, and according to our present views, Great Britain by her negociations expressly sta ted. that she " desires the revision of the frontier between her North American domin ions and those of the United Stales, not with aiiH view to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the purpose of securing her pos session, and preventing future disputes.” * * * * * ‘‘And snch a vxm ation of the line of front ier as may secure a direct commu nication between Quebec and Halifax.” And when our negociators peremptorily , refusrd to agree t® any cession of territory, j the nnswet was that they “were not prepar ed to anticipate the objections contained in the note of the American Plenipotentia ries, that they were instructed to treat for I the revision of their boundary lines, with | the statement which they had subsequently made, that they had no authority to cede any part however insignificant of the United ! Stales, although the proposal left it open for j them to demand an equivalent for such ces sion in territory or otherwise,’' And vet now that territory which they then offered to pay us for, is claimed as their own;—and that line which then was admitted and recognized as including the territory as c aimed by us, is now declared to lie iinpract cable, and must be abandon ed, and a more convenient one sought for . and establislicd. I1 I fed most sensibly that this question now presented is one of very grave impor tance, and t! at the action now to he had by the Legislature of Maine may and prob ably will ha'c a material influence upon the , relations between this government and Great Britain The painful conviction is forced upon me that G Britain is determin ed to hold this territory that she now claims, deeming it important, as securing a con nection between her provinces in time of war and peace. And I reiterate the asser* 1 lion heretofore made, that we have little to hope from the forbearance or action of j the British government. Their aim is ap-1 parent to expunge the treaty provision, and to hold on with an unyielding grasp to their modern claim, and to reject all proportions 1 having the treaty line for their basis I can not but regret it as unfortunate, that our own general government, although it has always recognized our rights to he consult ed before any conventional line should he adopted, has in a degree at least given countenance to the propriety nnd expedi- , ency of departing from the treaty line. “In a note from the Department of State, dated 28th April, 1835, Sir Charles R. Vaughan was assured that his generous ( suggestion, as llis Britanic Majesty’s minister, that negotiation should he open ed for the establishment of a conventional boundary between the two countries, was duly appreciated by the President, who, had he possessed like powers with llis Majesty’s government over the subject would have met the suggestion in a favora ble spirit.” Such a suggestion, it seeins to me, al though dictated by a sincere desire to end the controversy, Was well calculated to lead our opponents ns a matter of policy on their part to clog the previous proposition with insuperable difficulties, and to en courage them to persevere in their at tempts to obliterate the treaty language. I think the same effect must huve result ed from the singular announcement to the British Government of the United States in 1832, in opening the negociation under the vote of the Senate for a settlement of the treaty line, “that If the Plenipotentiaries should fail in a new attempt to agree upon the Line intended by the treaty of 1783, there would probably be less difficulty than before in fixing a conventional boundary, as measures were in progress to obtain from the State of Maine more extensive powers than were before possessed, with a view of overcoming .the constitutional ob otaclcs, which had opposed themselves to such an arrangement.” If n direct proposition had come to us through the general government for a spe cific line of boundary, yielding to us terri tory or privileges of navigation equivalent to the unsettled territory which we might I cede to them, it would certainly have pre j seated the question in a different aspect. But the question now is, as I understand ] it, whether we shall take the lead in | abandoning the treaty and volunteer pro ! positions for ’a conventional line. In res j pect to the proposition for additional sur veys, as it long seems to me inexpedient for this State to acquiesce iu the proposed negociation for a conventional line, until it is demonstrated that the treaty line is ut terly impracticable and void for uncertain ty. I can have no doubt that the line ought to he run, either by a joint commission of exploration and survey, or independently of our own General Government, by its own surveyors. It is evident to me that Groat Britain is determined to avpid if pos sible such an examination and exploration establishment of the line, and such proof of the real facts of tho case. . It will be perceived that the President intimates, that if the consent of Maine is not obtained, for entering into direct negotiations for a con ventional line, and all other measures fail ing, “he will feel it to be his duty to sub mit another proposition, to the government of Great Britain to refer the decision of the question to a third party. As this right is claimed on the part of the President, as within his constitutional powers, without the consent of Maine, and as no action on the part of Maine in reference to this mode of adjustment is asked by the President, I forbear to com ment upon it, but refer it to your consider ation. Our situation in relation to this inter esting question at this moment, demands tlie exercise of cool and dispassionate judgment, and careful, cautious but firm action. We owe it to the General Govern ment and our sister States, to do nothing rashly or hastily—to bear and forbear, for :he sake of tho peace of the nation and the quiet of our borders. But we have a duty to perform to ourselves and our constitu ents, who have entrusted the rights and honor of Muine in our keeping. Relying upon your patriotism, intelligence and cau tion, I place these documents before you, and ask your action upon them, in the con fident hope that the rights ar.d the territo ries secured to us by our fathers, in the field and the cabinent, will not be impair sd or surrendered. EDWARD KENT. Council Chamber, March 14, 1833. A THOUSAND GUNS FOR CON NECTICUT! We have the satisfaction*to announce to jur readers, a thorough political revolution in Connecticut. That State has been re leemed,—regenerated,—disenthralled from Van Burenism. Locofocoism has suffered i Waterloo defeat. Last year the Van Bu en ticket prevailed, by more than TWO l'HOUSAND majority, giving them, the Governor,Lt. Governor, and overwhelming riajormes m doiii orancncs ot tne J.egisla ure. On Monday last, the Whig candid ltcs for Governor, and Lt Governor, pre vailed by a majority of FIVE THOU SAND, over the Van Buren ticket, and we have elected TWENTY out ofTWEN TY-ONE Senators, and more than two 'hiri/s of the House of Representatives. Van BurenLoco-focoism is totally prostra t'd, coffined, and buried.—A more com plete and thorough revolution was never a chieved. Connecticut has thus followed the glorious example of Rhode Island, Maine,and New York. She has at length, cast offthe yoke,and taken her place among the great Whig family of the nation.—Make room for her, and give her a large space in the glorious constellation of States redeem ed from thraldom. New Hampshire is now the only New England State, that does now bow down to idols. We trust, that a single year more, will be sufficient to bring the Granite State into the constitutional union of Whig confederates. This result is exceedingly important at this lime. Connecticut is represented in the U. S. Senate, by Messrs. Niles and Smith, two of the most thorough-going col lar members of that body. They have vo ted the high toned Van Buren measure* an all occasions, and have been pnrticular y zealous, in advocating the lull of abomi nations—the sub-Treasury system. The erm of Mr. Niles expires next March,and lie will now be compelled to march out of the Senate, and give place to a more wor thy SeUator. This election will operate ns a vote of instructions for him and liis col league, to voto against the sub-Treasury Hill, and it will be one of the most powerful arguments against the hill, addressed not only to the Connecticut Delegation in the House, hut to all the other administration members. It will bean argument as potent as the speech of Mr. Webster. Mr. Web stet’s argument was addressed to their heads, and this Is addressed to their scats, and the relative effect of these arguments nre Well understood, when addressed to menofeonvenient principles. i lie sub*t reasury iiin irom the srnnte Was killed in the House. We apprehend that the result of this election will he a death blow to the equally odious bill reported by Cambreleng in the House. It will tend to break up the party in Congress, and scat ter their forces. Under such circumstanc es, it will be difficult for their drill sergeants to rally their troops, and impossible for them to carry their high parly measures. From this day forth, we shall consider the sub-Treasury Bill as defunct, and that the day of returning prosperity has dawned. It will not be in the power of a reckless party to withstand such repented and withering shocks. Once more, we repeat, all hail and a thousand guns fur old Connecliiul. The following are the glorio'us results, from all the towns in the State excepting six:— Ellsworth, (Whig) 21,6.52 Beers, (Loco Foco) 15,593 Whig majority over the Locofoco. 5,059 In addition to the above it is supposed, that the Conservatives, who run a third ticket, have cast some 3000 votes for Mr. Phelps, as candidate for Governor. The Conservatives, although formerly friendly to Gen Jackson,are in favor of Whig prin ciples, and dead set against Van Buren Lo cofocoisin. The majority agninst the des tructives will therefore, probably, mount above 8000. The towns to be heard front, are New Milford, Warren, Derby, Oxford, Middlebury, and Southhury. These towns will probably increase the Whig majority. So much for Mr. Van Buren’s experiment. Bost. Com. Another sub treasurer oone.—The Detroit Adv. says that Allen Hutchins,the receiver at the Ionia Land Office, has tak en to himself wings and fled, leaving Uncle Sam minus some 10 or 15,000 dollars. Much iniquity is said to have been practis ed in the Ionia office, the extent of which will now probably be known. ORIGINAL POETRY. For the Telegraph. SOMXOQUY. THE SEAMAN’S S< ’Tie midnight—at meridian height, 1 he Cross upright appear*— And distant planets roll around Their course of lengthened year*. Unnumbered lights beam brightly forth In the clear vault above— Formed, placed, and still controlled by Him Whose dearest name is Love. The sen is dashing round our prow— Its billows gaily dance, Come by the favoring gale, to meet ' The full moon's earliest glanee.” Asher soil radiance gently fall*, 1 he waters brightly gleam, As if u shower of pearls were thrown Around—so fair they *eem. Each object lovelier is than when In Sol's bright beams it lay— "The night brings light and beauty forth. We cannot see by day.” The southern skies and southern land* Have beauties lich and rare— But to my heart my woodland homo Is far more dear and fair. For years I’ve wandered farand wide— And sea and land roved o’er— But yet no sight creates such flfc As my native rock-bound shore. And all abodes or human kind, 'I he peasants quiet cot— Or monarch’s stately palace—fair As my own home are not. The low-roofed cottage, decked with vines— The spreading elm’s cool shade— Beneath whose boughs, at summer eve# We jointly knelt nnd prayed— My mother's dark calm eye, and browt On which the raven hair Was smoothly parted — her sweet voice— What tones of love dwelt there ;— My sisters’ notes of mirth and gloe. Echoing the woods among, The joyous laughter, wild and free—* The sad or merry song ;— Those tones are ringing in my ear— Those scenes before my eye, In nature’s own bright hues appear— O could I mount on high, Upon the eagle’s pinions borne Swift thro’ the yielding air, Homeward would I direct my flight, Home's calm delights to share 1 All! why did my nmbitition urge To tempt the faithless wave? Why di I I seek for other joys T han quiet home scenes gave ? 'Mid the w ild roaring of the waves “Glad voices mingling come/' And the wild wind seems like the sir Of my own forest home. O mother ! could I kneel once morS With thee, beside his tomb. Whose love flung beams of sunshine o’etf Earth’s scenes of darkest gloom, Whose fond paternal Care fust taught My infant heart to pray, And gather sweets from every flower Strewn o’er life's chequered way ! My father’s tomb ! fair be the flowors That deck tlmt holy spot ! The love of him that dwells within Can never be forgot. Time swiftly flies—“Midnight ia pxal, The Cross begins to bend" Another, to direct our barque. Will soon assistance lend. I to my hammock shall retiro— O may I in tnv dreams Pehold those much-lovcd scenes arrayed In fancy’s brightest beams ! There is a bliss in dreams, utiknovra To those who never roam— Sweet to the homesick wandf tr la fancy’s view of home. H. Shipwreck. Advices frorti Monte Vi dro, mention that the ship New Orleans, Capt Cole, lying in the outer roads, was during a gale.which took place on the 28th of January, driven from her anchors, and stranded four miles N.Vv. of the port. The lives of the crew were saved, and lighter* : were sent from the city to endeavor to sav* the cargo. — I Death of another mf.mner of Con gress.—The Hon. Isaac McKim, a rep resentative in Congress from the city of Baltimore, died at Washington on Sunday evening last, after some days illness. ! We learn by the Thomaston Recorder* that the dwelling house of Capt Joshua Smalley, of St. George,. was destroyod by fire on Friday, 23d inst. ! We can think of one good effect that will ; result from passing the temperance law. It will prevent Loco Foco candidate* from ^ treating voters at the polls. j Absence of Mind. A man trying to swallow a newspaper iie, the other day, made a slip and swallowed himself. The Zion’s Herald gives an account of a man whose arm became paralytic by sleeping in church; but if every one’s arm was to become paralytic who followed the same amusement, thi e would be a crippled set of us about the streets. On Sunday evening, Mrs. Adams, wife of Dr. Samuel Adams, Cambridge »t., wai ! inhtantly killed by falling down the c*llnr 1 stair* at her own residence.—[Traveller.