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The Delaware gazette. [volume] (Wilmington [Del.]) 1809-1810, October 07, 1809, Image 2

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f,ROM THF. NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Otfcmee of Mr. Jefferson's Administration.
No. IX
Having disclosed our detailed view
%f the internal measures pursued dur
ing Mr. Jefferson's administration,we
are naturally brought to a consider
ation of the general situation of the
country. Is it prosperous or wretch
ed ? The answer to this inquiry will
conclusively decide, independently of
every other consideration, the merits
of his administration. For if it is
prosperous, its prosperity must flow
either directly from the measures of
the government, or virtually from the
government having abstained from
every measure calculated to check the
natural progress of the country.
Let the appeal then be carried to
the conscience of every honest man
by requiring a true answer to the fol
lowing questions.
Is there a political right dear to free
men that has been invade,d during Mr.
Jefferson Administration ?
Is there at present a human being
who can justly affirm that he is not
in the actual enjoyment of all the lib
erty that is compatible with a good
government ?
Has the right of suffrage, in any
part of the union, been abridged ?
Has it not, on the contrary, been
greatly extended ?
T Have the broad principles of religi
ous liberty in a single instance been
violated ?
Has the property of any one been
invaded ?
Is there not, at this moment, the
securest enjoyment of liberty, relig
ion and property ?
Has there been any increase of pub
lic burthens !
On the contrary, has there not been
a great reduction of them connected
with a redemption of thirty millions of
the public debt ?
Has not the quota of taxes paid by
each individual sensibly diminished,
so much so, that at present only one
dollar and sixty cents are annually
paid, while at the commencement of
Mr. Jefferson's administration two
dollars and eighteen cents were annu
ally paii! by each individual ?
Have not the numbers of our peo
ple increased in as rapid a ratio,
h is ever before been known on the
face of the earth, and is not this an
un equivocal evidence of prospeiity ?
fias not our wealth increased in
tli'- same, if not in an accelerated ra
tio ? -
as
Has the labourer, during the whole
of Mr, Jefferson's administration,
warned ^employment, or the capital
ist been v nable to find objects for a
lucrative business?
Have not monied institutions, evinc
ive of thegi eataccumuiation of riches,
sprung up in every part of the union ;
and have tliev not all prospered ?
Have not the arts that contribute
to comfort risen with unexpected vi
gor, and those that embellish life evin.
ced a sensible progress ?
Do we not ourselves, as well as the
whole civilized world, consider
national existence, liberty and pros
perity as placed upon firmer foundati
ons than were thought to support them
at the commencement of Mr. Jeffer
son^ administration ?
Is there ail Amei ican citizen, or in
telligent foreigner, that will admit
that
our
our situation, compared with
that of any other nation, is happy
and even enviable ?
X'inaily, ïs there an American, who
can pin. his hand on his heart, and af
firm that ti c situation of his country
is less prosperous now than at the
commencement of Mr.
administration he expected it would
be ?
Jefferson's
These various questions admit of
but one reply, which proves the exis
tcT.ce of à solid internal prosperity,
n>
that, it n»oy •be safely pronounced,
has never been the lot of any other
people.
A nation thus prosperous within
may bid defiance to foreign injustice.
Its posterity is indeed abundant proof
of its involnerability, and,consequent
ly (whatever delusion may tempora
rily prevail,) of the impotence of the
folly that sports with its feelings and
tramples upon its rights.
as
F30M THE AVRORA.
SCF.ME OF A SAT JO SAL BASK.
_ ,.
Let an act of Congress pass, establishing
general and national back, and assum- p
ing lUe stock of all private batiks, with their
capital and debts.clue.
Let the stockholders first draw fi per
cent, and then half the surplus, not exceed
ing 3 per cent—the remaining surplus to
go to the use of the government.
The directors to be appointed, one fourth
by the president, and the rest elee'ed by the S
stQckholdersJwuhin the states. ^
Every deposit of cash to draw o per cent. s
interesf, whether it be private or public pio
perty, with a privilege to take stock a, the
end of one year, at a price to be fixed a, the
prcceJing annual term by Congress, and
ihe profits of the sale of new stoc to go to
the use of the government.
[Minordetails omitted.]
The benefits arising out of such an esta
l.lishment are many and1 important. In the
first place, an interest of perhaps o per cent.
on 100,000,000 ot dollars, would go to the
national treasury, or 300,000 per annum—
In the next place the string of tneonventen
ces arising from having so many different
kinds of paper in circulation as there are
banks, would be avoided, whilst the alarms
ol one bank suffering a ruin from others
would cease, and a 1 doubts about the safe
lyand security of bank paper would soon
be forgotten, and this paper become the en- ,
tire mccium, gwing »ta n tty to govern
ment finances, and attachment to mooted
tatet ests. Nor u it of small importance to
bring this subject within the grasp of the
general government, i only to prevent the
abuse into wh.ch it wilUurely run from the
of banking institiAoni, from mal
states, towns and persons carrying the
banking business to excess, ami from burg
more difficult to detect counterfeit*, wf.r . j
the kinds of paper mediuin are so nv-mc ;
rous and various*
Three millions annual y to the lre3*tm,
wuh the other public and private advanu
ges being ot serious concern to trie nation
it remains to enquire what are the ° >jec
lions to it. V* ill the present stockholders
refuse to surtender their charters and blend
one
increase
their interest in hodge podge ?
Without entering into the inducements
which stockholders would find in a general
amalgamation of bank stock, under the fes
tering influence of government—I shall
consider the power of congress to force
them to acquiesce, or cease to lie stockhold
ers; there choice would therefore be the re
sult of necessity, or choice of the lesser evil,
which, if not the most pleasant, is always
the most sure ground to go upon.
It is well known that before and during
the revolution, bills of credit were emitted
by the states and by congress, solely for
the public benefit and no such thing as
banks suffered. These bills of credit sup
ported the- state and general government»,
and would have supported the war, but for
the excesses of the emissions, which redue.
ed its value, and finally sunk it into no va.
lue, which though not without its advanta
ges to the public, fell very heavy on the mo
!
nied interest. That, at the formation of the j
general constitution for the union, it. was
thought prudent to take from the states the |
right to issue bills of credit; in order to pre- j
vent such another catastrophe—hence, we |
find it provided in section 10, article Î, "No I
state shall coin money, emit bills of credit," I
See. Here then it is clearly unconstitution
al for a state to emit bills of credit—and by
inferrence of sound policy what cannot Ire
done dtreciy, cannot indirectly. It there- j
fore only remains to examine if a bank note j
be a bill oj credit , to determine whether the
charters granted t» the banking companies
by the states are valid. To try this ques
tion, suppose the states to issue a paper cur
rency in the words of a bank note, would
such paper be constitutional? As this ques
tion is answered, it will follow either that
the charters are void, or the states have
shamefully thrown a very important inter
est from the people into the hands of a mo
nied few, and which indirectly violates the
provisions of the state constitutions, which
declare* that all linos shall be equal, and yet
suffers these chartered stockholders to draw
8, XO, er 12 per cent, while other laws for.
hid more than 6, under the penalty of for
and fine.
felt
J
I cannot, however, think it necessary to
consume time in proving what must be too
clear to need proof; that a bank note, or a
n> piece of paper purporting that the bearer
shall receive the nominal amount is a bill of
matter what the words are—or
credit, no
that what a state cannot do in its capacity
as a state,'it cannot do by third persons, and
consequently that every charter granted 1»
unconstitutional and void.
It then follows to enquire, if stich is the
case, can congress grant a charter, and
ought congress to do so ?
The constitution has no where given, in
express language, the power to emu hills of
credit—But it has given impliedly all the
which the state* are debarred from
and expressiv the power to provide
oowers
p or general welfare ; to borrow money;
(o c0 - n monev . to punish counterfeiting,
gj C- Although it is clear the right of con
SR ; s better than the right of the states,
.j- a doub , existed, there is nn doubt but
an amcntlmfint m j g ht be had to give the
power expressly. Because it is for the gene
rd and particular welfare that hanking
S ) 10U ; C | g „ on — ail J it is an insufferable a
buse to give corporate associations exclu
s j ve p r i v j| e g e8 at the expence of the pco
.
'j' be sUm tbat government could gain in
tb ; s - V2Vj W0U |J | )c adequate to build a na
fortify the union: canal and turnpike
tbe un ; onj or g i v - e general education to the
poor.
Shall then these verv important national
benefits all bo neglected; or be sunk at the
foolälool of a monR . d aristocracy, already
(Qo _ rcjud and w b 0 keep their property be
' an(1 lbelBK | ve5 out 0 f lhe
{)f blic service >
' 1 _
It U plcasing to reflect , bat the honest
f ' lhe lec f eralists are shaking off their
^ rejudices alnst lheir own government,
^,d uniting w.th the Republicans in support
ftf the * nt admin -, at ' alion . and indeed,
how ^ it be other wise ? If theyever mean
, [0 M from fcderal deceptioil aod d(;la .
s j on they will escape now. There is no o
lher aij ,/ rnatlvc . Yhey must either relia
; sh all cla ;, ns to the name of Americans;
^ - rffy tlu , British, join the Essex Junta,
an( , ' lv decllire ,threat Britain has done
exscntial V »_ I)otwithstandln g
she . ilas „„pressed our seamen, violated our
lnunti . ile juriscliction, murdered our citi
2 , >11S time ol time> ; nsldtL . d 0U r govern
j ftnd petfid -, ousl v disavowed the act of
; r authorised minister* h is not possible
for a man to be a real American, and iusti
f r , accumulaled wrong9 . If Ameri
c<(Qrj caB er „ r be rousccl> , h wH , bc rous .
ed naw . The British faction who eryed
embargo, non-intercourse, and e
ver y mea . utc t bat could protect the nation
ag:dn ,t Btilish outrage, will soon become as
obnoxious to the people, as were the old to
ries and refugees of '75.—Boston Chron.
We are happy to find that the delusion
and infatuation which existed among the fe.
deral citizens of the New England Slates
in consequence of the pressure of the Em
bargo, &c. which the enemies of our govern
ment took infinite pains to represent as an
oppressive and unconstitutional measure,
is fast passing away. The late elections in
Rhode IsLi.d and Vermont fully demons
trate the tact. We congratulate our repub
lican fellow citizens on the glorious
result of these elections, as well as
the great change which has taken place in
the minds of the people of this state in con
sequence of the perfidy of the British gov.
eminent; so that we can calculate almost
with ce nattily, that the next spring elections
will give a large rnojoiity of votes for the
! Patriotic Fanner Livi Lincoln , Esq. for go
j ventor—who the lust spring received the
five, unota. • d suffrages of Forty five
| Thousand FREEMEN, notwithstanding
j the then federal-song of Gore and F
| Trade !—Gore and no Embargo !
I has now lost its charm,
I
j
j some grant!
on
ree
which
lb.
The Policy of Bonaparte contraire:
gland—copied from ihe Edinburj
bc-r 25 , October, 180P.
with that of En
h Review, Xum
BO\ APAH I E bends all Iris force lo effect
peration in one quarter. Upon the
laie of the cause in dial quarter every tiling else
hinges in the most distant scenes. Upon this
single view of the subject is built the constant,
steady, masterly, resistless policy of Bonaparte,
bom the attack of a post up to the combination
ol eniire caurj-.gns. Examine his buttles and
indeed those ot all the great commaiideis of
France, and we shall find that the plan of each
ageinent is similar to the general system of
r military policy. They direct a vast column
to one weil chosen point; break through
line in that quarter ; defeat the neigliboiiiw parts
ol it, and tiie rest falls before them. °
en i
thei
the
Suppose he means to gain several object» i
different parts of hi* extensive dominions. For
example, to dri-e the English out of Portugal_
to reduce the King of Swrden to an amicubîe ac
knowledgement of hi« title—to expel the Neapo
litans from the Continent, o: defend his new
kingdom, Italy—to take a province or l'voŸrom
m
rite Gciiiw. |*r!r»c-•*—t p'-okl», Vthj
Now it Bonaparte'* coimstlloi
Prussia.
taken from ihr JingUh political Cast, it is very
plain what method lie would adopt to gain all
those points. He would in t,he first place take
care to make war without the shadow of a pre
rtnee, and put himself clearly in the wrong be.
'fore all Europe ; he would next delay doing any '
thing until the season for operations was nearly
gone by; he would then probably treat n little,
and be duped by hit allies, and cavil and wran
gle a good tleal, and quarrel with some of them,
and excite a hatred with all of them, and t,(
himself, and a contempt of his plan, among Ins
own subjects. But all these preliminaries of
fai ure being settled, he would at last come to
his operations; ami his policy would be to gei
up a number of neat little expeditions, equal in
number to the things lie wants to take, just one
for each thing. He would send an expedition
towards Sweden ; and (he sea not Ireiiig his ele
ment, it would probably fail of itself. He would
then send a tolerably large and intolerably ex
pensive expedition to some port of Germany—,
and another towards It dy—a smaller expedition
to Portugal—a nice little one to take a slice off
Bavaria—besides a sort of by expedition to plun
der Hamburgh, and burn, for stage effect, some
other capital in alliance with him, merely to as
tonish people and look vigorous.
Instead of enquiring wh it would probably be
the result of all this drivelling, winch is indeed
too plain to require any statement, let us .remark
rather how Bonaparte i 'ms act, nut bavin" En
glish politicians to advise him. He leaves N->
plesalone; if Joseph can suppott himself well;
if not, he will restore him after the campaign is
won. He leaves Sicily alone, filled will) English'
troops, who are just as usefully employed for
him, as if be had them in his depot of prisons»
—filled too with the squabbles and intrigues of
his faithful -allie» the old royal sovereigns and
courtiers of Europe.. Portugal he leaves to the
English army, there assembled for the precise
purpose of doing all soits of nothings
iiim. lie cares not if the English are mad c
nough to make a descent on C/labria in his ab
sence, or childish enough, because it may have
a partial success, to reward those who ventured
on so useless u.r enterprise, instead of calling
them to an instantaneous and severe account.
All other objects of subordinate imjiortanre, he
leaves in like manner to themselves. The bwede
is allowed to strut his little hour of squibs, ma
nifestoes, and bulletins. I'he Tutk is unmolest
ed ; except by his allies, Egypt is occupied by
none but English forces. Eager fot ships, coin,
nies and commerce, he defeis ail trading specu
lations till the season of victory and peace ; nor
envies at all the plunder of the rajahs of the east,
nor once throws away a thought on all the su
gars of the west. Gut hi* game is not the less
sure for being more contracted in its sphere. He
singles out the vital part of his whole adversaiy,
and the point of it which is most exjroscd. In
that vulnerable part be plants bis dagger ; and he
know» full well, that the icmotest limb uilj
quiver, with the shock, He sends forth Ins host
in the plen.tilde of its array, to sweep ovçi tho
interjacent regions, and to pour itself in one
grand, deep, but contracted and therefore irre
sistible torrent, into the center of the strength uf
Europe. Here, as near'Berlin and Vienna as
he can he fights his battle ; and while you aie
menacing the western departments—or landing
and re-embarking in Italy—or capitulating in
Holland—or idling ia Portugal and Egypt—or
butchering your friends in the north—or bury
•g your own men and planting the slave tr-dc
in the West-Indies—he is playing that great
game which must place in his hands the sweep
of all those small stakes for which you are pre
tending to throw. Do you doubt whether hr
shall win the game he plays for ? If you do, why
then don't you send your men tiler« to meet
him ? Think you that he even doubts of his suc
cess? It may be that he docs—but he know»
that the only way to gain it is to think of noth
ing else than victory, and at any rate, to think
of no other contest than this ; above all, he feels,
the folly of being either victorious, or vanquish
ed in a little way. He knows, that if he con
quers the imperial or the Prussian arms in the
center of the empire, lie shall ^ud no difficuhy
in carrying all the other points—no trouble but
preventing the escape of your forces from the
little posts which they have been senselessly oc
cupying ; and, if he should be overcome in Ger
many he must make up his mind, not merely to
the loss of those petty objects, but to icing aver
tit Germany —to the utter ruin of his foreign
power. Plain and simple as this consideration
is, and constantly as we have seen him act
U, we have never
example,
err
in
in
co/nc
UpCQ
yet been able to profit by hie
. an ^ hy the sight of those victories
which he has achieved, so as to alter, in the
very lea« degree, our own fatal flalien toward*
all our allies.
AMERICAN MANUFACTURES
It is highly pleasing to observe the spirit
prevailing in various parts of the U. Stat
; enc °urage our internal manufact
X here is nothing more calculated to check
*, insolence ol foreign nations, especially
England, than a, vigorous exertion to furn
ish ourselves with such articles as we have
long been in the habit of importing from
them. The raw materials within our coun
try can he more beneficially used at home,
than sent abroad to employ the people of o
ther nations : our labor can be as useful to
ourselves as to them. The population cf
the U. b. is adequate to all the purposes of
agriculture aod manufacturcss, if brought
But the failure has
not apportioned the em
otir ciuzens ;o those various
tes
to
urrv—•
so
uuo proper operation,
been, that we have
ployaient of

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