VAim AND PH1CFI.
Thai labor produce# valued in one of tl\e maxims
of political economy; and it Is contended by Adam
.Smith and hi* school thai the real value of a thin#
if* to be found in tlte labor requisite for Ita produc
tion.
It seems to be ovorlooked that the term labor is
one of OA indefinite signification. Yel it is taken us
though it had a fixed unity of meaning.
Labor in itself is not a principal but an agent in
iha production of values. Let us go to the begin
niug.-rLabor foolishly directed may produce noth
ing, let it be ever so active and persevering. It is
to the intelligence which directs it that labor owes its
productive faculty.
A mere material agency dealing with material
things, the spirit of man must be transfused Into
both agency and substance before the creation ol
value can take place. A horse or an ox is stronger
than a man, and can do more labor in the me
chanical sense of the term; but not all the labor of
all the animals that ever went upon four feet could
create one element of valuo unless directed by u
higher than animal intelligence.
Labor, then, in itself Is not a measure of value, nor
in itself a producer of value Nevertheless, without
it no values could be produced. It is the agency
which I lends mind with matter; which conjoins the
()iiiekenini( intellect of man with the substances
of nature; which infuses soul into inert elements,
and imparts usefulness and beauty to the crude ma
terials out of which alt tiiose tilings are made
which human wants and comfort and convenience
lrqulre, as civilization advances from one stage to
another.
When intelligence, applied to the production of
valuer, ius invented machinery by which a vast in
crease of productive power is obtained, the values
thus created by the union of intelligence with the
material agencics which it lias put together and
which it controls, are to be estimated by the whole
ugqregute production of the new force. The prices
of single articles thus produced are greatly dimin
ished from what they were when produced by hand,
and if the view were confined to that sort of Illus
tration It would appear us though increased int. Hi
genre applied to labor had lessened the value of the
product. But the truth is far otherwise. The de
cree of intelligence that en I en into labor, enlighten
tng and directing it to useful ends, constitutes the
measure, because it constitutes the element, of value
In the products which are its results.
Hut this is not a tangible definite standard. True,
it is not. Nor can there be any so long as ideas are
not capable of being estimated by avoirdupois, or
gauged as round or square. In proportion as we
rise from the physical to the spiritual elements of
being we approach those which are more and more
powerful, yet in the same ratio more and more be
yond cognizance or tangible estimation.
It is usual to apply the term labor to one species of
labor only?the labor of the hands. The man who
digs with a spade upon a canal Is called a laborer;
the engineer who nlana the work and directs it is not
called a laborer. But this restricted use of the term
is calculate,d to deceive. In another sense, too,
rliere is a wrong meaning attaehed to the word; it
is often used as implying work that is oppressive or
hard. No work is oppressive Jor hard into which a
willing mind is thrown, nor is any work easy into
which a willing mind does not enter. These are
relative terms altogether. Activity is one of the
characteristics of lite; it pertains to the essential ele
ment of vitality. A man who has intellect and en
ergy, whether in a greater or less degree, must be
active or miserable, it is the restless, ceaseless im
pulse of the mind to go forth into action; and that
action, so impelled, isl>ut another name for labor.
But there is, indeed, one sense in which lubor may
have the characteristic of hurdMhip?and unfortu
nately It is too often applicable. It is when the
humbler kinds of labor find no friendly ailiunce with
superior intelligence, but are made its instruments;
where the remuneration of subordinate labor is
stinted and grudgingly given; where constant occu
pation is necessary to obtain s bure subsistence and
life becomes one unvaried round of toil. The great
problem of civilisation lies here. Slowly but surely
it must coine to pass thot the faculties with which
man is endowed, be they humble or great, may .be
brought into full and usertil action without that dis
tortion, suppression and pain, which now too often
mark the workings of the social and industrial sys
tem. Certain faculties of astuteness, sagacity and
tact, not the highest by far in the standard of human
worth and greatness, acquire ascendency because of
their adaptation to money making pursuits, and In
the grasp of such the labor which cannot nave the
benefit of such efficient combination Is likely to suf
fer. Nevertheless, there is a real affinity between
'the higest and the humblest forms of labor, between
the highest and the humblest faculties, and out of
that affinity and mutual dependence the solution of
the problem referred to is likely to arise by gradual
steps.?Halt. American.
RAILROAD ITEM*.
Cleveland and Cincinnati Itail road.?The Cleve
land 'Herald stales that there are upwards of one
thousand men at work on that part of the line of
the Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati Kailro.d
lying between the two first named points. The
work is being prosecuted with great vigor, and will
be ready for tHe superstructure, according to the
contract, by the 1st June, 1850. The precise dis
tance between Cleveland and Columbus by the sur
vey adopted, is 334 3-4 miles. Contracts have been
already made for 7000 tons of iron rails.
Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad.?On Tuesday
evening last a public meeting Off the citizens of Pitts
burg was held, in furtherance of the Pennsylvania
and Ohio Railroad. Addresses were made by Gen.
More-head and S. Roberts, Esq., and also by two
gentlemen of Ohio, Mr. Larweil of Wooster, and
Mr. Wellman of Massillon. These last named gen
tlemen stated that each county in Ohio through
which the road would pass had already subscribe^
the stock necessary to cairy it through thai county,
and! they only asked that Pittsburg and the section
of Pennsylvania west of it should furnish the means
of carrying the road to ihe Ohio Slate line.
Addresses were also made by Mr. Car'-ii; of Stark
county, Ohio, and Col. Robinson, President of the
Railroad Company.
Col. Benton, of Miss ami, who was present, made
an eloquent address.
The following, umong other resolution*, were
sdoptodi
Resolvedt That, in the opinion of ihitl meeting,
the true iutercsts of the citizens of Pittsburg and
AU cghsr.y would be promoted by t\ corporate snb
scrlption on the part of those cities, each to the
amount of Two Hundred Thousand Dollars, to the
stock of the Ohio and Pennsylvania Railroad Com
pany, as auhorlzed by an Act of the Legislature of
Pennsylvania! p^ocd April 5th, 1849, ;o be made
payable in bi/nds of those cities, exempted by the
aforenaid act from all local taxation, none of ihc
bonds to be issued until at least two hundred thou
sand dollars shall have been subscribed to the stock
by individuals in Allegheny county, and as the pro
cess of the work, after it shall have been put under
contract, may require; and provided further that the
avails of said bonds be appUablc to the construction
of said road within the State of Pennsylvania.
fiivofrtd, That a commltteo of three members be ' .
appointed to prepare and circulate a brief addre?-:< to i ?
the eitlzcns, netting forth the advantages of this irn-1 -
movement, and urging the importance of their mak
ing such subscription thereto as will insure its
speedy, completion.
Retolved, That a committee of jive be appointed,
whose duty it shall be, in conjunction with the Di
rectors of the Company, to wait upon the citizens
gen# rally, and solicit their subscriptions to (he stock
of the Ohio and Pennsylvania Railroad Company,
and that the committee act forthwith.
A U tter from Pittsburg, under date of the 2f>th
inst ., says?
Twenty-five hundred shares have been subscribed
towards the Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad, within
the past two days. Fifteen hundred more is re
oulrcd to be taken to put the road under contract
The road in to connect with the Nando Av toad
?- Ivith the Sandusky road.
Ohio and Erie Ha II road.?U tiring tlv* bte session
of the Pennsylvania Legislature a bill was panned?
at the urgent instance of the people of Philadelphia?
repealing an act authorising the construction of the
"Erie ?nd Ohio Railroad,11 the construction of which
work it wos contended, would seriously injure, that
city. It now appears, however, that during the lint
hours of the session another bill was pusned which
actually revived the privileges that had been taken
awsy by the repealing act just named The Harris
burtf Union, speaking of this matter, says
Tiius, after all the trouble and upense of passing
and repealing Krie and Ohio, railroad bills, it ?eoms
the very shrewd members from Philadelphia were
entirely overreached during the last hours o( iho
session, and an L'ric and Ohio railroad bill has twain
been sprung uppn them, they permitting ii to go
through all Its stages without ever discovering Ok
true object of the act.
Saratoga and Washington Railrowt. -Hie protj\c.
tiona relative to the business on t.We road are ?pgin
. ning to he nru^ok more khart Mrullae'V since the
opening# 1 Champluln. thour", ,jt',
We oTtoaia Is nut y,-t eetaUttfk' |rjVf,| oll ,|l(.
road has lncrcaacd ul a fowJte1 n|t'(,
!!???*** morning train, down |
cMWgi Uf,WVfiw nllinberof tiRcr.. Tue.
J*7, \\odw*?' I76. Thl,rndiiyi 280. We lwve
no returns ol t |0 moon or up trains; but, judg- ,
ins from appearances, there cannot be less than I
600 pitf'enfp-r. <jay now pawting over the roud. I
A'1'! thi* nutnbei will greatly increase a* the ?c.non !
advance*. 1
That this road will pay, and pav well, loo, i* no |
longerjirobleniaiicul?.SVofo^u, (.\>tr Yorl.) Ilrp.,
II . mrn
P?ttawotomib Coi'xtv, low?, Mr. Sloun the
County Clerk o( thin county, returned from tlie ??ei
of government on the '4)th nit,, an wo learn from the
Frontier Guardian. He l? aaid to have brought new.
tliat the county aeal would 'oon lie prf|wi?T and for
warded to 111# county, ?nd tho adticc of <h> I. k liny
men at Iowa City 1^ that the people of iHc rounlv
faithfully comply with the ln*triic1lon? of the Demo
vratlc Auditor of Slate, pay their'lnxenjind M>|nl
r.rc in all the requWlloni of the law. Tliia l? tlie
county which the l,oeofoeo? havehliherlo refuted to
acknowledge, and which the majority in the Iowa
Legislature, laat winter, attempted to ent on from
the prnteeilon of the taw.- Ht Loul*
DAILY NATIONAL WHIG,
EDITED BY
WOKTIIINUTON O. SSRTHKNi
WASHINGTON, D. C\,
?MONDAY MORNING, APRIt. 30, 1849.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL, AXK.
Tlie Union abounds, in these latter days,
in dissertation* npon the use of this favorite
instrument of the Democratic party. Ac-j
customed, tor Ibrty-eight years, to the sole j
privilege of wielding it, he can think ol j
nothing else, speak of nothing eUe, now I
that its possession has been tranferred to I
other hands. Every number of his journal, |
iince Gen. 1 aylor took his seat, lias been '
ilevoted to this sharp theme. What he says
one day, is repeated the next with varia
tions, and so deeply imbued is his mind with '
the ?sentiments, suggested by his old h:ibit
ol using the constitutional axe, that he lugs
them in nil all occasions, whether treating of
the presentation of a sword to the President,
by a sovereign State, or whether inditing a
paragraph up-ui the b|uod of those self
destroying martyrs, the Mrowns, the Pec
blls and the Dkiwis. It is axe, oxe} axe,
Iroui morning till night and from night till
morning. So stirred up is he, at the loss of
ids favorite Democratic weapon, that lie
joes about, Orpheus-like, making the woods
esound with cries for his beloved Eurydice,
My axe, my axe, my favoriiu axe,
Oh' wheru in ii gone?
On a recent occasion, our Democratic
ixe loving neighbor undertook to give a
listory of its use by the two great parties
nto which the country has been divided,
iince the accession of the elder Adams to
lower. Whatever other merit may be in
his Uistnriette?see the Union of the 26th
>f April, 1S49, article, Proscription?there
s one obvious defect in it, and that is, the
Mitei did not institute a very sharp inquiry
ifter the truth. Indeed, it is plain, that truth
vas not the object sought. The whole en
leavor is to show, that the Democratic party
lever used the constitutional axe, for polic
ial opinion's sake, and that the Federalists
ir \\ higs did. One would suppose, that
iuch a proposition, so much at%ariance with
he commonly received opinion of the country,
vould have been supported by the most irre
iagible proof, but it is not so. All the evi
lence adduced is the bald and bold assertion
>f the Lnion, that it is, as be says it is !
Ve were prepared for almost any thing, no
natter how variant from the truth, which
on Id be said with an air of plausibility, but
^e conless, the article in question went a
legree beyond what we supposed even our
ruth-avoiding neighbor would be willing to
renture.
The printed history of the politics of the
:<>untry give the denial direct to the propo
ntiou ol our contemporary, that the Demo
ratic party was not the proscriptive partv,
'ut that the Federal or Whig party was.
'he very reverse is the truth. General
Vashi.voton admitted men of all shades ol
on*titutional political opinion, to a partici
?tion in the offices of Government. I|e
xercued a decided preference for those,
iio, he believed, were in favor of establish
ig the Constitution upon a firm basis, for,
will be. remembered, that, in tliose days,
icie \vrr? a number of public men net
ell-?flect*d towards the, tl.eu, new Consti
itiun. Confidence in those, whom he se
?cted as the depositaries of the public trusts,
as the primum mobile of all Gen. Wa.sh
.cion's appointments. In one of his let
?rs to a Mr. Stuart, of Virginia, he
euts rather harshly, but justly, in our opin
>n, the conduct of a distinguished citizen
f his native State, who went home from 1
lew Vork and ridiculed the first President '
nil ascribed to him monarchical feelings. 1
hat citizen was opposed to the new Gov- 1
o.ment, and though eminently qualified for 1
duties ol the highest grade, he never 1
sceived an invitation to assist Gen. Wash- ?
?oton in administering the Federal Fixe- 1
Jtive office. And yet, nobody, in those
uys, or now, regards that act as a proscrip- 1
ve one. I
We know, it is common to refer to Gen.
Usui?;,;ton'* administration as a no-partv J 1
aministration, but we are not prepared to'1
it lhe tr"?> of this distinction in the '
resent sense o' the term. It was a decided *
arty administration, but his party was the '
arty of the Constitution, and the opposing I
arty was mimical to the successful estab- '
shment of the new Government. Air. 1
Iamilton and Jcfi erson were of the
I asimnoton party, and their differences of 1
pinion as to the construction of the Ponsti- 1
ition, had nothing to do with giving a char
cteristic to Gen. Washington's adminis- ?
ation. They were. J?r the Constitution
nd their opfKinent a were uguinst it. Eight
ears successful administration, by the Fa
?erof his Country, of the new Government,
oinpletely prostate,) the party opposed to
, and even before the close of that admin
;t rat ion, not a voice was heard, in condem
ation ul the Constitution, as not having
n-.wered the purpose of affecting a federal
inion, such as was desired. Wasiiinoton
lever called a single citizen to public office,
who was opposed to the new government'
lie was so far a party-man, though his party
war, the party ol the country, the party ol
I If Constitution and not merely of its con
struction He called nh man to office, in
whom he had not confidence, and there were
intellectual giants, j? those days, excluded
frotu power, under this ri;le, and yet wc
read not, that those giants complained of
proscription tor their opinions' sake and
why ? Uecause, office was not regarded a,
the vnnmum bonum of political life, j? ,|10se
days. Political men were single-minded
then, in their views of public policy, and
offices were only considered as instruments
of Government, necessarily to be fill*,] \,y
those who were the adherents of the Gov
?rnment and its public policy.
On the accession of'th* elfor Adams to
the Presidency, the public mind had fully
and universally "signified its approbation ol
the Constitution, as a settled form of federal
government, but it began to be divided as
to the proper construction to be given to the
language ol the written charter, even during
the administration of Washington, and this
division of opinion formed the basis, upon
which the tliird Presidential election w;.s
conducted ani< decided. The ascendancy
of the Federal party, whose principles ol
adininistra tion of the federal Executive office
and whose views of the construction of the
Constitution, resembled more nearly those
which were entertained and practised by
fien. Wasiiincton, than did those preach
ed by Mr. Jefferson and his adherents,
gave a new t urn to public affairs. For the
first time, in our republican history, was the
Government committed to the care of a
paity, no longer the party of the Constitu
tion, but that ol a particular construction ol
that ll??t rumcnt. As the policy and views
of the Administration of Piesident Adams,
were almost a transcript of those of the Ad
ministration of President Washington, there'
was, therefore, no absolute necessity for u
change of public officers, and accordingly
none was made. The history of that erti
shows, that scarcely a single incumbent in
office was of the party of Mr. Jefferson,
when Mr. Adam's was- elected, for the
simple reason, that neither Mr Jefferson
or his adherents found official favor in the
eyes of Washington during his last term
In truth, we may consider the elder Adams'
Administration, nothing more than a prolon
gation of Washington's Administration,
and as the standard of official worth and
qualification was elevated by Washington
to the highest possible point, and kept by
him at that point, there was no inducement,
no necessity, no plea for Adams to change
the personnel of his official corps To va
cancies occasioned in the ordinary way, of
course he appointed Federalists, because he
had confidence in thern and they in him,
but he never permitted the standard of offi
cial excellence to degenerate an iota. Pro
scription for opinion's sake had no existence
under the elder Adams, unless the Jeffer.?o
nians considered their exclusion from office,
proscription, because of their opinions. But
they did not so estimate the exercise of the
appointing power by Mr. Adams. Demo
crats or Jcffersonians, in those days, were
different men from Democrats in these days.
In the political contests of that period, the
Federalists and Democrats fought for the
establishment of certain principles of con
struction of the Constitution, and we cannot
fmd any stress, laid upon the fact of the ex
clusion of Democrats from office, by Mr.
Abams, in the warfare that preceded the
election of Mr. Jefferson.
Hut, after Mr. Jf.fferson got into pow
er, he saw the deep hold, that his political
doctrines had taken upon the public mind,
and disturbed as the public mind was, at
that period, by the struggles of libelty
against tyranny in France, the Democratic
party began to be influenced by the desire
of appropriating to its members the offices
of Government. Mr. Jf.fff.rson was the
man, of all others, to popularize any doc
trinc of government, by clothing it with ta
king language. In this rcspcct, lie was
without an equal in statesmanship. His
political formulas are plain, even to a child's
comprehension. The doctrine of confidence
in the depositaries of public ' tilists, was
quickly made acceptable to the dominant
party, and forthwith it was put into execution
with a bold band, lie did not wait for "va
cancies to occur in the usual way, but they
began to be created by him, and he it was,
who first taught the nation, that an event,
may be made to happen; thus giving a new
construction to that clause ol the Constitu
tion, under which the Federal Executive is
now regarded as absolute master of the ten
ure of public office. It was an acceptable
construction, and the power of Mr. Jeffer
son's popularity fastened it upon the institu
tions of the country.
Had Mr. Jefferson kept up the standard
?f official worth, in his appointments, to the
point at which Wasiiin gton and the elder
Adams had fixed anil sustained it, all had
lieen well; but unfortunately for the coun
try, he lowered it, and hence spring all the
?vils of proscription for opinion's sake, in
iiif humble judgment. We hold to the
Washington doctrine of the necessity of
perfect confidence, by the appointing power,
in the depositaries of public trust, as the
only guarantee of a useful and successful
administration of public affairs; but, unless
Ihe standard of official excellence he kept
up to the most elevated point, the doctrine
is capable of being made destructive ol all
good and efficient Government. Mr. Jef
ferson omitted to keep up the official
standard, whether purposely or accidentally,
is immaterial to the result. Our opinion
is, though we may be mistaken, that a more
efficient Government, by a change of offi
cers, was not the primary object with him.
It seems to us, that the perpetuation of power,
in his party, was the grand aim of his offi
cial life, and he knew enough of human na
ture, to know the influence of office, as a
bond of party union. It is not his admirable
formulas of the necessity of confidence in
public officers, that we have ever found farlt
with. They are perfectly true and just.
But it is bis reduction of the rule to prac
tice, that does not meet with our approval.
He desecrated the doctrine heprcached with
such un<lion, by lowering Ihe standard of
official excellence. He prostituted it to
Ihe. reward of political Jilends, without
reference to their qualifications far office.
The character of Mr. Jefferson's official
corps, before the close of his administration,
docs not compare, for efficiency, probity and
other qualifications, with that of Washing
ton and the elder Adams.
Mr. Madison followed in the footsteps of
Mr. Jefferson. His administration was
but an elongation of Jefferson's, and as
Mr Jefferson had substituted his adhe
rents, ii? nesily every public office, fi.| those
of the olJ Federal party, there nrn very
little room left for Mr. Madison to prac
tice the Jetfersonian doctrine of proscription
for opinion's sake, except where vacancies
happened witheut the intervention of the
appointing power. The Federalists, except
where they deserted their principles and
faith and of these there were not a few?
stood no chance of public employment either
under Madibon or Monroe, though the
latter President openly professed to be a no
party Chief Magistrate. But it must be j
said, in honor of Majjison ami Minrol,
that they elevated the standard of official
j worth above what it was in Mr. Jeffer
son'^ lime, even though they confined thei
appointments to the men of iheir own iioliti
fal faith.
I he younger Adams, who had deserted
| the political faith of his fatli rs, and who
| has never been forgiven by the faithful rem-;
nant of the old Federal party, for continu-j
| ing to serve his country under Democratic
Administrations, when he came into the I
Presidency, so far remembered that point I
in the Federal faith, which, while it gene-1
rally required full confidence in an ap-i
pointee, demanded the possession by the ap
pointee, of the highest possible official quali
fications. Proscription for opinion's sake,
was a perfect stranger to the breast of Mr.
Adams. Indeed, he did not always ask for
the confidence of his appointees, in his ad
ministration. Had he done so, he might
have been re-elected. It is said of Mr
Clay, that he once observed to Mr. Adams,
unless you remove your opponents, they will
remove you. The sequel proved that Mr.
C lay was right, lor there cannot be a doubt,
but that much of the strength of the party
which overturned Mr. Adams, was in the
high places of his Administration. Indeed,
such is a historical fact. The charge of the
Ionian, therefore, that the younger Adams'
administration was prescriptive, is falsified
by the facts of the case, which are too re
cent, not to be remembered by almost every
intelligent reader.
This brief reference to the doctrines and
practices of the old Democratic and the old
Federal parties, will serve to show, how ut
terly at variance with the truth, the attempt
o! our venerable neighbor is, to prove that
lo the Federalists and not to the Democrats,
belongs the merit of using the constitutional
axe, as a political weapon. An intelligent
public will scout the idea of such an effort,
ft has not force enough in it to delude even
lor a profitable season. It is in the face of
tradition, of printed history, of truth itself.
But, passing this bare-faced j.ttempt to falsi-,
fy this portion of our political history, we
can hardly find language strong enough to
express our contempt of the further ellort of
the Union, to make it appear, that neither
Jackson, Van Bi-rfn, nor Polk was a
prescriptive President. Each of them adopt
ed the Jeflersonian formula, and executed it
with such vigor and ferocitv, that, if they
had been armed with the sword, they would
have earned a lame equal to that of the
murderous triumvirate, that changed Rome
from a republic into a monarchy. The con
stitutional axe, in their hands, was a weapon
to strike down, not to build up, the in
terests of the country. They did not
use it as an instrument to dispose of in
competent, unfaithful, dishonest public of
ficers. It was plied to get rid of com
petent, honest, and faithful officers, to
make room for persons of the opposite
character. It was a purely party machine,
as worked by them. To advocate the inter
ests of the party, that is, to keep it in power,
by addressing to its selfishness a system of
rewards, in the openly avowed division of
the public offices among the most unscrupu
lous and efficient partisans, was the whole
and sole object and use of the constitutional
axe. And yet in the face of these things,
fresh in the remembrance of almost every
boy in the nation, the metropolitan journal
of the Democratic, 01 Jackson, Van Buren
and Polk, party, has the unblushing hardi
hood to assert, that those Presidents never
used the axe for party purposes, never pro
scribed men for opinion's sake. Why, they
owed their very existence and continuance
in power to the use ol this weapon, whose
e.jge their adherents would now gladly ward
off from their own necks.
The people, however, disgusted with the
coirupt use made of a very good constitu
tional weapon, originally given to the Presi
dent for protecting the interests of the
country, have taken the axe from the hands
of the Union and its party, and placed it in
possession of a man who will boldly use it,
who is now boldly using it, to purify the
federal official corps of all incompetency, in
efficiency, dishonesty, infidelity to theconsti
tution, and other equally injurious vices. If
it proscribes at all, it proscribes all who are
unlit to be officers of Government. It
will not touch men's opinions of this or that
public policy, because they think thus or so.
I hey will be free to think and act as tliev
please, politically. But the appointing power
will require the confidence ol its ap|>ointees
in the Administration, will grant its confi
dence to none but those who are Worthy of
it, and ol this it is to be the sole judge. (Jen.
Tayi.or does use the constitutional axe, ol
which the Union has now so much horror,
will continue to use it, but not for mere
party purposes ; he incs it, and will
continue to use it, to restore the admin
istration of the Government to its original
purity, to purify the official corps of incom
petency, inefficiency, want of confidence, in
fidelity to the Constitution, of which it has
been and still is full. He uses it now and
will continue to use it, as Washington
did,?to give the country the best possible
administration of the laws.
ii? ? mm
(fo- The Union says, Gen. Taylor is in
false position. So our contemporary
thought and said, we believe, when :he old
Hero was at Buena Vista !
? See first and fourth pages, outside.
PLBDOCa.
The Democrats, who voted against Gen.
Taylor, urge, that he has broken his
pledges to the Democrats, who voted for
him. We shouldbe pleased to kTjow wherein.
He told the nation beforehand, that he should
he the President of the whole people and
J not of a party, lie said, too, that he would
not proscribe cil zens from a participation in
the public offices, because they might differ
from liiin in political opinion. Some Demo
crats believed what he said, and voted lor
him The mass of Democrats did not be
lieve what he said, and voted against him.
Now, we repeat, we should like to be in
formed, wherein Gen. Taylor has broken
his pledges to those Democrats, who voted
for him. They surely did not vote for him,
because, bv avowing (limsell, that he would
not be the President of a party, they un
derstood him to mean, that he would
keep in office all the Democrats, whom
he should find in place, whether they were
qualified or not to be there. They cer
tainly did not vote for him, because, by
saying that he would not proscribe men foi
their political opinions, they understood him
to mean thereby, that he would proscribe
the masses of his Whig Iriends, by refusing
to put them in office, when he should re
move a Democrat. If they voted for hiin,
with these understandings, they might as
well have voted for Gen. Cass. II Presi
dent Tayi.or, by avowing, in advance, that
he would not be the President of a party, is
to be understood as intending to mean, that
he would not remove any Democrat or put in
any Whig, is it not jvident, that lie would
be the President of the Democratic party ?
To be sure it is, and yet, the Democrats,
who went against him, accuse him of violat
ing his pledges! But let Democrats, who
voted against him, complain as they may,
the Democrats who voted for him, have no
cause to murmur, nor have we heard of any
of them murmuring. They have the confi
dence of the Administration, if they are
good and true men, just as much as though
they were Whigs or members of any other
part v. We take it, they voted for Tayi.oh,
for the very purpose of helping to make
President, a man, who would thoroughly
purify the whole federal official corps and
bring bafk the administration o! the laws to
its original purity, by the means placed in
his hands bv the Constitution. Not a single
pledge made before the canvass,has yet been
broken, bv Gen. Taylor, and his opponents
will wait 'in vain, if they look for any such
act on his part. In every instance of dis
placement, so far as we are informed, he
has appointed better officers in every par
ticular. At all events, do as he may, it
does not lie in the mouths of the Democrats,
who voted against him, to say, that he vio
lates his pledges, unless they can bring the,
evidence, to show, that his appointees are
not equal to those superseded, and were
known to he so beforehand.
THK*SURV CIRCULAR.
We call the attention of the reader to the
law, in another column, limiting the disburse
ments of expenses for collecting the Hev
enue. It will be'seen, that it is preceded
by a copy of the Circular of the Commis
sioner of Customs, to the Collectors, pro
pounding inquiries as to the matters in which
reductions of the Collection expenses may
be best made, without injury to the pub
lic service. We regard this law as one of
those hasty legislative acts, the return of
which would have done the late PresiJent
much more credit, than his return of the
River and Harbor Bill. It calculated to
do infinite mischief to the public interests.?
The expenses of the collection of the rev
enue are limited, at a time too when the
revenue system is extended over California,
and when Mr. Walker'* warehousing sys
tem is costing the Treasury over one hun
dred and filly thousand dollars a year. We
cannot help thinking, that the originators ol
the measure were not actuated by any very
special regards for the public interests. The
Unijn has not answered our inquiry, wheth
er the Bill was drawn by the Solicitor of
the Tre-i:i try cr n?t ?
Il Is to be expended under the President's direc
tion, and he has directed thru the work^HotlW com
niencr with the upper rooms, (the ohomb. is, ,4c.,)
where the furniture is most defective. The iden 1st
good one, and mlyht be carried a step further. Im
provement should begin above in high quarters, nnd
then extend bulow, to the Inferior officers of the ex
ecutive deportment.? L'nion qf ytsUrday.
The Union1* idea of improvement in the
quarter mentioned, we have no doubt, is
suggested by the painful necessity there
was of such an improvement, when General
Taylor's immediate predecessor inhabited
the Executive mansion.
We were Its sole, absolute editor from the begin
nino ? Noi a line from any other pen ever appeurid
editorially.?[\nlional TITiof, 2fiA lilt.
? With the exception of a ihorl time in January,
1848, when our seat was temporarily and kindly oc
cupied by Mr. Gtoaoa Watr.Rfton, of this city.
This paragraph should have appeared in
the above connection. We make this cor
rection, because we desire to do no injustice
to any one.
? ? ?
Maryianu Pouiicn.?W? notice that In the
WVaiminmrr Democrat, Joseph M. Parke, hscj., ??
recommended an a aiiiiable candidal* for t -on^reM,
and Col. Anthony kimmell, an a eandidate for the
Chief Magistracy ol Maryland. The Snow Hill
Shield, In noticing the faet that the Hon. John W.
CrhHeld decline* 0 re election toCongrew from that
district, saya:
"There is a rumor afloat here that the Hon. bam
net Hambleton and the lion. T. H l^kerman ol
Talbot, and Col, J. S. Colt man and W. 8. Waters.
Esq. of .Somerset, decline having their names nsea
iii connexion with a nomination.
?' Dorchester, we learn, has one aspirant for this
honor-Joseph IC. Muse, Ken., the llepuly Allorne)
General for Somerset and Dowt?and Worcester,
too j. I.. Dlrickson, and John H. Franklin, Rsqr-.,
both members ol our Worcester bar. Hall. I hpjtrr.
Tun Fsohtb~th? tuck Policy roa Fabmms.?
The iritc policy of the farmers In our section of the
State, unit Indeed of itie whole State, is to enlarge
their corn crojm, to supply the deficit occasioned By
the destruction of the wheal crope by from, and the
threatened Injury to ihe oat crops by the long-con
tinued drought. II thl? be not done, all breadatutU
wilt go up to an extravagant price, and this would
absorb much of what mi^hl perhaps be realized by
replanting cotton generally where It ha? h en dt^
?troyed. It Is beat therefore to make sure of brnd
111 the m< ? dirrcf ir.ii/. Whoever depends upon WIT
Ing bread with the proceeds of a eottonerop will be
sure to pay f'ir It. Besides he muat encounter the
expense of transpoitatlon of corn, and he may, ?
others purine the aamo tinwine policy aa Inmseti,
find li difficult 10 get II. Plant com, thWJfore,
where your cotton has been destroyed ? ffomi l
Soiilhirntr. -W W
OFFICIAL.
CIRCULAR.
Treasury Department )
o".o. uf < s
Sit! You will receive herewith a copy of " An act
requiring all moneys receivable from customs, and
all other sources, to be paid immediately Into ill;
Treasury, without abatement or reduction, and tor
other purposes/'
1 ant Instructed by the Secretary of the Treasury
to Invite your attention to the 4th section of this act,
which limits the expenses of collecting the revenue
from customs, aftar JOth June uext, to the " sum-ol (
one million five hundred and sixty thousand dollars
per annum, together with such sums us under the
law are paid Into the Treasury for drayage, cartage,
labor, and storage, and in proportion for a less time.
Krom the accounts and estimates rendered lo
mis Department It appears that ?' the expeii
n of collecting the reveaus from custom*
for the current flseal year, sadlng on the JUiii ,
June uc?t, will be about ? ? ? ?
I lor the next fiscal yful, eonimene ng ol me
IM July next, the act refcrnd to llro is ihest . w
expeuses to an amount not exceeding ?
tud consequently requiresa reduction of about ?WW**
The receipts from " drayage, cartage, labor, and
storage," being unccrtolu in amount, are not estima
ted as available resources.
It will be apparent to you that the ready co-opera
tion of all officers of the Customs will be necessary,
in order to meet the requirements ol this act: on,
any aid that you may afford, or any siigcesuons .ha
you may make, will be highly valued. To this end
I request that you will promptly furnish to this o ?
(ice a list of all the persons In any way connected *ii
the Customs at your port, dcslpnailng the da ei
ihclr original oppolntment, at. J their present appoint
menl, and the rate of compensation received by them, ,
together with a description of the nature of the *cr
I vices rendered by each, and a statement of the re
duction that can be made, and the manner In which
the same cun be effected with a due reEatd to the
public Interest.
1 am, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Commissioner of Customs.
Tu-tht I 'oilei TOB ij Custom*.
AN ACT
Reaulrlng all moneys receivable Irom < 'nstoma and
llom nil other sources to be paid Immediately into
the Treasury without abatement or reduction, and
frim'IIidSSr tile thl7iie.li day of.wi?'
thaVl'K'paid'by*1'* l,mrrr "r a'r''1 Ife'Jay'sM>r"'?
the treasury olthe lilted J1 .J,,'tm account ol
tlcablv, without any jSl1^?|aJin of any <lr
ling the 1'ulleriion of the revmues of the I "SI Otti u I
'"six. 2 And U it further mortal, That on
as inay be nece?iry fur [lie payment ol del*Hm>s ol
drawback?, bounlk? and allowances, whk ?
shall he the dlsburaiii* sijeiusto nay|lhe,
lilies, drawbacks, bounties, snd allo*?nces, an
debenture crtillcate. issued according to ,hl
^r^cLmrr^?&r/dr?back.i,av
'"sac*" XltlyJr/vr niarttd, That il ???
of the Secretary onh' T??nry tosubnt' t,ijm?V.
of the nest fiva year, and until specinc ?I P' ,
amTlbrty-nlms "^'^^'eJ^^^^|j(J[{i^l.'1/i??i"^JTlwl'lhe
(hereafter exM'd he sum loriher wlili such sums
.lx,y 'hou?nl Jolbr?p?r?u ^lor draya*e,
??j in >,roi,"r"n"fui ?
"T&. G. An**. ''>rttr^Mm^ru?'i'-V,
IrtlfSSS&svSghi
huahua. if the ?oi Is II Intended here
"byirrnodlfrihel^m r^tiSl.!*"?? fish or refined
"tSi A""? JXS5S" S&'
Treasury, under the ![' ' tml turvr) ors acting
sury,shall require from"1' " JJSeleni sureties. for such
as collectors, new bonds_\I l sunw n ^
sum anil in suchform m shallbe presc (Iki'iI
ttly. The said new bondstoj aW? ,he Srcre.
for this act lo take effect. 1 rU| 0f eac(,
lary of the Treasury, alI Ihe M*?; n ?atom?,l
StSgsJsiESaSSJS
Avlrlr',1 Mnrrk n, ISI'J.
STATE DEPARTMENT.
'/ArHxar Tatio*, President of the tlnitcd Stales
of America : To nil whom it may concern.
Satisfactory evidence having he n exhibited lo me
?hsi Maximin Knaid has been appointed Consul
TJ vrZh Republic, for Boston, In the Slate
of .Massachusetts, l do hereby recognise nni as
such, and declare him free to exercise and enjoj
such function', powers, and privileges
cd to the consuls of the most favored nations In Ihe
! ' 'in'testimony whereof I have caused these letters
to be made patent, and the seal of the I nlted
Stales to be hereunto affixed.
Olvcn under my hand, at the cltyof Washing
I. .1 ton, the 28th day of April A I). 1849, and
of the Independence ol the United Statet
of America the scvcn.y-tMriK ^r[ (>R
ily the President:
J. M. Ciavtom, Secretary of State.
Heduetlnn nfthe ot Collcrllngth.
Revemif.
T,?V*"SS,?'3 '?
SS35r^s=aafJ?
^ ?r'tnlv'Txt beinp Ihe Winning of the fiscal
lit of Jilly k- foiiectlni; ihe revenue from
yar. Thc exprnse. ot eowcit g cnJj |hp TO?,
j customs fof|h?c"r'0"b l w 100,000. The rcduc
C<>in^'"li?"," j a Vlrc'ular i'o Collectors of Customs,
^'"'?/'Sirto? ro0rom,"1J !"Tho Oum'
dstes'o/thelr original nppointment, and iheii pre?-nt
dales ol ineir b er of ,.?mp,nslv,|on received
?'?? father With a description of Ihe nature
O? ihese'rv^ocs rendered by each, and a statement of
fh? reduction that can be made, and the manner in
which riie ?.me can be eflecled wi.h a due regard to
LrwastTfMSfX":'
quarler, so as to go into eflect on ihe I ? p ?
nnd th; rtdiictlon willhsvc H. be insd. 'n 'J"^"
where "the same can be cycled filin a ou, ^
to ihe public Interests. W t? " . pnr, 0r Hnlii
ex ten I. if sny.thls wl "pp'v , nubjceted lolls
........ i.<ii li w111 doublle-R havo to n> P'J
u ""71Lvn lohr Biibj??tfta ion*
more, but It will dnublle.sha ihe Union,
share of the reduction, wllh othir ^ for ,lx
The law will hsve to.be taw
months, at any cvenh?.'f |( jf prriiiHIed to
peoW hy ihe next ConifT wi ( nn RIllllia| re.
stand as a permtnentls , ?monntlng to fttU
ditclion of Ihe avenue expenses, arn^
unt quarttr of or ,helrsalarles, or olh
ihen, the number ofOme** ^ onr.fonrlh._
er expenses, will have to lh(, now
er expenses, will b?" j' t , ,|,p expenses now
Th|,\sas much as -eying ina|(> ^01lnI bllt
remains tobedemons ??
nd.-jSWsww 4i?rww.
,,, . .,.?tis Wax.?Official notice has been
WK1Z . Jim Mint to the British West I ndles sealed
?|Ten that WW^ senUO W ?n^ ^ on
252?fclt the ex^dlen. V of using wtf.il {? ship
Utiers.?Halt. Amir,
FROM POTTftVILLB.
Correspondent** of Hit Korth American A U. 8. Oasetie
Pottsville, *April 25, 1849.
GBNTLEHCHt?Tlio miners of that part of Schuyl
kill county, whose traffic is down the valley of the
Schuylkill, luive ceased sending coal to market for
the Iuhi lour weeks, up to Saturday, the 21at inat.,
and on that day resolved upon a farther continuance
of the suspeusiou until satisfied that the object ol
said movement 1b attained. That object ia simply
this: to reuliae a price for tike coal their ininea pro
duce, sufficient to enuble them to pay living wages
to the operative*, to meet promptly all their mercan
tile engagements below, ond aflord themselves u fair
return for their own capital, labor und enterprise.?
The necessity that forced tnetn to pursue tills course
to attain these ends, proves that something mn<t
have been out of joint in the coal trade, and fully
justifies their attempt to remedy the evil.
The prime cause of all the preset, t difficulties, was
beyond the control of parties engaged in any of the
branches of the Anthracite trade, but the aggrava
tion of these difficulties may be traccd to the unfor
tunate policy since adopted by the Transportation
Companies, particularly during the past year, !84t).
The Cool Trade, comparatively with the future, is
in its infancy: large amounts of capital have been
expense J In improvem< ntsat the mines, in means ol
transportation to tidewater and facilities lor ship
ment to market, and if s fostering hand hid been
used in tli- policy of the lata iidmitiMration, a fair
return to these inveslmeni* would now be realised;
but in 1844L evil council^ prevailed at Washington,
our remonstrance* were of no avail, and our inter
ests were sacrificed by the Treasury Department and
a servile Congress, to put into execution a theory of
Free Trade, from which we anticipated disaster, and
may now stigmatise aa the originator of our present
troubles. .
The benefits of the Tarlfl of 1842 were still fell
during the yeor 1817, even afi?r the repeal of the law
itself, oy the different manufacturing interests of the
country, and through them by the coal trade,?but
prudent and thinking men all foresaw und dreaded
the the development of the eftoeta of the Free Trade
bantling, and sounded the olarm accordingly. Then
was the time for all interests, assisted by Protection,
and particularly for the Coul trade, to make "oil
snug" for the corning storm, and lay to until Amer
icans, with patriotism enough to prefer the positive
welfare of their own land before the imaginary good
of the whole world, should be at the helm of the
General Government.
The producers and transporters of anthracite coal
have a common Interest, nothing can conduce to the
prosperity or adversity of one, without equally ben
efitting Or injuring the other, and the true policy for
both, Hi all cases of emergency, is to toke counsel of
each other and never seek for relief or support, sepa
r.tteand apart. The coal region believes in this doc
trine, and if the same faith had obtained credence
with the other branch of the trade below, during the
winters of '17, *4R, theprtnent "aggravation " would
not have existed. s
But most unforfunutely, whatever probability
might have existed at this period, that prudence and
and true regard for the real interests of the trade
would become the ruling power in the aetiou of the
Reading Railroad Company, thai probability was de
stroyed by the threatened competition of the Canal,
whose first regular business season since its en
largement was about to commence ; and so blindly
was this foolish rivalry puisued throughout the en
lire season, that, without regard to the diminished
consumption naturally to be expected, coal was
forced at all rates to market, shamefully long credits
given, prices driven down to a ruinous point, parties,
witn iuicresln and feelings foreigu t<? the business in
.Schuylkill county at least, - coaxed into the trade
from some supposed advantage to accrue from their
assumed capital, all resulting, at the close of the
season, In the ultor prostration of colliers and trans
porters, und to the profit of men who speculated on
the errors thus glaring!v committed, ami were mak
ing ready to reap a still richer harvest the coming
season.
The colliers of Schuylkill county hud no hand in
producing this state of things; some of them re
monstrated, all predicted the inevitable disastrous re*
suit: the season cloned, doubt and gloom were on all
sides, the most unfavorable reports of the nolicy de
termined on, by the Road and Canal for"49, reached
their curs : tolls were to be raised, ergo cool lowered :
charges were made of favoritism In rates of toll
towards 11 middle men," which true or untrue, boun
ded horribly : In short every information they could
gather seemed to confirm them in the conviction,
that all the trades out of Schuylkill county, railroad,
canal, dealers and "middle men," had conspired to
gether, to throw the whole burden on their shoulders,
hoping that they were broad an<* strong enough to
bear tlie load, until common sense prevailed at
I Washington and a true knowledge of the coal trade
and its wants was possessed among themselves.
Rut the men whose intelligence and activity had
untcrtaken and succeeded In converting our barren
mountain? into a happy und populous region, had
still knowledge and power enough to detect tne cause
of their suffering, and to apply the necessary reme
dy : acknowledging ond always having acknowl
edged. the advantage to them of the employment ot
capital in furnishing means of transportation for their
coal to market, and willing that that capitalshould
receive a fair, proportion of the profit realized front
the trade, yet they never will consent that it should
arrogate to itself rights which give it the power, not
only of fixing the rates of transportation, but also
the price of coal at the mines; and any attempt of
this kind in future, will signally full, and only serve
to farther estrange parlies whose interests are the
same ond whose operations ought to move in clo?e
concert.
Experience has taught the collieis at what prices
they cun a fiord the different qualities of coal, and
when consumers can aflord to pay that price, with
the charges fixed by the transportation companies
and shippers below, they will commence operations,
until then they can refrain from mining as long m
others from burning. M.
- ?? ?
Mr. Thomas Althorpe Cooper*
It is with no ordinary feeling that we learn ihe
death of tills once eminent Tragedian. The lant
great veteran of the original Chestnut Street Com
! pany has .been borne to the silent tomb, save only
W. B. Wood, who still lingers In the train, to close
the final ceremonies of iliut time honored hand of
performers, who originally graced our board?. He
died ai Bristol, on the Delaware; perhaps from
choice, for. in his palmiest days, he selected the quiet
banks of that Mieam for his permanent home and
calm repose?but, the reverses of life. In the days ol
lih descending star, bereft hitn of that earthly so
lace.
Mr. Cooper was born in 177H. Ill* father, a sur
geon in the service of the Kast India Company,died
in India, leaving him at the underage of8 years.?
The celebrated William Godwin, author of Caleb
Williams, o work which ably vindicates our republi
can forefathers, became, in conjunction withThoman
llolcroft, the dramatisi, Ills foster father, his precep
tor and his friend. Before he was nineteen years of
ogey he appeared on the London stage, triumphantly,
In Hamlet and Macbeth, receiving ihe approbation
of those who had witnessed the skill of u Garvlck,
Henderson and Kemble. Maekliu said it was ihe
best appearance he ever saw in one so young.
He was engaged in England, by Mr. Wignell, for
the Chesnut Street Theitre, ami arrived in October,
178G, at New York, in company with the celebrated
actress, Mrs. Merry, and made his first appearance
in Aniciico, in Ihe character of Macbeth, at the
Chesnut Street Theatre, on the 9th of December,
1796.'' In 1803, Cooper a fame resounded through
the Union; and friendly opinions suggested a dem
onstration in London. At the instance of Mr. F.r
skine, Jr. arrangt ments were moot for Mn appear
ance at Drury Lane. In January, of 1803, after
having played a brilliant engagement at Philadelphia,
hi sailed for Enalund.
Cooper played, during his trip to I.ondon. Mac
beth, Hamlet, Richard, Ac., successfully, bating
some linle carping of the London press. On the lOtn
May, Cooper's benefit, Cooke, of Covent Garden,
played for that night only, logo to his Othello. Mrs.
Pope, ihe Desdemona ol the evening, was suddenly
taken ill and could not finish the part.
In 18Uti, Mr. Cooper become manager of the Pork
Theatre.
In 1810, Mr. Cooper went to Knelund again, in
pursuit of novelty lo sustain ihe Park, und brought
out lhai bright luminary, Geo. Frederick Cooke.
Mr. Cooper, for many years, was the lea ling actor
of tho American Stage. From 1819 to his graduul
retirement from the profession, he will long be re
metnbered for his truthful ond vigorous illustration
of the Roman heroes. It may be said thai he foun
ded In those characters a school of his own?a man
ner and style since very effectively imitated. In his
yoiiihfui days, he w an much admired for hlafine and
manly figure; his general lustily of person and
strong melodious voice. Ills faults a* an acfor were
many, but the beattlio* predominated. He was alern
and haughty to the profession, bin possessed many
amiable trails with a benevolent licatl. His de
clining days were soothed and. comforted by the
filial atleelion of an amiable daughter and an affec
tionate son-in law. We well remember this once
'? obserx-til of ail ohtcrrm;" w hen his matchless per
formances thrilled and delighted our youthful heart ?
and understanding, that imparted lo us enlightened
pleasure. The reminiscence is pleasant. Peace to
his manes '?Philadelphia
?This is a mistake. When Mr. Cooper sr
rived In America the Wignell A Rupli* Company
were performing in Baltimore, and Mr. Cooper made
his first appearance on the American *toge in this
rlty, in the character of PairwiHurh in Cumberland's
play of the IFheel qf Fortune.
The Charleston Courier speaka of the cultivation
of ihe grape In South Carolina. The editor says he
has tssted wine of an excellent quality, made by Ma
jor Guionasd, of Columbia, from grapevs grown near
thst city, and that a few day* since he was shown a
spectmen of brandy manufactured by ihe same gen
tleman, which only wanted oge to bring it into favor
able comparison with that Imported from abroad.
The editor expresses his belief that the soil of Csro
tins could be devoted fo the prediction of s grape
lhai would, under proper management, yield wTneof
food quality, that would command a price sufftclsiH
to remunerate Ihe producer, and fhuaglVr a new sad
profitable dltsctlonto agricultural labor,^Paltimere
American, ?