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THE WEEKLY MOUNTAIN DEMOCRAT VOLUME Vili.— MO. 38. i THE HOCmiN DEMOCRAT. pi UI.HIIKI» FVFKT svtikiuy morning. by OUbWXOKH Sc JANUARY. v ,m. oiivhno. *• cantano. to ni*i<'»-'liif Year, fi. Mis Months, oj Three Month* • I 3b; one Muutb (payable to tbe r ar cieri. *• *»au ; HlngW Cnpb-a. I*S rc*U. lllVi;BTIHI!*0— One rtquarr. of l« Him, first liurnl-n, 91; fMliMllM4llcßtlßarrtivß.il >•; Huoncss I'ard*. of IV hurt »r levs. *•« yrnr. irà. Business fard*, of lo hue* or le*-. Oirrr mnntba. tifi. A liberal discount «ill Of unde on in. B tm«c rato* f*r yearly and quarterly advertisements whl. b cireed one square. JOB PBIKTING -4>nr OBr» Is replete «Itti all the modern i a *r**rairaO for the hit. raur sa» atrio rtrtiilna of ftrr* style of PKIN MNO. such a. M. fampMfj, Hrkfi, Posters. NnndbUlo, Circulars, Ball Ticket*. Programmes Or li Acato* of 8 lock or Depot! t Billhead*. Check*. BMelptt, Carda, Labels, etc . In piato or faney e..|..nd ink*. JCSTIfFB' BI.ANKB Alida* It*. Undertaking* and Writs of «turkmeni. ua-ler the new lav. for ta'e at thla ' 'av-e also. Blank iMrlaratloßO of Homestead. ike most .on *e», |en» forni la use. Just printed, a rsnipH* form of MI.M KS UFI.U. Also, a beautifully «-aerated MAkUIAG». I'i.H'IIKIC'ATF. I P flin. No ITI S itrert. sppAtlir Maeulre a * onera Hsdß. lathe onlr 801 hurtled Agent for the MOl N T AIN nKNIM'RAT. In the elty of Ban Francisco. All order* fur iA* paper or Adtertlalnf left aitk him «111 be promptly at '{■ Bird to. 4i r KF.BI.KT la BUtborlaod loteeelr# moneys dae this OBrt. fur subscriptions. advertising etc T S 1MIK'«I:T 1* nuihonredtovlieii subscript tout aad («eviro moneys f-r the MOUNTAIN PKMot'KtT tr T t.IBB* Is the auihorlied Afoot of the I'll!»» RAT at I.enrgetenn order* f<*r the pape', «Itertlatßf, or fur j«b work, left «Uh htm «111 be promptly attended t<- TUA** P JACKMON It lhr aulhoriird Afeoi of the MOUN TAIN UNMiH'RAT at Kl Dorado Orders left «Mb him «Hi be promptly alluded to. Ofßrr, on Coloni» Hlrret. TICKS IS BEUTI IS TIE (NITIT. There is beaut} in the cuui.tr) ! Of the countrj let me linf, With it» beds of brilliant dower». Ami gay bird» ufiuii the wing— When the tree» pul on their glory. And arris thfintrlir» in green— When the woodlands ring with singing, And cloves leaves are seni— When the orehards are in blossom. And the lilacs crowned with blue. Oh ! I h»ve the blooming country, Where the flowers are sweet and new. There is beauty in the country, When the *pnnf In* crofted the vale, And a wreath oi flowers and garlands Leave their breatl upon the gale— When the Summer, crowned with bnghtncaa, Leaves her treasures on the plain, And the waving gulden harvests Wahl our gratitude again— When the Autumn, sear and yellow, tomes with chilly, frosty morn, And brisk, busy hands, at husking, £ilr the bright and yellow corn. There I» beaut) in the country, When the skies are bright above. And ten thousand beauties tell us That the world is ruled by lute ; )>en Winter, with Ms mantir Of the purest brilliant white, Is a er«wu of crystal fluty, \nd a season "f delight. Yes, 1 hive the gb-rmas Country, l'or there's living brightness there, With its sunshine, trees and M**uini.g \\ ith its t>« auty every where. There *s beauty in the country ! Usery leaf and every (lower Is a constant living wonder— la a miracle of power . Kvr?) tree w.th grain! proportion s I*.very happy sieging bird |>er> bramble by the wayside— The contented gra'ir.g herd. These are tokens of Ihs g.*.di ,<-%s, 11r : gl.t litifol.lll.gs of hIS might . Si | love the glori >ns roni.tiv. With its St mes • f purr d« light. There is Iteanly in the country There is health and %lg-r there . There is purity of feeling— There is less of gilded rare . lor the purest s.mal pleasures There is full and ample means— There is pure and sweet contentate i t In the midst of rural scenes— There is ur>ir to chirr and gladden, There is leas to mar and blight— Oh, I love the glorious country f Wah its scenes of pure delight. «•se» - f'owt u»r Alhsav I'.wstng Jaurn*' LET rv Tiac IV SBBEBVITIOV. Tlif mariner doi» so, when, after a 1 storni, hi» vessel ha» drifted oli ber finirsi 1 The travi-Hit through a wilderness pause» at interval», lo ct»n»u!l Ilio ►un liy diiv, ami Ilio Mars hy night. Tins Nation Ita» rracln.nl a standpoint in it« journey frutti ahi li the imsT, the riiKsRVT anil the M unir should lie calmly ami thought folly snrvcvcil ami reviewed. In November last several State» whose inhabitants had been prepared hy a long , course of instruclion for the movement, 1 announced tin ir intention to divide the I'niun. In this movenirnt all the Slave Stale* were invited, and most of them ex pected, to participate. The Rebellion — lor it assumed that phase, early —was to he more or less formidable, according to the iiuuilht of States it embraced. 1 1 had, beside* experienced and capable Senators and Representatives in Congress, the co operation of the Secretaries of the 'I reas ury, War and Interior Department* nf the Government ! A wicked or weak President was moulded In their purposes. The arms and munitions of the Govern ment were stealthily transferred to South ern Arsenals. Tho Naval forco was as stealthily employed in distant Oceans.— All the influences, circumstances and con ditions of the Government and Country, conspired to favor Rebellion. The rebellion, though as yet undeclared, was as certain as fate or doom. Eyes that did not perceive, or mind* that failed to realize it, were practically useless. The onlv open, true<|UeslioA was, how many slave States can be withheld from the vortex of Disunion ? The Gulf Stales, moved by ambition, cupidity and hatred, were hopelessly wedded to their idol. The Border Slates faltered. In all of Ihesh Stales the Union had numerous and staunch supporters. In these States, in flotctt and safety counselled against Seces sion. The Gulf Slates went—the Border Stales hesitated. And while in “high .debate" among Iheujselves, this journal, with what will now ba acknowledged a just conception of the magnitude of the war in which we were to be involved, suggested the importance of concentrating and cherishing the Union aentiment of Border Slave States. We believed then, what we know now, that while Seccasion bad influential advocate* in those States, a Union sentiment existed, which, wisely .developed and sustained, would keep them in the Union. Weuiay we know this, be cause, without such “aid and comfort," Western Virginia and Eastern Tennessee yet stand by tho Stars and Stripes ; Dela ware and Maryland (in spite of tho city of Baltimore) arc loyal j and the gallant sons of Missouri and Kentucky are scaling their devotion to the Union with their blood. At that conjuncture, and with such views, wo ventured, in December, 1800, to "say : “ Assuming tho possibility of coming together in a fraternal spirit for the pur pose of effecting “a more perfect Union among the States," wo are not without hopes that tho result may prove auspi cious. With a mutual desire to harmonise differences, let us suppose that in the place of a tindietite Fugitive iilavc Law a Igw repugnant to manhood gild honor — òpe should bo engejed which #rms the Federal Authorities q'lth all needful power for its execution, together with a provis ' ion making counties where Fugitives arc rescueil by violence, from officers who have them in charge, liable for the value of the slaves so rescued. “ And in regard to the other vexed question, vir.. : the right of going into the Territories with slaves, why not restore the Missouri Compromise Line? That securer! to lite Sooth all Territory adapted by soil and climate, to its * peculiar insti tution*’ ” These suggestions aroused a storm of indignation. The Republican Press, in and out of this State, responsive to the New York Tribune, denounced, protested and remonstrated—some in anger and some in sorrow—all however, concurring in one view, vir.. : that our suggestions were unwise if not pertidious. In several journals by which we had been always judged charitably, we were denounced as a betrayer of the Republican cause. From old and influential political friends we re ceived letters o( remonstrance and reproof. Republican Members of Congress, when we visited Washington, gave us the cold shoulder. The idea that the “ Chicago Platini in" could, for a moment, be over looked ; or that, if needs be, the Union claimed a forgetfulness of party, was scouted. In a word, this journal, in hav ing inaile the suggestions above quoted, wm t ilxineJ, We produce extracts from some milder articles to show what the feeling was : From ih** II» Pail/ |K’m-« a rn*. “ This brief article bus been read by po litical h lends ami foes witli considerable amazement. It seems to shallow forth n proposition for Compromise, in some re specls impracticable,and in other respects, as it seems to ns, uncalled for, and not likely to do the least good. It is seized upon with eagerness hy Democratic jour nals as an evidence of the insincerity of the Ri'puhtiean party, and as a sort of adinivsioii that in the long struggle to overthrow the power of slavery in the Celierai Government, we have been in the wrong and onr adversaries pretty nearly in the right." from tb* Myrvu.* Daily J.iuruul. “The Albany Krening J'mrncil speaks for a great many Republicans” when its ulti ranees accord w ith their convictions. The measures it proposes arc not fair, they will not he generally responded to in the Fiee Slates, they will not be received with favor nor even patience by the most de- ; voted friends of that paper. In fact, we know of nothing that would sooner dis rupt the Union than a persistence in urg ing Illese im »«iires for adoption. And w hy.let ns ask, is it that the Sortii only, even hy leading Republican papers, is called upon for concessions, menial and abject, wbeii the Sonili is infliiilely more in tan!) ? The opposition to the execution of the Fugiiivc Slave law has never been fioiii oillci.il ai lion; but al wav s from indi vMu'il»; while Southern Legislatures, an i Southern liowrnois and Southern Courts have perpetrai- d nuuibeiless outrages on Noi them citizens. It is quite tinte that the Notili siioii!'! a«l, release from com pì omisi- oi li ohi these wrongs. F- « *i- « Titilli) T»Tr*r*;»b The Northern people have become so " used to being skinned" hy comiu*' misi-, an 1 eo'ieessioiis for the lieindil d Slavery, that like the lishwoman's “ eels," they inks- it without much "squirming." and we should (lot wonder if they could he brought to enditte the inllietioii of the compromise here suggested witii a non chalance which would suppress the first symptom of an uneasy “ squirm." Rut to none would the process lie mure tortur ing than to those " brought up at the feet nl the Gamaliel" of the .Ameno/, and hy him “(aught according to the perfect roan- : utr ol the law of the Father»;’ ami it tinse are to he embraced among the nutn- ; tier expected to cheerfully acquiesce in | this or any similar plan calculated to | strengthen the power ami satisfy the de- , mauds of slavery, they should insist, us a condition piecedent, that Mr. Weed will at least try to undo the lessons which, hy precept and example, he has inculcated upon the readers of the Journal for more than a quarter of a century. To these, and the articles of other po liticai lì lends, we replied with earnestness and emphasis. The New York Tribune, in (he progress of the discussion, insisted | that the “Chicago I’latfoim" was sacred and hinding, and that our duly to the 1 Union was subordinate to the duty we owe to party. W’c quote from that jour nal : ' I Fran* ih* Tribune. .Senator Seward, in his speech of Thurs- , day last, declares his readiness to renounce , Republican principle* for the sake of the Tniun. In this readiness the Senator dif* fers totally from the almost incomparable majority of the Republican party, and from (lie President elect. They regni_d these principles ns sacred. They will not forswear them at the bidding of a world uf seceding and treasonable slaveholders. They see no necessity to choose between them ; but if. such a choice must be made, they prefer their principles to FIFTY Unions. In the same issue of the Tribune its Washington correspondent said : “A Republican Demonstkation.—Not withstanding the compromising aspect of tilings, there is likely to be a decided Re publican demonstration here before many days. There would have been a very emphatic expression of opinion by Repub lican Senators on the day of Mr. Seward's speech on the New York petition, but for the fact that Mr. Mason was awarded (lie floor instead of Mr. Fessenden. It can not be long postponed. Gov. Chase ar rived (his morning. He is explicit against the compromisers." And a few days later the Tribune in quired : “ Wliy can’t we now hope that Mr. Seward, Mr. Weed, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Kellogg, Mr. £. O. Spaulding, and all others who have manifested a readiness to sacrifice the principles of the Chicago Platform to the preservation of the Union, will discover what Mr. Clay has discover ed, and like him, once more set their feet firmly on the rock of Truth ?" Though occupying more space than we usually devote to iterations, wc venture to ask attention to the following views and sentiments, bearing, as they do, upon vital questions: From (be Krealog Journal, December IT. 1«W. “No Mom-Coxpromisks"—“ No Back ing Down."—With two or three excep tions, the euggettion* of the Keening Journal, having an adjustment of the con troversy which thieatensto divide the Ufiion. for their object, have elicited from the Republican Press, in this and other States, responses in the spirit of those head lines. That our views encounter the '* vigorous resistance" of our political frjends, causes loss of surprise than of regret. \\e differ with ovjr political friends. That difference, hovyeycr would be very slight with most and disappear entirely with others, if wc could but look into the future from the same stand point. To do this, it is indispensable that all should rc “OUR COUNTRY, ALWAYS HIGH T ; HUT, IMOIIT oil WRONG, OUR COUNTRY;’ PLACER VILLE* EL DORADO COUNTY, CALIFORNIA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1861. alizu that the Presidential Election is ever; that there was virtually hut one question involved in the conflict, viz. : that the Territory devoted, by the Missouri Com promise, to Freedom, should not be in vaded by slavery ; that the freedom of Kansas assured/ the Territorial question may now be safely left to natural laws ; that, as a party, we were indebted to the folly of our adversaries for the triumph we achieved, and that, until their aggres sions were renewed, our mission was end-- ed ; and that finally, the madness which swayed pro-slavery counsels fur six years, has culminated in an openly avowed de termination to dissolve the Union. When Republicans will ‘ bach down,’ long enough to look at the new issue pre sented, lifting their eyes and thoughts a little above the political horizon, they will discover that the duties of the partisan and patriot harmonize ; that the princi ples of the Republican parly, derived from the political fathers, teach devotion to the Union as our first duly. All high and holy aims and reforms can bo best ac complished in the Union. Dissolved, the great experiment of self-government is a failure. Dissolved, the aspirations for pervading prosperity and happiness, a high civilization, and an exalted Nation ality, vanishes. ' The prevalent sentiment, however, rejects all ‘ Compromises,’ and that, if it is to be accepted ns our ultimatum, ter minates the controversy. And yet what matter of diUVrcnco between individuals, families, communities, States, or nations was ever settled except by • compromise?’ Wars, but for the spirit of ‘concession,’ would he interminable. Even victorious armies never refuse terms to the vanquish ed ; conquered cities, in the hour of capit ulation, and at the mercy of the victors, receive * concessions.’ Shall we, then, at variance with our own kindred, close the door against the possibility of an adjust ment ? Admit that, while threatening treason, while organizing armies to over throw the Government, they have passed the boundary of negotiation, let us re member that they are blinded by passion, and endeavor to reason both for them and ourselves. That parly to the controversy nearest right—that party which is con scious of least wrong—can best afford to manifest a spirit of conciliation. Rut in lids controversy we are not wholly blameless. If there are beams in our neighbors’ eyes, there are motes in our own. Too many of us forget that when this Union was formed. Slavery w as the nri.p. Freedom the kxckptios. While we—climate, soil and interest favoring ami seconding our sentiments and sympa thy s—have been working out other States with adverse complicati. ms and elements, have woiked more deeply into Slavery. Thousands upon thousands of our citizens, «waved by feelings to which we are nei ther insensible nor indifferent, with no Slavery to oppose at honif, have deemed it their duty to demand the abolition of Slavery elsewhere, forgetting, in their zeal, tint il exists in the Southern States under the Constitution. Societies have been formisi, presses established, tracts distiihulcd, and emissaries sent into the Slave States, teaching that Slavery is sin ful, ami that slaves ought to he emanci pated. These lessons, in harmony with all the humanities of civilization, were easily leai tied. Rut, in learning them, we did not limi w ritten on the same page, nor in the same chapter, that in our elibus to abolish Slavery, we should provide in demnity to the owners. When we refer, as we often do, triumphantly, to tho ex ample of England, we are prone to forget that emancipation mid compensation were provisions of the same art of Parliament. It will, and may he said, that wk are forgetting the wrongs, encroachments, aggressions and outrages of Slavery. True. We choose to do so just now. It is a new and novel position, for we have been all our life showing up the dark side of the Slavery picture. Hut, in view of a tearful calamity, there is no want of con sistency or of fidelity, in going to the verge of conciliation with the hope of averting it. Then, after all honorable of fers of agreement have been exhausted, if 11 There cornea » power Into seme of mi rfleet pia la, and arc at point To alum itfeir open banner, .Mocking the air with colora idly spread," sustained by the reflection that we have done our duty in endeavoring to sustain peace, we shall he prepared to go as far, and dare us much as those whose impa tient zeal may precipitate a conflict, the horrors of which will add appaling chap ters to the History of the French Revolu tion. ‘V From lh«* Evening Journal, Hfffnibfr J 7. If our Republican friends would but turn their attention from the “ dead past" to the “ living present," with an intelli gent appreciation of all that the lesson tenches, our differences would cease. We only differ jn this, viz : That with the Election of a Republican President, the issues upon which his success Was mainly based, became obsolete—obsolete, because until we acquire more Territory, the con flict between Freedom and Slavery is over. The moment the Rnllot-Hoxes closed, on the Olh day of November, the Freedom of Kansas, Nebraska, Washington, New Mexico, 4c., ic., was assured. The work , was finished, and however vehemently our ■ friends mnv keep stumping, their tires will go out, nu j until fresh fuel is furnished, i cannot be rekindled. The idea of sustain I ing tho Republican Party upon questions that have been argued and decided, is ns ! preposterous as to expect to reap wheat or harvest corn from fields in which seed was neither sown, nor planted. Let us, then, gather instructions from the " «lead past," but as men of sense, deal with the “ living present." With such a Fugitive Slave Law ns the ' Constitution demands, Freemen would be protected, and the necessity of Personal Liberty Laws would no longer exist— Then both questions are disposed of. We are reminded, constantly, of the perfections of tho “ Chicago Platform." It was and is a good, strong, broad Plat form, one on which all might stand, and on which more than a million of electors did and do stand. But while it was just what the occasion required, it was not om niscient, and could not foresee all that might occur. Shall we, then, because cthcrgcncies arise and issues offer, not pro vided for in our Platform, refuse or hesi tate to meet them ? Shall we ignore start ling facts, and neglect to prepare for scenes which are to deluge the country in blood, carnage and rapine, because we do not find the line of duty marked out upon our " Platform?" What we mean by prfpa ration is, to set ourselves voluntarily, cheerfully and wholly right, on the ques tion involved, so that when tho shock comes, the whole North will meet it, shoulder to shoulder, all hearts respond ing to tho cry of “ Union, now and for ever." „ From ih« Evening Journal, January 9, Kl. Wo are as liitlo inclined as our friends of the Mercury to “ purchase forbearance of traitors." To that class neither terms nor offers “ have been upuic." |t is fhat the country may be Ilio bci'er prepared to deal sternly with traitors, that we have urged, and do most emphatically urge, | that the position of Union men in the Southern States should be considered. It our dissenting friends have taken care to rend ns correctly, they will have found that this Journal was neither slow to an ticipnie the Treason of the Gulf .Slates, nor equivocal in ita denunciations of trai tors. In an early and adequate appreeia* tioiJbf the magnitude of the evil, we silg- a course calculat d to place the 'frrends of the Union U|mna high vantage ground. Apprehending that we should he called upon to “ test the strength of this Government," we saw what is even more apparent now, (hat the conflict w ould tax all its faculties and strain all its ener gies. Hence the desire, before the trial came, to maku up a record that would challenge Ilio world's approval. This was due, not less to ourselves, than to the Union men o! Southern Slates, who, with equal patriotism and more of sacrifice, were, amid the “ pitiless puttings" of the Disunion storm, like the Dove sent from the Ark, seeking a dry spot on which can set their feel. It is not that we hope or care for any change of views of course, from disunion ists, that we ask conciliation, but that by uniting and strengthening Union men, we may be the better enabled to resist and punish treason. And is not such union and strength needed ? Why, hnt that the right spirit is nut aroused, arc traitors allowed to stalk through the National Capital? Why, but that the public sen sibility is dulled, do traitors come and go with impunity ? Why, but that the Gov- | eminent is cankered are not men who openly advise the seizure of fortifications, dealt with us traitors? AM this results; from a failure to adjust differences between those who might be and ought to be friends. When Congress is brought to an agreement upon some one of the various pending propositions, the whole question will assume brighter aspects. In the larder stave States there are tens of thousands of anxious, devoted Union men who ask only that we should throw them a plank which promises a chance of safety. In standing by the Union they do and dure much mure than is required of us. Maryland has been, and is now, withheld from the whirling vortex of disunion, by the firmness and fidelity of its Governor. If Virginia does not plunge in, recklessly, it will be from the restraining inlluencesof her Governor. Tennessee implores the North to throw out an anchor to which she can make fast. From the Kteulug Journal, frVbraarr 'ah. The Union hangs upon a single thread. That severed, we rush into civil war, or yield to the sway of usurpers. The Tri bù ut labors for one—we know not which —of these alternatives. Nor are we quite sure which is the worst. At present, we are not inclined to surrender the Govern ment, even if it costs livers of blood to , defend the Capital. While, however, 1 treason and conspiracy stalk forth, threat- | cuing and undermining the Constitution, statesmen chaffer about “ Platforms," and journals labor to aggravate rather than soothe the possions which seek to I overthrow the Government. We have said, and now repeat, that the , duly of a patriot harmonizes with the ; principles of Republicanism. How can it Ibe otherwise ? Do not Republicans love 1 the Constitution, the Union, the country ? And are not States and traitors seeking to destroy nil that our fathers established ? We are but proving ourselves Repuhli -1 cans by making the Constitution our Shibboleth. If it were otherwise —if our party leads in any other direction—if “ choice must be made" between party and country, wc differ so widely from it as to prefer the Union to *• fifty" parties. Meanwhile, defending ourself ns well as i we could, (strange that love of the Union I should be an offense!) the question came up in Congress, where various proposi tions of adjustment were pending. We urged, with a modification, the adoption of the “ Border State Proposition." That, and all others, were finally rejected, when the correspondent of the New Yoik E re ni ng Pont made the following announce ment : Front the RogttUr Corroipomli-Dt of Ac Bvfulu# Port. Washington, Jan. 7, 1801. Compromise is dying daily. All out side influences and appeals thus far have I been wasted, aud Mr. Weed who has been I here a day or two, returns without finding ; any Republican to agree with him. To which we replied : If the chances of an adjustment by means of which the Union men of the Border States may be encouraged and for tified, are “ dying daily,” we have only to express our renewed regrets. Of the disinclination of Republicans in Congress to entertain propositions of adjustment, there is evidence in the reports of their proceedings. Lightly, however, as “outside appeals" may be regarded, we venture to express the opinion that, instead of standing, as the Republican side of Congress has done, for live weeks, parrying propositions, there would have been wisdom in assuming an affirmative attitude. The importance of the ques tions involved—the magnitudeof the inter ests at stake—the fearfulness of the con flict that approaches—are suflicient, in our judgment, to have justified a fore word movement. But a large number of the Republican Members of Congress are content to stand upon their principles and their arms. They say, truly, that in all the past they have discharged only their duty ; that instead of aggressions upon Slavery, they have resisted its aggressions ; that they have elected a Republican President in a calm, peaceful, constitutional manner ; that this constitutes no reason or excuse_ for Secession ; that having wrongred no body, they have nothing to redress ; that instead of “ concessions" or “guarantees" to wrong-doers, they will leave them to the fate they have provoked ; and that above all, they will not temporize with Treason, negotiate with Traitors, or parley with men whoso Cannon arc leveled and whose Muskets are aimed at them. Now in all this we' concur heartily.— Suggestions of "compromise” refer wholly to another class of citizens—a class truly devoted to the Union and anxious to go w ith us to the struggle to uphold it. But it is useless to repeat the argument The Republican Members of Congress ought and perhaps do understand the whole matter best. At any rate the power to act is with them, while the right of think imj belongs to their constituents." And finally. Congress adjourned, having done and said nothing to strengthen or encourage the Union men of the Border States. Then came the struggle within those States. Virginia, a long time poised, fimtllv took the plunge! North Carolina and Tennessee followed. These great and powerful States were lost to the Union, because the Republican Press and Repub lican Representatives were beguiled with the popular idea that they discharged their Hrst aud highest duty in standing by and on the “ Ohjeago I’lalfurm." Then came Civil War, menacing the Capital as (Is first consequence. The city of Baltimore revolted, hut the State, I thanks to the firmness of its (inventor, ami its loyal Members of the Legislature, refused to go out of the Union, else in the beginning, Washington would have | fallen. Though nothing was done in Congress I to ‘aid and comfort’ Union men of Mis- { sottri ami Kentucky, they have, like those of Maryland, held their Stales, while U'eeleru Virginia and Kaettrn Tennessee, unaided, ami by their own indomitable courage, stand, with their propel ty eon liseated amt their breath in their nostrils, firmly by the Union ! This brings us to the practical object of this article. Three Slates, viz : Virginia, North Carolina ami Tennessee, were lost because Congress rejected their proposi lions of adjustment ; while three oilier States, viz : Maryland, Kentucky and Mis souri, are struggling to maintain their po sitions in the Union. Congress, after the War had existed for three months, re-assemhled. its Mem bers, now called to face its stern realities, discovered that something more than the “ Chicago Platform” was needed. Now it had become evident to minds that could not, in February, he raised above (lie ho rizon of party, that the Union and its (iovernme.it were endangered. And now, witli a unanimity almost unparalleled, the following Crittenden Compromise Kcsohi lion was adopted by Congress : Mr. Crittenden introduced a resolution, i as follows : Itesnhnl, That the present civil war has been forced on os by the Disnnionisls , of the Southern States now in rebellion ! against the tiuvernmont of the United : States ; licit in this National emergency, | Congress, banishing all feelings of passion I and resentment, will recollect only their j duly to their country ; thift the irar In I not iciitji t/ for conqiiealor hitlgn;/iili"ii,or iuterferiny irilh the riyhtt or e»tubli»/uJ utayrt of there State», hut to maintain and defend the snprem icy of the Constitution with the rights and equality under it un impaired ; that, as soon ns these objects shall be accomplished, the war ought to cease. The first branch of the resolution, that the present deplorable civil war was forced on the country by the Disunionists of the Southern Slates now in revolt against the Constitution and the Government, and in arms around the Capital. Adopted.— Yens, 121; nays. 2, viz: Burnett, and Ueid, of Missouri. The remainder of the resolution was adopted—ll 7 against 2, viz: Potter and Kiddle. The resolution, or any other hivnthing the same spirit, would .have kept three powerful Stales in the Union, ami render ed “ Secession" comparatively powerless. That resolution, adopted in season, though ; it would not have averted the war, would I have secured an early and glorious tri umph for the Union. The resolution was voted for roar by the 1 Representatives who loudly and velie , inenlly denounced it Inst winter. It is accepted /nor by the journals that so ijii sparingly denounced us for iuyye»llny it when it was needed ami would have been effective. Then the New York Tribune, though it Inrilnl the Gulf States to serede, was a law for Congress, for the Legisla ture, for the press, and for the people. Then, for venturing to “suggest” the propriety of cherishing Union sentiment in border States, this journal was de nounced in Congress, assailed in the Le gislature, arraigned hv the press, ami re proved In mnny'of its oldest patrons ami friends. We told them ali limi in the conllict which approached, the question of extending slavery into tiie Territories, I along with the Chicago Platform, would he “merged” and become “obsolete.” lint the arrogant and llashy fulininations of the Tribune, like the bowlings of a tempest, drowned the voice of truth mid reason. How much ail this lias cost the country, in treasure ami blood, in disas ter ami humiliation, in anguish and teats, we need not inquire, lint we shall, it is Imped, in view ol the obloquy which was heaped upon ns, nml the reproach we have endured, lie pardoned for recalling tlie past, the more especially as it teaches a lesson from which instruction for the future may he learned. An Irishman was going along the mad, when an angry hull rushed down upon him, und witli his horns tossed him over a fence. The Irishman, recovering from his fail, upon looking up, saw the hull bowing and tearing up the ground, (as is the custom of the animal when irritated.) whereupon Pat, smiling at him,, said : “ If it was not for your bowing and scra ping and your humble apologies, you brute, faix I should think that you had thrown me over this fence on purpose!” ——- • —— - “ Having in my youth,”says a celebra teli writer, “ notions of severe piety, I used to rise in the night to watch, pray, and to read the Koran. One night,whilst deeply engaged in these exercises, a man of practical virtue awoke. * Heboid,’ said I to him, * thy other children are lost in irreligious slumbers, whilst I alone awake to praise God.’ ‘Son of my soul,' he an swered, 4 it is better tosleop than to aw ake to remark the faults of thy brethren.' ’’ -** ■•••► A iv km Kit’s wife, in speaking of the smartness of her son, a lad six years old, 1 to a Indy acquaintance, said ; 44 lie can rend fluently in any part of the bible, repeat the whole catechism, and weed onions just as well as his dear old father." 44 Yes, mother," added the young hope ful, 44 and yesterday 1 licked Ned Kawson, tin owed the cat into the well, and stole old Hinckley’s gimlet." A pkkachfk, whose text led him to speak of the prophet Jonah, among other things, said : 44 1 am of the opinion that Jonah was a cleanly old man, neither smoking nor chewing, from the fact that the llsli retained him so long in his stomach. If the fish had swallowed the house where we are worshiping he would no doubt have vomited biniseli to death." Tin; Troy Times says that a man was lined ten dollars by the Court in that place for kissing a married lady, and add : 44 it may be well to state, for the sake of the girls, that there is not any law against kissing them!" One day, at a farm-house, n wag saw an old gobbler trying to eat the strings of some night caps that lay on the ground to bleach. "That,” said he, “is what I call introducing cotton into Turkey." — - An editor out West who served four days on a jury, says that he is so full ol law that it is hard for him to keep from cheating everybody. A’wag being asked the name of the in veli tor of butter stamps, replied that ft was probably Cadmus, ns he brought let ters into Greece, — Past livers generally end by having very sluggish livers. frolli (lie All.oli» Adua «mi Affli*. Tini ri «mi Wrctl Wnnl»n lilm llnmft*. The editor of (lie Her nitty Journal | washes his hands <•!' all responsibility for i the war, and for “ the treasure ami blood, (he disaster and humiliation, the anguish ami tears" which it has cost. lie stands \ □ palled before the bleeding apparition of I bis country which rises before him, and, ; shirking back, cries: •• Shake not tby gory looks at me ; Tbon causi not any I did it." The article*, which we copy in full, re- , view ing the history of the past six months, and throwing the guilt of the presentatale of affairs upon the radicals and fanatics of the Republican party, is lull of interest. As a personal defence of Mr. Weed, it is i powerful and alinosi conclusive. Rot, us a vindication of (he course til the tienine racy, it is triumphant. If we should go hack and copy from our own columns, «T ; might easily show that we were six months ahead of Mr. Weed, in warnings , of danger, as lie was six months ahead of his party; and that he mocked and ' scoffed at us, last August, iu tin* very phrases iu which the 'li tft mu' and Ptmt, j and their echoes, denounced him. Rut it is unnecessary to speak of this, for we i need no vindication ; and the Deiiioera- I cy, then u cloud hy day, w hich the Nation refused to follow ami passed by, stands out now a pillar of lire it) the night that surrounds the Ih puhlie. The defeat of the pat ty terminated iu 1 power to do good hy action. It could speak, however, ami it ottered its aid to any parly that would come to the rescue of the country. All Mr. Weed's patriotic overtures were seconded hy us. We co- , pied and endorsed them. We called a Convention of men of all parties to meet j in January, and try a last effort to avert ! the horrors of Civil War. The Convoli- ] tion urged a submission of Crittenden's ! amendment, or any other similar mea sure, to the people; so that an expression might he had from the electors on the subject. The Republican Stale Legisla ture and the Republican Congress refused to tinteli any measure of conciliation—re fused to let (be people be heard. “ The Tribune wanted the (ittlf Slates to secede,’ i ami to ipiute again front Mr. Weed; "Congress adjourned, having dune and • said nothing to simigliteli or encourage 1 the Union men of the Rordcr Slates. Then came the struggle within those 1 Slates. Virginia, a long time poised, , finally took (he plunge ! North Carolina ami Tennessee followed. These great and powerful Stales were lost to the I niou, because the Republican press and Republican representatives were beguiled w ith the popular idea that they discharged j their first ami highest duty iu standing ■ hy and on the " Chicago I'lalfonn." Then came civil war, menacing the Capital, as its tirsi consequence. The city of Raltimure revolted, etc." And, adverting to the Crittenden Res olution, passed hy Congress at its late . session, (after the defeat of Hull Run—for a few days before it was clamored down,) Mr. Weed says : “ That Resolution, or any oilier breath ing the stililo spirit, intubi /ftre kept thru jHuetrftil Slatiniti the I'niiiii, and rendered ‘Secession’ comparatively pow erless. That resolution, adopted in sea son, titoligli it would not have averted the* war, ironbl Imre h cured an turfy timi 1 •llorion» triumph Jor the Union." Rut it was not Congress alone that suf- ; feted its independence to be crushed by ' the Chicago platform, or used that miser- < able structure "to shut the gates of mercy on mankind." Mr. Lincoln, in his Inau gural, declared ita law to him. and placed it before the Constitution, insisting upon preceding his uflieial oath by a declaration of fidelity to it. llis weakness and narrowness consti tuted the strength of the predominant faction in Congress, They ordered him to give battle against the advice of his 1 tlencrals; ami wln-n he hesitated, they; (ohi Ili ill tile Republican pai tv and its \ sacred Chicago platform would he other- ! w ise in danger, ami he saci diced the army j ami the honor and fortunes of the Nation, i to this iilol of party. The Republicans would not lise above , party to prevent war, nor will they to l carry it on. The President, the Cabinet, Congress, the pensioned press, plunge • deeper in partisanship as the country sinks deeper in disaster. When Mr. Weed was pleading for the country, the Democrats of the State Legislature were foremost in sending him to represent the State in (lie Peace Congress at Washing ton ; and a Democratic Convention, then in session, vociferously applauded ilio choice. When (Jov. Sprague, of Rhode Island, took ground for conciliation to the ! South, tile Democratic party of his Stale, to a man, voted for Dim, and elected him, ' and Democrats have since followed him to | the Held in defense of the Union hy arms. 1 Democrats are not less strung in preju- . dices and antipathies than other parti- | sans; imi they were conscious ot the magnitude of this crisis, ami knew that tlic safety of the Republic railed for the sacriilce of all oilier considerations. And since (lie commencement of the war, they have dilfcrcd from their political oppo nents in a more lively appreciation of the 1 dangers (hat beset ns, ami in the disposi- ; tion to avert litem, hy politic forbearance, ; by concession, by appeals to ilio patriot- ' ism of (lie South, us well as hy au ade- • •piate force of arms. i Their voice is unheeded. Their com ments are met by threats ami epithets. They are proscribed amt denounced, : with a bitterness that no examples of i service or of devotion to the country serve, in the least, to mitigate, liven Mr. i Weed has his mocks and Dings for them. And meanwhile the Administration is - marching straight on to the point where it lias to chose between Kmancipation and Separation. The road to Kmancipation is blocked up by successful armies and masked batteries, and thronged w ith (he united white population of eleven Stales. Roforo this array of force and impedi ments the leaders of Republicanism stand aghast ; and they are turning their hands towards the open path of Separation. We cannot follow them on either road. In the Sepoy war of Kinanoipatioii we see only present horrors and future min to white and black. As to Separation, the Democracy can never bo guilty of partici pation iu a dissolution of the Union—they are for any compromise (hat will preserve it ; against any course of policy, whether of war or peace, that looks to its ultimate dissolution. — Westkun Okatouv.— “tientlemcn, I have heard of some persons who hold to the opinion that just at the precise mo ment one human being dies another is born, and that the just-departed soul en ters and animates the new-born babe.— Now, I have made particular and exten sive inquiries concerning ray opponent there, and 1 find that for sometime pre vious to Ids nativity nohodv nino !” —-- < ♦♦♦■>■ « Makiiiku.—Mr. John Strange, to Miss Mary Strange. Strange, indeed. The next thing may lie a Utile it ramjet. THE OLD MAN'S COLT. A SAW VKAR'H AOVKSTt'BK. The snow was falling right cheerily on the last «lay of the year of 165-, anil al ready there lay upon the ground sufficient to make moat excellent sleighing. The youngsters were enjoying the fun in the mails, the country sledges were rattling Hy. tilled with rosy-checked girls, and merry lads ; the more elegant turnouts from llie city—fourteen miles distant occasionally Hilled past the tavern door, «here 1 was tarrying, temporarily, and the season was peculiarly gay, as the holidays were passing away. In the har-room of the country hotel where I sojourned ! had right heartily enjoyed the various samples of human character I met, and I had for a week, day and evening, had the opportunity to listen to the “ yarns” of the villagers, or the numerous visitors who congregated in the old tavern, which had for many a long year heen the resort of hundreds of farmers, cow-boys, home-jocktes, and travelers of one kind or another, en route to and from the city, or homeward. I had given out among the settlers that I wished to purchase a good hoise —if one chanced to turn up during my stay at the tavern —and all hands were on the look out for me ; for it was understood that I would pay for such an animal as I fancied a liberal price. Whether any of my newly made ac ipiaintances aided the it-A'cror not, I never knew ; but there came along on Ibis very afternoon alluded to, the last day of De cember, 185-, a young man from Vermont (so he said, and I guess he did!) who drove up to the tavern door a greyish looking beast that attracted my attention at once, for he was a good stepper, and he came in in gallant style. •Who-a!’ shouted the driver; and he jumped from the heavy old sleigh upon the doorstep, and Hung the reins careless ly over the dasher, as the stable boy came to look after the new arrival. ‘That's Jem Saltimi,’ said one of the har-room loungers, ‘lie's from Brattle boro’ and he’s got a good ’un. He mver comes down with anything but good 'uns cy tlier.’ Perhaps this remark was intended for my benefit, and perhaps not. 1 heard it, hut seemed not to observe it. An hour afterwards. Jem Saltum en sconced himself before the great bar room lire, ordered a mug of Hip, and commenc ed leisurely to smoke n short six, and sip his ‘nectar,’ as he called it. I had been out to the stable and examined his colt— a beautiful bright bay, with heavy tail and mane, well put together in limb, and very stylish in action—and I concluded to buy him. As yet I had said nothing to Jem Saltum, however, and he had observed a marked silence after entering the house. I waited for him to open up to me, or to some one around, but he smoked and drank his Hip, and looked into the great blazing lire, and finally seemed to be dropping into a doze. It was a cold night, that Hist day of December, 185—. The snow had ceased falling, and the prospect of glorious good sleighing for New Year's Day, was never more promising. I waited for Jem Salt imi to begin, hut he said not a word about his horse, and so. at Inst, I went to him. ' A good looking nag you drove down to-day," I remarked, in commencement. I le did not reply, but opened Ids eyes la zily ,tbcii continued to seem to be sleeping. ‘ A young ’ns?' I ipicried. * Did you speak to me, sir ?' he asked, looking up. *1 wns saying you’ve a nice-looking colt.’ ‘Oh, vans. That’s the ole man's, that is.' 1 Pur sale ?' ‘No —not cdzacly. That is, I reek’ll the ole man wouldn't agree to sell him for no reasonable price.' ‘ Who's the ohi man yon speak ol ?’ * Who? Why he's my uncle ; the man I live with.’ ‘ What are his qualities?’ ‘ Whose? The ole man's ?’ ‘ Nn ; the colt’s.' ' Oh,* I thought you meant my uncle. Wal, the boss is what we call up'n our country, a good 'un. ile gets up well, all round, is live years old, coming six, square trotter, way down in the forties, sound as a new dollar, good size, never shies or holts, 'lV.aid of nothin' lint a whip, and on the road he takes it all his own way. I don't think lite ole man'll sell, though anyhow,' continued Jem ; and he turned round and began to settle himself down in his chair fur another nap. I made up my mind to purchase the colt—or, at least, to try him—so I added, • Is he fast ?’ ‘ I told you, just now, that he was corn in' six, and could foot it down in the for ties. That'll do, I reck'n, fur a live year old, stranger.’ ‘ Y’es, yes. Have you any objection to let me sec him move?’ ‘None in the world, sir. To morrow.’ ‘ Yes. The slipping will he line, and I would like to buy a good horse,' 1 added, ‘ if I can light on one that suits me, every wav, and that don't come too high.’ .lem Saltum knew all this before. But I did nut know whether he wished to sell; and I thought he didn't. * Yes. Wal, then, to-morrow we will lake a turn with the colt, and you shall see him go. But as near as I can cal'late, from what the ole man said, when I left home, he don't keer to sell him any way.’ And with this consolatory remark, Jem Saltum fell sound asleep (or certainly ap peared to) before the big bar-room fire.’ At an early hour next morning I met Jem again, and gave him the customary salutation of the season. * Happy New Year, sir,’ said I, pleas antly'. ‘ \Val, yas, so it is ! New Year’s Day —an’ a very nice ’un it is, to be sure.’ * How's the pony this morning ?’ open ing the subject again. ‘ Oh, nicely—never better. Yaas, I sec. You’re the gentleman as spoke about him last night.’ * Yea, and we’ll give him a trial when you are quite ready,' I added. ‘Yaas, we'll try him—but I don’t be lieve the ole man cares to sell him,’ insist ed Jem. However, wc got aboard of a light cut ter, and at Inst started for a jaunt, to test the speed and mettle of the horse I bad been so favorably struck with, at first sight, and sway we went, followed by a half-dozen good 'uns, rigged out at the tavern stables, to sec nod help enjoy the promised sport. The handsome bay colt proved a “flyer." How fast he could trot I could not say, but he distanced all competitors for a wile —two, live, six, seven miles—and re turned to the hotel in gallant style, at the top gait, without showing the slightest sign of distress, too. He was a splendid roadster, and just what 1 wanted. “ What do you ask for bin» !" said I, at last. “Wal, as I sed afore, I don’t blievt the ole man keers to part with him—least ways fie could get lew hundred an’ a half for him." “ That’s a big price lor a five year oM," I siyd. [WHOLE NlflHßßlt* Ml. f »r zlhhn&r tn* - • Wal, he Bini afa «afrrmfmi- The ole man wont Uh* Ima- - , * • I’ll gire you two huddred dottare, l stM. flita W« É round »um hr»UM in those days. 1* •No; iho old «Mil wouldnt banaaia neil,’ insisted Saltum ; and bo turnodM* horse's head m tho stable, as I entaod- I conrfuded Tcry ihwlty tff colt—at Jem’» price*hmtW aiwiaareet an hour afterward said : * Wall, ■anuaa, I think I’ll trade with roa. It.» too much for a live year old, but rUfira/pu the two hundred and a half* ‘ Wal,’ said Jem, slow!*, ‘frillf, I don't think the ole min'd Hfco to aali Was tor that, anyhow ; and I guess I’ll taka kio to the city, where I’ll get his raloo.” ‘ Uut you only asked two hundred and fifty for the coll.* • Wal, you didn’t take me up, did yar V • Not at the moment—no.’ ‘Wal, sharp’s the word, yer know, fc l , boss trade. Hut I am quite sortala tha ole man wouldn’t be mlistted with low’ll j three hundred dollars for that colt.* ‘Three hunzted !’ I exclaimed. ’Well, ; I won’t give it—that’s all.’ ‘No more I wouldn't, Mister, if I wan you. Cos you can’t allera tell about a live-year old if he is smsrt snd purty.-r lie might break down ; and I can sell him in the city, easy.’ I wanted the horse, but I let him go. And I did nut five Jem Saltum till after noon, when he turned the nag uut for ex ercise again, and whisked up and down before the door, to the admiration of every b xly who saw liim. ‘Saltum,’ I said, ‘come, ! didn't mean to do it, hut I like your horse. Give me a bill of him ; I'll take him at three hun dred, though it’s a very great price for him.’ ‘Well, Miste»,’ said the scamp, coolly, ‘scuce this morning I've made up my mind 'at he can go faster than wo thought be could, and I can take three hundred and a half for him, oft man up the road bare. I've thairfore concluded that the old man won't be satisfied unless I do the beat I can ; though, railly, I don’t belief* the old man would allow me to sell him any way.’ 'Confound the ‘old man' and hi* colt, too !' I said, not a little vexed at the sharp practice of my green appearing friend from Vermont t ‘You get no four hundred dollars out of mo J»r that horse.’ ‘No, 1 .spose not, Mister. But there needn’t be no hard fcclin’s atween uà — He's a dreadful good colt, and the ole men wouldn't l»e satisfied unless he bcought him * good price, I'm sure.’ , And with these words Saltum returned his dashing pony to the old stable once more. I was bound to buy this horse, and, i (bini* now, that Jem Saltum knew it-r Hut ' four hundred dollars was an awful figure, 1 thought. Still, fearing that the fellow would dodge me again, I mustered courage, and before I retired at night, I said, good-naturedly, as Jem sat sucking his Hip ; ‘Well, Saltum, we have had a good deal of talk.’ ‘Yaas, we hev.’ ‘And I like your horse.’ ‘I know you do.* ‘And I’ll give you the four hundred del- - lars for him—though I never believed 1 should he such a foul as to pay like this for a single horse.’ Thu Vermont sharper shook his flip -1 mug, and drained it to the bottom slowly, I and replied : ‘After all we've Mid, Mister, there ain’t j no man I’d father'd bev that boos- than you. Rut I'm bound to do what is right; ; an' at tho same lime I must notforgatlh* 1 ole man ’at raised the cult. Ef I can't get live hundred for the pony, I don’t believe the ulc man will be satisfied, an’ I’ve con cluded to lake him back to Vermont ac cordingly.’ ’ Five hundred dollars !’ I yelled ; * whv you’re crazy. Or, peihaps, you thhiK I'm a fool,’ I added, rising. ‘ Good night, sir. I trust you will get five hundred dol lars fur your live-year-old. That's ahun dred a year, exactly. Goodnight.* And I went to bud in high dudgeon. ‘ Hu's plaguy quick at figures, anyhow,' remarked Jem, drily, as I retired!. And very shortly afterwards he .went to bed ! himself. When I came down the next morning, the colt stood in the sleigh at tha front dour, and Jem was just ready, apparently, to leave. The golden- opportunity I* be come the owner of a really flno'éninißl was about to pass from UM, «nd I qovatad the beast inwardly and in earnest. • Which way, Jem,* I inquired. ‘To town. Afore night fm goin* (6 bev my price for this colt, or my nam* ain’t Jem Saltum.’ . , • How much do you ask for him to-day I’ I asked tartly. ‘ Wal, Mister, I’ve thought it all over, and as good horses ain't plenty Just IMHr, I’ve made up my mind thqt tha oka man never’d he satisfied if I didn’t bri UK AMO or the cult ; an’ I’ve concluded I Moll do one or 'tother, sure’s preachin’,any how.’ • Six hundred I’ said I. ‘ Why don’t you ask a thousand at once, Jam r • Wal, he's wuth a thouMnd— but you shall have him for just six hMdfm( ri you take him now.’ Jem took up the ribbons. The oolt arched his beautiful neck, and waa about to turn away. I was beaten. ‘ Put him in the stable, J*fl|,* f*M‘F.‘— ‘ I’ll takeJiim, though it’* an ««rial paio*." And thuPl became the owner of my fliafe • fast horse.' $ . ' The landlord laughed. The boattara laughed. Jem laughed—ao thar afM’P— and 1 was half-inclined to laugja aqgagll). at tho shrewdness of the TermMtorfk management Still, I had gri a tbwl I was sure of Ibis -and aa, Wé wohfràaf ter my little New Year’s DayioAtmMMlpl found myself on the BlooatoMdabfeMg—a a natty New York c utter. ■ktaapßarSig' ly over the newly made <MMNR| beating with earn nottffllelwflNw frequented that than apliadid tborawgb fare of the bat 'una. My colt quickly attracted tha «toHÉtto l of the crawd of ‘ home toon* dure, and one among their number,wWwna«*aaMp, and who bmw whnMi good nagMuqr shortly waited oq.ipa.npd bpaginfrfriE»' my purchase. ‘ What win you a* Umbri* >|IÉM 4 Twenty-five h—drai dptlam'. Into swered, without wlpktng, j. . The man of fortuna draw a laantwh. looked the home over m IAImMM then drew bit ehatfc flfr-M WMpm somewhat to my —prim, I Two years aftarWalfrli .>« oar. lAmy M*de UqSH than once iM—Cja.haq— thousand dSdKwfrß^fl-/ He made hiahttapNi ’* «7 -TX"* with him Ididaflj '-*<■ Vermont HriandS now certain thalWINPm