The press and tribune. [volume], March 19, 1860, Image 2

About The press and tribune. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1859-1860

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& STrliune.
MONDAY, MARCH 19, iB6O.
KCPUKLXCAN STATE COXVE\-
TloH.
By virtue of the ac!ho/ity ve«-d 1= uibv the State Cot-
Ttn'loQ laid at Spriogfitld, June 16. h, 1936. wc, the Repub
lican jif.te Cr.tral CiramJ.te* of the Sia'c ofllllnole,
hwi-Lv irlify the U -publican vot »rs of the wveral com.tli»
of Uie SstaU to appoint del citwto tnetl In Convention it
Beca'cr, on Wedesday. the ninth d«y ol Hay text, at 10
o'clock, A. X!„ torthr j<arp*s of noamklliij candidate* for
th« fol Stile ode:*. u»-wlt: A Govefr or. Lieutenant
Governor, Am Itor of Public Account*, State Treamrcr,
Secret .ryo! State, and Superintendent of Public Initruc
tloc; to Ic voted for'at the General Election to be beld In
2>oveaitarnert. Also.attkeaamctrse and jUte. locket
£3 delegate* to represent tli* Stale of IlJ.ok In the ftatioa
•lKepubJ.anCotiTccl’.oaloniecl at Colcsgo on the IClli
day of May next; tj place la nomination a Republican
Electoral Ticket for aald State UTbc voted f.rat sold election;
narttotniLsactmchotherbailnea* as maybe deemed ne
ers-aryto period a more thorough organization of aald
pirty.
Tlic caust’eswUl be represented in said Convention upon
the 1)48 *of the popular vole. In the several counties, cast
for&itte Treasurer at the ehcUoc of November, 1658, and
the repre«« tatiua apjionSonefl am on* said counties of (be
R«a*c In tko n.tlo of one delegate for every 400 vottn cast
for all the candidates for Slate Treasurer voted for at sad
tfcc’lon, and one m-d.llonal delegate for every fraction of
9so or more votes a*» cast.
The LA] )Wing Isa statement of the number of dc'egates
to which each county vriU be entitled on the ratio abjve Id
dialed, to wit;
Adams 16 Ilendcnon 6 0g1e....
Alexander. 1 Ueu > 6 IVorta..
l(o to 4 iruqml* 3 »eny,„
Hove 0 Jackson 3 Halt...
lirow.. 4 Jasn.-r. s 1’1te.,.,
liitrvsu 10 .MTjvon 4 Pune 2
Ca i ouu 2 4 I’olatki 2
Carroll 4 JoDavitrs. V Putnam.. 3
Ciif 3 JUuiron 3 Kandolpn 3
Clnm'R*-* C Ksdc.. 11 Hjcblatd S
CunsU.ii 4 Kankakee....... 3 Hork Island 7
Clark C Kti.dall 3 Saline 3
Cay. 3 Kn0x...... .12 Bani-a-oou 13
CU.itv.-n 3 Labe 6 Schuyler 0
Cole-. 8 La Satie 19 t-con 4
Os»k .47 L-wnace....... 3 t>lulby 3
Craw o d. 4 L?e 6 Mark 4
Cuuiiierlnixt 3 Llvhwalon 4 Mephcn-0u...... 9
Dekdb 7 Logan 6 KLCLIr 11
HcWiU 3 Mucun ......... 3 T.xcwcU 9
touch*..... .... 3 MaconiAn........ 9 UniCn 8
aniragc..... 4 Ma3iK)n..........11 Ve 7
£il.*tr ........ 7 Miulon 4 Waba5h......... 8
K 'wa-d? 2 Mar-ball 6 Warren. 8
8 Mttsoc 3 vVft,hmcton...„. 4
Tavc.l# 4 Massac. S Wayne. 4
Fora 1 M D uoti.ii 9 White 3
-ra.klln 3 McHenry 3 Whiteside. 7
Pulton 16 McLean 12 Will 12
C.ll'.’i: 2 Menard 4 Williamson...... 4
<ii <• .... ...... «• Mer.-e* 6 Winnebago 9
iia:iiii u 3 Ju> i(;»iaery.... 5 _
JU’-CiKt 11 Morgiii „10 Total 637
Jlarrju 1 ilouline. 8
K.B.Jkdp, 1 . N, fterm
S. L. liicnt, j. Crua-ttAv,
Uxovcb 1 Us own, tV. 11. Heuvdos,
1 nos. j. lessen. c, I*. JUx,
IV. T.lioiwii, 1). K. Ulus,
. D. L. TniLUrr.
. ~, , r , . JEnali w. FELL, Secretary.
fc-prinpCtld, Mat’i 3 h, IbCO.
THE ARGUMENT SURRENDERED.
From the date of the introduction of the
Kansas Nebraska Bill into UlO United States
Senate, a prominent point of difference be
tween the two parties which owe their origin
to that measure, has been in relation to the
views entertained by the framers of tho
stitution relative to slavery, and the relations
of the Federal Government to the institution.
The Republicans asserted, and as wo believe,
never lolled to demonstrate, that slaveiy was
looked upon by those eminent statesmen* and
patriots as a moral, social and political evil,
and so repugnant to the instincts of a free and
Christian people, a? to render its existence
necessarily of brief duration; that It was a
n creature of municipal or local law, and cduld
not bo extended beyond the jurisdiction which
created it; and that, as their subsequent action
proved, it was their design eo to frame the
federal Constitution,as to preserve all the pub
lic domain not included within• the limits of
the existing stales, sacred to freedom and free
labor. Upon these propositions the Democra
cy joined issue with tho Republicans, and the
dUcuasion lias continued from that day to this!
It was not simply for the purpose of settling
n historical fact about which difl'e: nt
were entertained, that this discission has bu-ii
to long prosecuted. The leading olject of
each party was to prove the correctness of its
respective interpretation of the federal Consti
tution, by showing that such interpretation
accords with the intent and tho subsequent ac
tion of the framers of that instrument It
was tacitly agre* d that which ever side should
demonstrate the Identity of its position with
that of the fathcis, was entitled to tho credit
of being the party "of the” Constitution, while it
would place its antagonist in the unenviable
attitude of attempting to subvert the Constitu
tion.
So overwhelming and unanswerable have been
the arguments and proofs adduced by the Re
publicans, that the Democracy of the slave
holding States have given up tho discussion.
Instead of contending longer with their ojh
ponents os to the opinions and intent of tho
framers of tho Constitution, they now seek to
fasten upon the latter the same odium, on ac
count of their opinions, which they claim at
taches to Republicans on account of theirs.
The framers of the Constitution, the author of
tho Declaration of Independence, the leading
men in tho American Revolution, they say,
were Abolitionists, and being such, their
opinions and intent should bo of but littlo
weight with the wise men of the present day
who hold Slaveiy to bs a beneficent institu
tion, sanctioned by tho Bible, and essential to
Republican liberty.
But whilo they concede tho argument to
the Republicans, tho Democracy deny that it
ought to-settle tho question against them.
They claim that each generation should settle
anew the great problems of the world; that
new elements have appeared in the slavery
problem since our fathers settled it far them
selves; that slaveiy has greatly increased, and
that cottou has become king; nnd'that while the
solution arrived at by the framers of the Con
stitution might have been right for them and
for that age, it is not right for us and for the
present age That wc moy not bo accused of
misrepresentation, we will give tho argument
in tho words of a distinguished leader of the
Democratic party, Mr. Curry, Member of Con
gress from Alabama. In a speech in the
House of Representatives, on. the Uth inst.,
that gcutlcmnn said:
2lt had been t roly s\ld tm*. U is nec-siary fjr each gcccr
nllon to (11-cus- an.-w the great p:ohU-ms cf the world, and
•carce’ya -pccdi had been raat’r or an e«sty written upon
the sulj jet Mawr/, wit! in the last tea years. In which
the opinions • f tte fati.cra of ibe Republic were not intro
*lncciJ. Bui.those opinion* wore, after aU,lut specula
tions, and actual results afforded a safer standard of Jcdg
m:nt. LeiSdo, the times had channel since this not jet fair
ly tei'cd rxrcrhucnl of • •ir-povtrnmeal was laugorateL
Then there were hut 300.609 slaves, and scarcely a pound of
cotton exported, while now there arc 4.000,000 of alive*,
•ad the cntl-.n crop of lut yesr ai.oaated to nearly
4.230,000 Later. African Slavery was now a {Treat social,
poTteal, Industrial k«l human Harlan fact. l:s
Chief production was M Mug*—building Northc’C work
shops, driving Northern carhlnery. fecdla* Northern la
borers, and cJo’LLv the entire population. These result*
werewbo Irunantldpilcd by the good men whowereso
inlus'r no* f piraued as olond* of witnesses agUost the in
stitution of Slavery. Slavery had a’tercd, and mi n** c j.le
lons !ud aitcr.-d eloec their day. Slavery was now a mat
tcroftjo prodigious cons-quenee to be trraud ms an Idle
thing, c ntrihatior, as It doe*, so abund mtly to the later
esUif civilization and humanity. The South reasonably
demanded aod protection, and were sensitive
to the threat to -nirontd it with a cordon cf free Icnttory
tlut.llkeasirpcnt surrounded by fire, It might sting Itscif
to.dcA-h.
To keep Slavery circumscribed wo-id Inevitably result
In render ug cmaid, atlnn «crtain, or slave labor noproSt
nh’.e.aad the extinction of tie white rare probable. The
conversion of the South Into another San Domingo, would
he, under thli policy, only a question of tlm . Hence, with
lha South, Inc *lrug;l» fer expansion was a sltueple for
Jlf.\ and the ue easily of growth n u>i find Its dcvd-tptucnl'
If possible, wilh'n lie limits of tic Un-on.”
It is not denied that the change of condirons
claimed by Mr. Curry baa actually taken place;
but wo confess ourselves incapable of appro*
elating the logic which makes slavery a moral,
social and political evil when the institution
embraces only 500,000 subjects, and a great
bnmasitariaa institution when the number has
been increased to *2,000,000. If it is wrong to
enslave 500,000 people, by what process is
Ibis wrong transmuted into a right by adding
to these 500,000 unfortunates, 3,500,000 more-?
Kor is the logic any more satisfactory which
makes the interpretation of the Federal Con
stitution dependent upon the extent of the
cotton crop. IfJ when wo exported scarcely a
pound of. cotton, tbo Federal Constitution au
thorized the prohibition of slavery in the
Territories by Congress, docs it not equally
authorize such prohibition when wo export
annually 4,500,000 bales of cotton? "Wo
know it is claimed by the South that “ Colton
5s King,” but this is the first intimation
wo have had that our Federal Constitu
tion is subordinate to cotton, and that its
interpretation is determinate upon tho extent
of tho production. If, as Mr, Curry asserts,
the annual export of 4,500,000 bales bo modi
fies the Constxtut’on as to carry slavery into all
tbo Territories, and to protect it against Con
gressional interference or tho‘action of the
local Legislatures, will that gentleman inform
the country to what extent the export must
increase to enable tbo federal- Constitution to
carry slavery into tbo free Slates, and protect
it against Slate interierence ’
But our object in this article is not so much
to notice tbo argument of Mr. Cuny a» to state
the general fact, that the argument derived
from the opinions and the intent of the framers
of the Constitution has been conceded by their
opponents to bo wholly on tbo side of the Re
publicans. and that henceforth, the isapo is
whether Slaveiy is right and everywhere to bo
treated as right, or wrong, and everywhere to
be treated as wrong, within the limitations
prescribed by the Federal Constitution as un
derstood by its framers. This is now the
question of the day—-the real, tangible dis
tinction bi tween Democracy and Republican
ism. ”Wc have driven our opponents into the
last of their defences.
COITUS AGAIN!
Tho disunion animal Is about to bo stirred
up again. Ho has slept since tho organization
of the House with commendable soundness.
He has not roared once. His wrinkled front
has been smoothed to the placidity of a Hay
morning. He has u dried up” like a precious
old humbug. Hut his keepers have resolved
to put him once more through his old tantrums.
We ore told that lucre was an adjourned
meeting of members of Congress from South
Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi, held in
Washington on Friday evening, to consider a
place for a Disunion Convention, to bo held in
June, just after the Chicago nominations are
made. The obvious design ot this convocation
is to frighten as many votes away from the
Republican party as possible, and to carry tho
Charleston ticket tlirougb the crisis of the No
° i
vember election. With all due regard to tho
feebleness, tie childish terror, which have
allowed the North to be driven from herpre*
pricty by similar threats in the past, and mak
ing full allowance for tho numerical strength
of the doughface breed, we do (Irmly believe
that slavery is to win no victory this year by
ibe roaring of the disunion monster, roar he
never so loudly. Wc believe that tho temper
of the North has been working up to a posi
tive desire to try the experiment —to elect a
President whom the fire-eaters hate, and tnen
see what they will do about it. So we com
mend these South Carolina and Alabama gen
try by all means to hold their Convention.
Pay no attention to us, but go ahead. “ Leave
your damnable faces and begin."
A CHORUS OF JACKDAWS.
Those silly people who are cackling at Mr.
Lincoln because he made a bargain with a Icc
ure committee at Brooklyn on the same terms
as "Wendell Phillips, Tom Corwin and Frank
Blair—tho same as our Young Men’s Associa
tion make every winter with Horace Greeley,
Ralph “Waldo Emerson, and others—display
not only their difra calibre as controversialists,
but also their estimate of the force of Mr. Lin
coln’s arguments. Is it to be presumed that
the Chicago Times, the Boston Post, the New
Haven Register, and the other Border Ruffian
organs which have raised the hue and cry on
Mr. Lincoln’s business engagement with a lec
ture committee, which was organized for the
express purpose of hiring speakers and charg
ing an entrance fee upon listeners —is it to be
presumed, we ask, that these sapient journals
would growl over this diy nut if Mr. Lincoln’s
speech were vulnerable to their weapons?
Assuredly not And is it not to bo presumed
that the aggregate of decency and common
sense in the whole crowd of Mr. Lincoln’s
assailants would fall to endow one respectable
old jackdaw?
GEORGIA.
''' The candidates for the Presidency who di
vided the late Georgia Democratic Convention
were the Hon. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the
Treasury, and the Hen. A. H. Stephens, late
member of the House of Representatives. As
in the .case of Virginia, which was divided
between Hunter and Wise, the Convention re
fused to decide between them, leaving them to
go before the Charleston Convention on their
own merits.
£s?* An anonymous writer informs the Eve
ning Journal that in a contingency named by
him the southern counties of this State will in
sist upon the nomination of Mr. Bates for the
Presidency, or upon a delegation favorable to
him from Illinois. Our information from the
southern counties, derived from various county
conventions and public meetings, pointsstraight
to AiuunxM Lincoln, and to no other, as the
choice of that section of tho State for the Presi
dential nomination, irrespective of contingen
cies. If the writer referred to has any more
direct or positive information than this it will
be in order for him to show it.
Wm. S. Bailer having removed bis pro
secution of the villains who destroyed his Free
.South establishment from Kentucky to Hamil
ton county, Ohio, he faassince been waited upon
by a committee of Newporters, and notified
that unless he leaves his life will be in peril.
jgy It is now believed that tho yellow fever
having broken out with great viruL nee at Ha
vana, it may not be entirely safe for Northern
ers to go to’ Charleston on the 23d of April
next.
£s?”The Charleston papers confirm the state
ment that $5 a day will be the established price
for board at Ike hotels of that city during the
holding of the Democratic National Conven
tion.
WESTERN NEWS,
The freight train on the Logansport, Peoria
and Burlington Railroad was thrown off the
track near Sooth Middlcport, on Monday night
last, by means of some obstruction placed upon
the track. The engine, tender and three cars
were thrown 0ff....0n the Saturday evening
previous a freight train ran off the track on the
same road four miles east of Logansport, and
seven of the cars were precipitated down an
embankment about twenty-five feet—caused by
running over a cow. Joseph Rogers, a passen
ger, was considerably injured by jumping off
the train.. ..A nu x her of citizens of Oquawka
(III.) contemplate going to Pike’s Peak tb' a
Spring. An advance guard left on Tuesday
morning last, and it will be followed in a short
time by fifteen or twenty more.... A man named
G. W. Gennings was killed by a single blow
with the fist, struck by Martin Buzzard, at Lin
coln, in this State, on Saturday lost. The diffi
culty was of Gennings’ own seeking....The
‘‘grass widows," numbering seventy-one, who
reside in and around Elkhort (Ind.) gave a ball
last week, and invited their male friends. None
bat 44 grass widows" were allowed to participate
la the festivities....The German Maennerchor
serenaded Call Schurz at Indianapolis on
Wednesday night... .The Hon. John L. Robin
son, United States Marshal of Indiana, is lying
dangerously ill at bis residence in Rushvitle....
At Madison, (Wis.,) on Wednesday, as David
Donnelly was adjusting some gearing in Briggs’
steam mil), the machinery suddenly started,and
he became entangled in the cogs of the driving
wheel, and was literally crushed to death....
The Stevens House, in North La Crosse, (Wis.)
was burned on Tuesday night. It was a low
place, infested with drunken Indians, etc., and
was undoubtedly set on fire. Loss about $2,000.
....The Indians are very numerous in La
Crosse now, as we learn from the Republican.
The citizens do not like the manner in which
they swing their guns around when parading
the street*, drunk, and there is some talk of
“cleaning them out."....James 0. Spencer
billed John W. Beebe in self defence, in Sands
Hill, Mo., on the 2d inst. After an examina
tion Spencer was discharged... ,H. D. Frary, a
promising lawyer of La Grange, Mo., was found
dead in his bed last week.
Wolfish. —A dav or two since, as Jas. Mourn
ing, a citizen of Irish nativity, was walking
along a road in the town of Montrose, in tbis
county, he espied a large grey wolf leisurely
smelling around a little ahead of him. lie itn
mcdiatclr gave chase, and aftera short run of
about a quarter of a mile through brush and
wood. Mr. Woif sought refuge in the ledge of a
rock from which bis tail alone was invitingly
exposed. His pursuer although unarmed, with
out a moment’s hesitation, seized it, and alter
two or three whirl’s at arm’s length, introduced
the wolL’s skull to the trunk of n tree, and then
flung it lifeless to the ground. It was then car
ried away with mourning. —Sfaduon Patriot .
Information Wanted. —Of the wherabouts pf
a hoy named George A. Pickup, who left tbis
county about Aug. IClh, 1553. S»id Pickup
was, when he left, some fourteen or fifteen years
of age, heavy set, red hair, freckled, and bad at
the time one of his upper front teeth broken off
near its middle. If our brethren of the press in
Illinois and lowa, especially Northern lowa,
will copy tbis notice, they will confer a great
favor, as will also any person giving the desired
information to the editor of this paper, at Aledo,
Mercer Co., Illinois.— Aledo Record,
TOE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
Its Defects and the Duties of Citizens.
Speech of E, C, Iflntttf, B»q,, in the Trial
of Joetph btout in the t. S. iHetrtct
Court,
Gentlemen of the Jury:
, It was a fitting exordium to such a prosecu
tion as ibis, for tlie Attorney of the United States
to attack the Declaration of Independence, and
seek to explain away and destroy the full mean
ing and effect of those principles which He at
the foundation of that liberty vthicb. is the most
precious birthright of every American citizen.
Xorwaa it unnatural, gentlemen, that at the
same time he should seek to enlist in support
of his case those principles of natural justice
and right to which, us the highest in onr uuturd,
men arc ever guided in forming their judgment
of haman action. For it is notw-pleasing duty
for any man to ask a jury to couvict a u:an as
a criminal for an act which has no guilt, save
that which is found bn the pages of the statute
book.
It was not strange, gentlemen, that he should
bring before you the names of Webster and
Clay, of Washington and of Jefferson, and seek
to borrow from the reflected Insue of these
great and illustrious men, something to lighten
the character and take from the odium of this
prosecution. But yet, gentlemen, it ii in rain
lor him to travel out of the record to gain any
support for the cause v.hicb be advocates.
Only In the letter of the statute—only by the
force of the enactments of a law made by men,
and binding upon courts and juries, and not by
the force of aoy considerations of what ia just
and right under the higher and everlasting laws
which are written by God in the conscience and
moral nature of man, can he find any sanction
for a verdict against the defendant at the bar.
Gentlemen, in the nineteenth century of the
Christian era, in the republic of the United
States, In the free State of Illinois, a man of
unblemished character—a man known and be
loved in a city which his intelligent industry
has aided to build up. and bis high moral qu»l
ties have contributed to adorn —sits at the fel
on’s bar of this court, and is on trial as a crim
inal.
And the offence—the crime alleged against
him, and forwbicb heis thus arraigned—is that
ce has aided a fellow-man in bis effort to ob
tain bisliberty. It is charged to be a crime in
that Republic whose foundations wctelaid in
those great principles of liberty, equality, and
the rights of man, of which the Declaration of
American Independence is the fullest and no
blest national expression, to aid a fellow-man in
seeking to secure for himself that blessed boon
of liberty to which every human being is by
virtue of his manhood entitled.
Regarded outside of and independent of the
statute book—vie red by the light of those prin
ciples, of conscience, that higher law of univer
sal right and justice, which, nowever it may be
scoffed at and despised, every true man rever
ences as far above all mere human enactments—
the act which is charged against the defendant
would be ‘approved as a virtue, not condemned
as a crime.
l or surety to'extend a helping band to the
oppressed, to aid the friendless and despised
outcasts of human society, to give the word of
sympathy and the hand of kindness to the for
saken, forlorn, friendless slave on h<s way to
liberty, would be an act of humanity and of
Christian charity which would bespeak a gen
erous and noble nature, and commend itself to
the best and holiest instincts of the human
heart.
But it is said by the Attorney for the Govern
ment that this man was a elate, and therefore
had no right to bis liberty, and that the acts of
those who aided him to secure it were no better
than highway robbery, and be has summoned
to his aid in this argument the compromises of
the constitution, the compacts of the ordinance
of 1787, and the laws of the Federal Government
enacted (as he claims) for the fulfillment of
these compromises and compacts.
Genth men, did the idea occur to you when
the learned gentleman was discoursing upon
those compromises and compacts, in and by
which be sought to awakcu your patriotism and
love of the Uuiun, that the slave is no party to
your constitntions or your compacts, that he
has never given Ins assent to your ordinances
or your legislation ?
Did it occur to you when the learned counsel
lor was discoursing upon the sucreduess and
antiquity of the great right of property, and in
voking your sccse of justice and right against
the violation of this right, that there tvas aright
older and more sacred than the light of a mas
ter to a slave —the right of the elate to himetlf f
The right of a master to a slave is the right of
power. It is the right of the strong over the
weak. It is might, not right.
The right of a man to himself is by a deed of
gift from the great God who created him, and
of which no human power or authority can
rightfully deprive him.
it is written by the band of the Almighty on
the brow of every human being whom be bus
formed in his own imago, into whom be has
breathed an immortal soul, and who, by virtue
of these divine prerog»tives,hos become a man.
There is no right of properly as ancient ns
this, for it dates hack to the first moment uf
creation. There is none so sacred, for it is con
ferred by Dim who is the Maker of all things,
and to whom all belong.
It is said that the negro is a degraded beintr,
that be belongs to an inferior race; and his
physical and mental inferiority have been thi
subject here of ridicule and contempt. Grant
tb«t it is so—grunt that he is weak, abject;
: miserable—that be is wanting in every quality
, to excite your admiration, or enlist your in
terest or sympathy. In what code of ethics—
in what system of philosophy—in what form of
religion, dees the learned gentleman find that
weakness, ignorance and destitution furnish an
excuse for oppression and injustice? If a man
is deserted, forsaken, without home, fortune or
friends, weak and miserable, having no power
to defend himself and nothing to reward the
defence of others—does not bis very weakness ;
become, in every noble nature, the most clo- 1
quent appeal against injustice imd outrage?
I care not bow degraded the African race may
have become through the long centuries of dark
and cruel bondage in which this unhappy people
have been made the victims of oppression. I
ask of the learned gentleman who bas| sought
so eagerly to excite the bitterest prejudices of
cast and race against them, and to picture them
before you in so debased and degraded an aspect
as to turn away your sympathy anddeatlcnyour
sensibilities toward them; I a*k the gentleman
to answer me but one solitary proposition; Is
the negro a manf If heis nut a man—if be is a
mere animal like a horse or an ox—if no human
heart beats in bis bosom—if he has no fears or
hopes or affections—if he baa no feeling of love
or hate—no conscience to be touched with the
sense of right and wrong—then the gentleman
Is right and 1 am wrong in my reasoniug.
But,if he be a man—if ho has a human nature
-if he was created by the same divine band nud
a f ter the same divinej image in which you and 1
were formed, then 1 read, in that Book of books
from which 1 have learned the lessons of duty
and the principles of my moral life, that God
made of one blood all nations that dwell upon
i the face of the whole earth—that we arc all the
children of one Father, and that all men are
brethren. Are we not all aborers of one common
humanity? Are we not all to be redeemed by the
same infinite Saviour,and heirs of the same glori
ous immortality? If so,then is every man.be his
skin while or black, whatever bis country, his
birthplace or his condition, my brother , brother
not in equality of condition or capacity, bat a
brother in the great human family of God; and
by virtue of bis manhood,in the right of that di
vine humanity which is before all law and chore
all law, do 1 declare that be has the right to
himself—that this rght|p himself is the highest
of all rights, of which no law, no constiutious,
no compacts, no compromises, no legislation,
can rightfully .deprive him. There is, there can
be in the nature of things, no right which can
be superior to the right of a man to himself.
I maintain, then, that when a man held us a
slave, strikes out for freedom, when he has the
courage and the manliness to vindicate for him
self the great right of bis humanity, that he is
committing no wrong upon his master, no
wrong upon any one; forms right to himself
os far transcends that of his master to him, as
the laws of God transcend the laws of man. 11c
has the right to his freedom, If be o&n obtain it
without violence and blood, without destroying
the lives or liberties of others, lie has the
right to flee from bondage and turn his steps to
a land of liberty. Say, not only has;be the
right, but if he be not tho brutal, degraded being
wnichfaebas been pictured hero; if be .have
within him the first faint conception of what it
is to be a slave, and what it is to be free, he will
doit; he will never surrender himself to life
long slavery without a struggle to escape.
And in that straggle for liberty he
will have the sympathy of every man who has
a heart to feel. Why, the whole hietoiy of man
through all ages is a‘history of struggles for lib
erty; a history written in'tears and blood; a
history out of which have risen the heroes of
our race. And do those records of heroism and
self-sacrifice in the cause of liberty which have
enlisted our admiration and shed such* glory
over the history of man, depend for their power
to move us upon the question whether the
actors in these great struggles bad a skin whiter
or darker thau our own? Is them nothing to
movfe our sympathies, to thrill ns with iotcusest
interest, to kindle our admiration in the narra
tive of the strangles, and hardships, and sacri
fices endured by these poor, despised, hunted
outcasts, in their flight from slavery to liberty ?
I tell yon, gentlemen, much as we plume our
selves upon the superiority of the white race,
and flippantlv as wo talk of the inferiority of
the colored race in America, that if the secret
history of the age we now live in could be tmlv
written, that some of its grandest heroism,
some of its noblest examples of devotion, fidel
ity, fortitude and self-sacrifice, would be found
in the narratives of men belonging to that op
pressed people, who have wrought oot for them
selves; by their own fearless "courage and as?
yielding resolution, a deliverance out of slavery
into the life and light of liberty.
Dave you road any of those narratives ? If
not, you know not the strength and intensity of
the longing of the human heart for liberty. Vou
know not what a man will do and dare to secure
it. Why, there is no form of human suffering
which these men have not braved for its sake.
They have encountered the wild beasts of the
forest: they have wandered weeks and months
alone in desert places, biding in dens and caves,
famished with nunger, their polhway tracked
with their blood. They bare lain in the holds
ol ships, without {food or drink, for days, in
darkness and solitude, with scarce air to breathe;
they have cjung to tbe rudder chaios of
ships, and sat through the weary days and dark
nights, with the wavißbe&liogOverthcp,cs:og :
ing for life and liberty—preferring death to
slavery. Romance can depict nothing of the
heroic* in .human courage, or of the terrible in
human suffering, which the reality of these nar
ratives does not transcend.
Tell me that tjm best and warmest impulses
of good men are not moved towards these
struggling heroes of a down-trodden race 1 Tel{
me that the charily and love which stretches
out the hand of sympathy to the needy and suf
fering has its source in the color of a man’s
gkfaT No, gentlemen; yon may pass laws —
you may impose penalties—yon mar fine and
imprison and hang men, if you please; but
until yon blot out of the hitman {part every*
thiog that is gencrons, kind and nobio, yon can
never nuke men feel that it is a crime to give a
hand of kindness and a word of encouragement
to the poor bunted victim of slavery on his way
to liberty,
Why, we are told that the escape of the slave
is a ro'bbery ol the master, aud that wo put our
selvca on a level with thieves and plunderers in
aiding him in his flight. The robber takes the
property which belongs to another, and appro
priates it to his own prolit. If the slave has a
right to himself which he has never surrendered,
it is clearly no wrong in him to flee >rom slavery
to liberty; and if not, then to aid comfort and
assist one who is doing right, can by no sophis
try of evil be proven to be wrong.
Why, it is only within tue present century that
the l)cy of Algiers held numbers of white men
as slaves. These men were the lawful spoils of
war—they were his slaves by the same law of
force by which the African race is held in bond
age to-day in America. You have read of some
ot the heroic exploits of some of those white
captives to slavery to escape from bondage.
You bare been thrilled with admiration ut their
heroic daring, and touched with sympathy by
the story ot their sufferings. You remember
the efforts which were made bv brave and noble
men to aid them to escape. Did it ever occur
to you as you lingered with intensest interest
over the narrative of the escape of these men,
that they, and those who.'aided them, were
committing highway robbery on the Dey ot Al
giers ?
Does the fact that the color of these men’s
skins was whiter than that of those held in bond
age in America alter the principle? Do ques
tions of morals, the laws of conscience and of
right, change according to the changing hues of
the human completion? If so, how would the
argument stano if the proposition were carried
into effect, which has been repeatedly discosseu
in several of the Southern States, ol turirng the
entire poor white population into slaves?
1 know, genii men of tbo jury, that it is the
fashion ot the day, and especially with-those
who reprerent the government of the United
States, to sneer at liberty,do ridicule those great
rights of man which have been won from tyran
ny by the struggles of brave and true men
through the centuries of tie past, and especially
to cast the most contemptuous obloquy upon
those who contend earnestly for the freedom,
humanity and just rights of’men whose skm is
darker man ourown.
But 1 hare learned from the study of history,
tbe lesson, that the first step to tbe loss of a
people's liocrties is to cea?o »o prize them, aud
tint the first elfcrt of those who desire to steal
away a people’s rights, is to infuse into the po
pular mind an indifference to ull questions of
right aud freedom; to briug event that cold
aud hard selfishness which regards nothing us*
important which does not atfect tbe special
personal comfort and welfare of the individual;
to cities as enthusiasts and fanatics all men who
have faith io principle, iu duty, in religion; all
men who believe that liberty, humanity, tbe
rights of man,are gt eat realities and not unmean
ing words. But,geutleraen,l care not tor the ridi
cule or the reproach of men like these. Cull
me by what name they please—fanatic, enthu
siast,’ or that other word which seems to them
to comprehend the sum total of human depra
vity, abolitionist—l will,whenever and wheievcr
tbo occasion offers, stand up and vindicate the
great rights of humanity, the right of a man to
himself, the “ inalienable right ” of every man
created in the Image of God, with which he was
“ endowed by his Creator,” and which is as in
destructible us that nature itself, to “life, liberty
aud the pursuit of happiness.”
I maintain, therefore, gentlemen, that the act
charged bete at a crime, for which this
ant is arraigned before you woult),(iudependent
of any statute prohibition), approve itself to
every trne man as humane, generous and worthy
of all commendation.
But I am well aware, gentlemen, that it is not
your privilege in this place, and before this tri
bunal, to judge this man's action by those high
er laws of conscience which alone give to human
conduct its true character.
This defendant is indicted here for a violation
of a statute ui the United States, the Fugitive
Slave Act, and in this presence the Statute Book
is the supreme law for all of ns.
Tbut act, odious and offensive as it is in the
estimation ot many good men, is the law for this
Court ami for thucase. It has been pronounced
to be constitutional by that tribunal whose de
cision is obligatory upon this Court, and
although were it a new question or open for
discussion, I think it would nut be difficult to
suggest strong reasons to the contrary, vet
such a discussion would be out of place, and to
uo purpose.at this time; and I concede therefore
at the outset, tho validity of this statute, and
its binding obligation upon all citizeus.
But while I have no right iu this presence to
question the constitutionality or binding obliga
tion of this law. I have the right, and it is my
duty, to call your attention to those provisionsof
this law which moke it dangerous to the liber
ties of freemen'; for it is upon the existence of
these very dangers that I shall base a material
portion of the defence in this case. 1 shall de
monstrate to your entire satisfaction, before I
close, that it is toThe exerct-c of those undoubt
ed rights, and to the discharge of those un
questionable duties, which tac dangers 1 have
referred to impose upon every cifzen, that the
great part of all the acts committed by this de
fendant which appear iu evidence in this cause
is justly to he referred.
The Fugitive Slave law ofISSO is based upon,
and purports to be, a carrying into execution of
the 2d section of the 4th article o> the Csnslitu
tion of the United States, which is os lollows:
“3. No person held to service or labor in one
‘‘State under the laws thereof, cscaplog into
“anoher, shall, in consequence of any law
“ or regulation therein, be discharged from such
“service or labor; but sha‘l be delivered up on
“claim of the party to whom such service or
“ labor may be due*.”
It was asserted by learned allorney for
the United States that this article formed one
of the compromises of the Constitution, without
which it never could have been adopted, and
this remark was made the basis of some very
eloquent appen’s to your patriotism and lore of
the Union. lam well aware that this remark
has been made before, and is supported by the
diet:, of set oral learned judges, but it has been
midetna general way, and in connexion with
the whole subject of slavery in its relations to
the Constitution, and it is so untrue to the re
corded facts of history, about which there can
b > no dispute, that I think proper to give a few
moments to its consideration, i deny that this
provision in this article for the right of reclama
tion of slaves throughout the Mates ever was
one of the compromises of the Constitution, or
that it constituted uoy subject of contention of
dilfcrencc in the Convention that framed that
instrument. On the contrary, the article iu
question was adopted unanimously; and without
eliciting any debate or dissenting opinion iu re
gard to it
The g; cat subjects of difference which divi
ded the Convention, and which resulted in what
are so often called tac compromises of the Con
stitution, were three:
Is*. The question of difference between the
power of the large and small States in the Fed
eral Government, which was compromised by
giving to the small States an equality iu one
branch ol the Legislature, while th.* large States
were represented in the other accordingto their
population. .
' fid. The demand of the Slates wtcre slaves
formed a large element in the population, to
have the population on which the representa
tion was to be hosed include the slaves, which
was resisted by the other States as anti-Uepub
lican and uucquat, nod was compromised by
yielding to the slave States the right to include
three-filths of the slaves in estimating the num
ber of the population on which the representa
tion should bc.based.
3d. Tho. third was the foreign slave trade,
which was repugnant to tho conscience and
sense of right of many of tho delegates, bat was
warmly insisted upon by several of the South
ern Stales.
This was compromised by agreeing upon a
specific year, the year ISOS, before which time
no authority to restrict Ihe slave trade should he
exercised, but giving the power to restrict it
subsequently.
These were the compromises of the Constitu
tion. The subject of the surrender of fugitive
slaves was not a matter which even excited the
attention of the Convention until nearly the
close of their labors.
The Convention commenced its labors in the
latter part of May, 1787, and concluded them
. early in September of the same year.
In all of the seven different drafts of a plan of
a Constitution, several of which were submitted
by Southern men—one by Mr. Pinckney of South
Carolina, and one by Edmund Randolph of
Virginia—there was uo provision whatever in
regard to the surrender of fugitive slaves.
On the «»lb of August, 1757, the Committee
reported the finished draft of the Constitution,
which contained no provision on the subject.
It was not until the 2a lit day of August, a short
time before the close of the Convention, that
Mr. Butler aud Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina
moved as an amendment to the article respect
ing fugitives front justice, to require fugitive
slaves to be delivered up like criminals.
Mr. Wilson of Pennsylvania objected to this
on the ground that it w’onld oblige the Execu
tiye of tho State to do it at the public expense,
aud Mr. Sherman of Connecticut upon the
ground “ that there teat no more propriety in ike
public seizing oj,d surrendering a elate or (errant
than a horee.”
Mr. Butler then withdrew his proposition lor
the purpose of preparing a special article that
should be free from objection. [See Madison
papers, p.' 1447-144?.]
On tue 2‘Jth of August the Article as it now
stands was offered by Mr. Butler and adopted
without objection.
The whole idea that it was any matter of dif
ference or dispute, or wag the subject of any
compromise, or formed any barrier to the for
mation of the Constitution, is utterly at variance
with this plaiir aud undeniable statement of
facts.
Now I have never and will never deny
the obligation of any provision of the Constitu
tion of the United States. But what is the ob
vious meaning and intention of the clause in
question t What is the compact into which onr
lathers entered atid by which we-arc bound?
It was this: that the right of property in slaves
should uot be destroyed by the legislation of
the Stales, nor lost by the escaped the slave
into States where slavery was not recognised as
lawful. . * -
At the time of the adoption of the Constitu
tion, the Somerset case bad been decided in
England, and it had become one of the settled,
established principles of the Common Law ot
that country, as expounded by its highest
Courts, that slavery had no foundation jn Ike
law of nature or Ihe law of nations—that it was
dependent wholly for its existence upon local,
municipal regulations, having no force outside
of the territorial limits of the jurisdiction where
{hey were established. Now, if this clause hid
not bven inserted, what would have been the
result? Wbv, the moment d slave entered into
a free State, he would have become a free man.
But to prevent such a ie*ult as this, it was pro
vided by this article ol the compact that the
right in'slavc properly should not thus be de
stroyed. It was permitted to the slaveholder
to setup and establish, in the free States, bis
right of’property in escaped slaves and obtain
their reclamation under tue law—a right which,
without this express provision, he could never
have enjoyed. .•
That right was secured to him by the Consti
tution ; but was it ever intended to give to the
pwner of slave property rights and privileges
la the establishment of title to, ntyi obtaining
the possession of, such property under the law,
which was not given with reference to any other
species of property? Did they mean in behalf
of this property in man, which was regarded as
so contrary to all natural law—so opposed to
tbo conscience and moral sense of mankind,
that the great men who framed the Constitution
refused to allow the word ** slave” to appear in
that instrument, which they regarded as a great
charter of liberty— to overthrow all the long
established modes of procedure of laws of cvi
deuce and inodes of trial which the Common
Law of the country had for ages provided for
testing'questions of personal right and conflict
iug claims of.property?
-Vow, why is this Fugitive Slave Law so ob
jectionable In the estimation of a very large por
tion of the best and moit intelligent of our citi
zens? Is it because they are unwilling to carry
out m good faith this compact ofthe Constitution?
Not at all. They are opposed to slavery, but
they regard it os an institution which Is practi
cally b. yond their control, and they feel the ob
ligation ofthe Constitution as imperative.
No, gentlemen, it is because they regard the
provisions o: this law as most dangerous to the
rights of freemenl.' It is because this law vio
lates all those great safeguards for the security
of personal liberty, which they regard us no less
sacred and important than the Constitution
itself.
It is because this liw permits a subordinate,
inferior class ofmagistratcs, whose only rightto
act at all is based upon the shallow pretence
thU ibey do not act us judges, to give a judg
ment which decides finally andforeverthegrtat
question of a man’s liberty.
It is because that highest of all human rights—
the right of a man to himself—is all iwed to be
taken away, and a man living in a free State,
and presumed to be free, to be made a slave—
upon exparte evidence—given in a summary
war without even the sanction uf a court or
judicial officer.
It is because the right of trial by jurv, that
greatest of all the securities of the life, liberty,
aud property' of the citizeo, is denied under this
law.
Is not this a most just cause of dissatisfaction
with this law ?
If a southern man claims a bale of cotton
found in the Mate of Illinois to be his, and his
claim is conies* ed, can he take and carry it
away? How, alone, can he obtain tbe right to
the possession of the disputed properly ? Only
by the judgment of twelve men—sworn ns you
have been sworn tir determine the conflicting
claims ol the parties according to the laws of
tbe land and the sworn testimony in the case
given under all the forms and sanctions of a
court ol law.
Now is not the question of & man’s freedom of
more value than a bale of cotton?
Is the greatest of all human rights to be pass
ed upon, without judge cr jury, by v an inferior
magistrate who could not lawfully decide upon
the right of property in a dog or an ox?
It is this great outrage upon what is regarded
as the most imnortautof all the lecuriiics for
the liberty of tbe citizen, which constitutes the
principal objection to its enforcement. Out of
this defect springs most of tbe excitement
which is aroused whenever and wherever it is
sought to be executed throughout the free
States, and which will continue to exist until
these objectionable features of the law* arc re
moved.
It is from this cause that such prosecutions
as these iu which we arc now engagea arise.
# My word for it, gentlemen, if this law pare a
right to hare the question of a man's freedom
tried before a jury of twclre men, under ail the
soltnui sanctions of a court of justice, deter*
mined by legal and competent evidence, given
openly and With that right of cross-examination
of witnesses so essential to the discovery of
truth and the exposing of falsehood and fraud,
ond thcfact that the man was a slave were es
tablished by the verdict of a jury—my word
for it that a certificate under the broad seal of
this high tribunal, setting forth such judgment,
would enable the claimant to go from one end
of this State, aye of this whole epuntrv, to the
other without interruption or molestation.
Why was not such a provision inserted in'bis
act? Is it not demanded by every principle of
justice aud right? Is there any possible gi otmd
of reason on which it can be maintained that a
freeman of a free State should be deprived for*
ever of his liberty without “ the judgment of a
jury of his peers, according to the law of the
land?”
The learned counsel for tho Government have
invoked, in behalf of this law, the great name
of Daniel Webster. They have eulogised him
as the intellectual giant of the age—the most
illustrious expounder of the Constitution. I
summon th t distinguished name in support of
the objection which I am urging against ttis
law.
Mr. Webster himself prepared a Fugitive
Slave Jaw, such as, in his view, it was proper
for Congress to pass to carry out this dame of
the Constitution m a lawful and proper manner.
He rose in Ins place in the Senate, on tbe 3d of
June, 1850, ana stated ** that the subject of pre
“parirg a bill respecting the reclaiming of fu
gitive slaves bad engaged his attention at an
“early period of the session; that in pursuance
“of th ; s purpose he haJ conferred with some of
“the most eminent members of tbe profession,
“and especially with a high judicial authority
“who bad had more to do with questions of this
“kind than any other Judge in tbe United
“States.”
This bill, thus prepared by that great states
man liitmclf, contained a provis on giving a
rtehtof trial by jury to determine the question
of freedom or slavery.
Under the act framed by Mr. Webster there
would have been no difficulty and no excite
ment. It wou>d have commended itself to the
calm judgment and good seise of the country,
and could have been executed without serious
interference.
I am ootunmiDdful of the fact which will he
urged in reply, that Mr. Webster did, at a sub
sequent period, give his countenance to the law
we are now cons dtring; but it is clear that the
law which be prepared himse f, giving a jurv
trial, bad the approval of his best and most de
liberate judgment, and although he yielded
his support to that law of 1850,' yet it was at a
time when tho weak ambition of place and power
had taken possession ofhia nature, lie had
forgotten that noblest saying of a noble man—
“ I bad rather be right than be I’residen*.”
It is the . danger of men ia public life to be
dazzled by the templing prizes of worldly
honor. They forget tuat offices and honors are
but for a day,and that a true and enduring fame
can only rest upon serrire to the great rights
and interests of humanity. They forget that
wh-Ie tbe names of tbe men who sat in the high
places of power in England and enacted unjust
and oppressh’e laws, and ol the Judges who be
came tbe willing instruments of their execution,
have been forgotten or remembered only to be
execrated; that the names of Hampden and
Sidney, men who were tried as criminals ac«{
executed as malefactors for resistance io such
lews, have keen enshrined for centuries in the
grateful remembrance of mankind, und will be
us shining lights forever in the pathway of
human history.
But, gentlemen, not only does this law de
prive the citizen of the benefit of a trial by jury
to pass upon the great question of lus right to
liberty—-not only Hoes it allow inferior officers,
not claimed to have any judicial character,upon
ex-parte evidence and affidavits,and after a hear
ing reqqtred to bo qf a tumtj\iry character, to
condemn a man found in a free Slate to be a
slave lor life, but there is a further provision
of tho law which ties up and controls the action
of these Commissioners themselves in a manner
so opposed to every principle of justice—so
liable to he made flto means of tbe grossest
fraud aud villainy—that it seems almost beyond
belief that such n provision could have been
enacted by tbe representatives of a free people.
Tbe 10th section of this law authorizes an
ex-parte record to be made up in the Court of a
slave State in the absence of the party io be
affected by it, and this record lb-is made np is
by that section made conclutite of the
man described in it being a slave.
That I mav not mistake or overstate about
this matter, J w ill read you the section itself:
Andoe it further enacted, “That when any
“ person hela to service or labor in any State or
Territory, or in the District of Columbia, shall
“escape therefrom, tbe patty to whom such
“ service or labor shall be due, his, her or their
“ agent or attorney, may apply to any court of
“record therein, or judge thereof, in vacation,
t* and make satisfactory proof to such court or
“judge in vacation, of tbe escape aforesaid,and
“ that the person escaping owed service or la
“bor to such party. ‘Whereupon tbe court
“ shall cause a record to be mad e of the matters
“so proved, and also a general description of
“ tbe person so escaping, with such con renient
“ certainty as may be; and a transcript of such
“record authenticated by the attestatation of
{f the clerk and of tbe seal of the said court, be
“ ing produced in aoy other State, Territory or
“ District in which the person so escaping may
,* be found, and being exhibited to any judge,
‘commissioner or other officer authorised by
“ the law of tbe United States to cause persons
“escaping from service or labor to be delivered
“ up, shall be held and taken to be fall and con
“elusive evidence of tbe fact of escape,aud that
“ the service or labor of the person escaping is
“dqe to the party in such record mentioned.
“And upon the production by the said party
“of other and further evidence, if necessary,
“eitheroral or by affidavit, in addition to what
“ is contained i'< tbe said record of tbe identity
“ of the person ho or she shall be de
livered up to the claimant. And the said
“court, commissioner, judge or other person
“ authorized by this act to grant ccrtifica*es to
“cteimants of fugitives, shall, upon the produc
tion of the record and other evidences afore
“ said, grant to such claimant a certificate of
“ hinngiitio take any such person identified and
“ proved to be owing service or labor as afore
“ said, which certificate shall authorize such
“claimantto seize or arrest and transport such
“person to the State or Territory from which
“be escaped.”
Uuder this section of the act a southern slave
holder can go into a southern court and make
oath that a person whom he describes is his
slave and has escaped from him. This testimo
ny is given and recorded in the absence of and
with np notice to the person who Is to be affect
ed by it. It is the testimony of the alleged own
er himself, and of sprit parties as he cbucscs (a
summon to the service of bis designs. It is ta
ken and recorded without any scrutiny into its
correctness or test of its authenticity, and
made a matterof record,
• And this record, so made np, is made abso
lutely condueite upon the liberty of a man
absent in another State and irnons n t
tyhole ptocepdiogs. Was there*'ever a grater
outrage than this sought to be perpetrated
under the forms oflaw? 1
Gentlemen, the learned Attorney for the Gov
ernment bos said to you in advaqqe.- that I
should denounce this law aud endeavor to ex
cite yonp passions aud arcuse your indignation
against it for the purpose of obtaining from
your prejudicq what 1 could not secure fay aii
appeal id your reason and Judgment
If 1 have brought up ttiese provisions of this
law in review before yon, it has not been for tbe
of exciting your prejudices. It has
>eeau*e tke dangers and abuses to which
this law ia liable in its execution, Impose pecu
liar duties on every citizen of this free State ;
and within the legitimate and proper range of
these duties, as I will show you hereafter, are
embraced nearly all 'the acts which are offered
in evidence agtlnst this defendant.
>’ot, then, to inflame your passions, not to
excite your prejudices, do I call your attention
to the provisions of ibis law, but to make you
fully understand and appreciate the great dan
gers to the rights of free men which it occa
sions, to moke you see and feci that it is only
by vigilant watchfulness and prompt action on
the part ofthe citizenswheneverit t» attempted
to be enforced, that the unlawful arrest and en
slavement of free men can be prevented.
Recur ogain, then, in this view ofthe subject,
to the provisions of this 10th section, and see
what abuses may be perpetrated agoiast the
rights of free citizens under this section of the
act: “ - - -
Here, for example, is this Phillips, ariave
holder from southern Missouri. i;e has been
for weeks in this city as a witness in these pros
ecutions. What is to prevent him from obtain
ing accurate descriptions .of the coloicd men
whom bc .meets'ia the streets, and upafn his re
turn makingup a record against any person
upon whom bis gaze has fastened. Be has only
to step into a Southern Court and have Lis de
scriptions made a matter of record aud swear to
them,and the work is dune. The man whom he
has selected is quietly pursuing his customary
avocations, in utter ignorance that in the mean
while, tn a far off State,his liberty has been sworn
away, gone forever from h'm, even without no
tice and without a hearing. The slave-catcher
comes into the State, obtains his process, drags
bis t ciim before the Commissioner, produces
his record, and shows, as of course it is easy to
do, the identity of the person arrested wMi the
one described. But, says the man arrested. I
am no slave—l am a free man—l can prove it—
i wilt call my neighbors to establish it. Bit
the Commissioner ha* no power to look at his
proofs. Th* recoid is conclusive ofthe fact of
slavery. No question but identity islcfttobim.
If the party arrested has bis free pipers in bis
pocket,the Commissioner has no right to regard
them, aud it was so expressly held in the case of
Gorham, at Detroit:
It may be said that no snch case could arise
without perjury and fraud oo tic part of the
claimants. Well, lam not going to a-k you to
admit that men, educated under the influence ot
slavery, arc worse than other men, but surely it
will not be claimed that they are better. And
does notour daily experience here in the North,
both in the places of trade aud the Courts,teach
us that fraud and falsehood and perjury are of
frequent occurrence. Under the temptation
which cupidity and the lust of gain crea.e, men
became cilluus to the wickedness of fa'se swear
ing. Have cut cu-tom house oaths become a
byeword? And what arc custom house oaths
but unblushing violations of honesty and truth
commmhted fur the sake of securing the profit
to be derived from defrauding the tcrenue laws
ofthe country?
Why, it wkK stated in one of the public jour
nals not long since, that a letter was found in
the possession of u notorious counterfeiter,
from a Southern man, containing these words.
Go among the niggers, tied out their marks
ami scars, send good descriptions of them, and
I’d find owners.” Whether this fco fact or fic
tion, I know not, but it is easy to see that such
cor spiracles aeniust the liberties of men could
easily be curri-d out under this law.
No, gentlemen, it is not safe, it is not right to
trust itie liberties of men to the chances of es
nare evidence. There is no safely, except in a
jury trial.
liutuis said in reply to this objection, that
the person delivered up under this law dues
have a jury trial; that he has such trial in the
Stale trom which he escaped, and to which he
is returned, and an analogy is sought to be made
between this law and the law providing for the
return of fugitives from public justice.
This argument is a specious delusion. It is
as unsound in reason as it is false in experience.
It can deceive »*o one who docs cot wish to ha
deceived himself or desire to deceive others.
No man ca i be arrested as u fugitive from
justice, until be has been duly indicted by a
Grand Jury for some offence, recognized us a
crime according, to the common law of the
country. When to is arrested, he is delivered
iuto the bands of sworn officers of the law, to
be taken by them to the court before which the
indictment is pending for trial. The arrest and
the trial are parts of one proceeding, and un
less tried and convicted, the arrested party is
again discharged.
In the case of the person claimed to tc a
slave, the Coramusioocrdelivers the person into
the bunds of the person claiming him as a slave,
lie becomes a slave to all intents aad purposes
by tte dt The person into whese bauds
be is delivered, is under no obligation to carry
Lim bac<c to the State from which he escaped,
or to carry him to any plrce with a view to anv*
further trial of the right to his liberty, Ihe
master may do os be pleases with him; he is
sunject to no control, and subjected to uo new
duty or liability, lie may sed the mao as a
slave—he may scourge and lacerate ami abuse
him. He is his finally, ami forever.
It is true that rsa slave he has to a very
limited extent, and under such restrictions and
limitations as make it of very little practical
value, the right in some of the States to insti
tute proceedings to test his right to freedom be
fore a jury. But this is no answer to the ob
jection.
It is the making a man a slave at all without
tho verdict of a jury upon the fact of freedom,
of which we complain. Here is a man found in
a free State—the law presumes him to be iree.
He is entitled to the benefit of that presump
tion until the contrary is established by legal
ericcncc and in a legal manner. We uk lor
the rights of freemen and teeeive only the
rights of slaves.
The parallel between the two cases cf fugitives
from justice aud labor would be correct if the
Cooio j-sioncr, instead of sending the fugitive
from justice hack for trial in ihe custody of
sworn officers ol the law, were to commit him
to the penitentiary for life; for such sentence
would nut be mere final and conclusive iu its
effect Gian that which, by consigning a man to
his claimant under this ’law, condemns him to
the life-lung bondage of a slave.
Nor is there any reason for taking the a'leged
fugitive away frem the Slate where he is ar
rested, for the purpose of a trial elsewhere (rf
any such trial were within tbe contemplation cr
provision of the statute), as there is iu the case
of fugitives from justice. In criminal offences
the venue is local. They Cun be tried only in
the county where they were committed. ‘But
questions of property are transitory, and are
triable as well iu one ptuce as in another. Aud
the question of title to a man claimed as a
slave is a pure question* of property, it has
been so held from tho earliest records of tho
common law, If a man from a slave State
claims property In a bate of cotton found in
this State, he does not transport the properly
elsewhere to try the title to it. Jt is tried Here,
before a jury, and th?re ia no principle of the
law whi«;fi justifies a removal of the property
out of the defendant’s possession until the 1 title
of the claimant is established hv the judgment
of a court of law, * °
If this doctrine he true with reference fo per
sonal property of every nature, with how much
more force does it apply to cases where the right
to be tried is that of a citizen of a free Slate to
his personal liberty. Bv the law or the free
States he is presumed to he free umiltbe con
trary is established. By the law of the slave
States, if he have a certain admixture of Afri
can blood, be is presumed to be a slave until the
contrary is established. There is then a most
vital distinction between a trial by jury in a
slave State, (even if any such were given under
this law, which is not tbe case,) and the xf-*ht
of trial by jury in a free State. In the one case
the law proves bis freedom, and the burden of
proof is on tbe claimant to establish the fact of
slaverr. In the other, the law proves him to
be a slave, and the burden is on him to prove
his freedom.
Is it asking too much, that a free man, in a
free State, should be entitled to be adjudged a
slave hv the verdict of a jury of his countrymen
bifcrc he be delivered oier into bondage?
But it is said that if a trial by jury were given,
under tbe law, it would render it a nullity—that
Northern juries would refuse to find in confor
mity with tbe facts and tbe law. I deny tbe as
sertion. It is a libel upon Northern juries. It
is answered by these vory prosecutions them
selves. How are the violations of this lawto be
punished? Must not all these be tried before a
Northern jury, and is it an easier matter tc
induce a jury to convict a man under this law,
to impose fines and imprisonment on those who
rescue a slave, than it would be to establish tbe
claimant’s right of property in the slave so res
cued? Why, in every prosecution under this
law, tbe title of tbe master to tbe alleged slave
has to be found by the jury, under their oaths,
as an essential pre-requisite to every convic
tion.
If the jury can be relied on to find according
to tbe fact in a prosecution against a white citi
zen, surely they would not have greater diffi
culty m finding tbe same fact in a suit against a
negro claimed as a slave.
1 must not close my review oT the objection
able leatares of this law, without alluding to
one so odious as to meet with the disapproval
even of the learned counsel who opened this
c&se on tbe part of the government.
i mean that provision which authorizes the
slave owner and his agents to require the assist
ance of tbe citizens ot the free States is tbe cap
ture of runaway slaves. It would seem, as if,
In tbe contemplation of this law, the free States
of this Union were to become tL e hunting ground
for slaves, and the free men who inhabit them
were to become slave catchers at the beck and'
nod of the slaveholders.
It was not strange that the distinguished
Senator from Massachusetts, that noble man,
whose name is dear to every lover of liberty and
humanity the world over, should have said, ip
reply to the question of Mr. Butler, of South
Carolina, whether he would ?id in tbe capture
and rendition of a fugitive under this law, “Is
tby servant a dog, that ha should do this
tbiog?”
I have now finished my review of the provis
ions of this law, and I think I cannot have failed
to demonstrate to the entire satisfaction of eve
ry intelligent and candid mind, that tbere’are
great liabilities to abuse and great dangers to
tucrgbtsof free men necessarily consequent
upon the execution of this {aw, and it is this
proposition to which 1 desire your united and
unqualified assent, as the first position iu tbe
argument which 1 make, to .you in tbit cause.
In -that argument, gentlemen, I propose to
address myself wholly to your understandings
—to make no appeals to prejudice or passion.
Tbe learned counsel for tbe Government bare
said that I should add* ess yon as political parti
san*, and seek to gain your verdict by an qp,
peal to party prejudices. It was a strange re
mark to be made in this page. It would'seem
that if there were anyone who should deprecate
appeals to partr, who should implore this jury
to rise out of the low level of partisan polities
into tbe higher region of reason, conscience and
truth, it would be tbe cqupsel who is now ad
dressing a jury of which but two or three at
the are members of tbe same political
parly with himself. IVbat have 1 to gain at
your hands through the power of party preju
dice ? No, gentlemen, it is for toe to appeal to
you to forget ihat you are Democrats, to forget
that yott-are Republicans, and remember only
that yon are jurors. If I cannot obtain a ver
dict by an appeal to your reason and your in
telligence, I have ceptoi&ly nothing to nope for ;
by an appeal to your political prejudices.
myself, I belong to no party
which is disloyal to tbe Constitution of- my
country, or which sanctions any violation of
the laws. I shall ask nothing at your bands in
this argument bat what I can ask under the
law and the evidence, and I solicit your earnest
end considerate attention to all which, in the
discharge of my duty to this cause, I shall have
to say to you.
The next proposition to which 1 ask your
assent, and which will commend itself to your
highest judgment, both as citizens and as moo,
is'tins:
11. That ills the duty of everv citizen, to
take a personal interest in securing the liberty
of every other citizen in the community from
upldw ul invasion, and it is his right, as well as
his duty, to take all lawful action to prevent
such unlawful invasion.
This doctrine not only approves itself to our
own judgment, us citizeus of a free State, where
to invade the liberty and rights cf the humblest
member of the con-titueucy is to violate the
rights and liberties of the State itself, but it
-is sanctioned by express judicial authority even
in 'Kng!and,wbere the rights and liberties of the
citizen are ’not supposed to be more highly re
garded or more jealously secured in the
Republic ofthe United States.
Inill read to you from a work of acknow
ledged authority in our Courts, ** Russell on
Crimes, ’ a passage upon this subject.
“ Ooe Bray, aho was a constable of St. Mar
s, ar **h» London, como into the parish of
St. Paul, Covent Garden, where be was no con
stable, and consequently had no authoritv. and
there took up one Ann Dcklos, agaicst whom
he bad no warrant. In a controversy which
ensued in reference to this arrest, lie constable
was killed, and the question was whether the
unlawful arrest was a sufficient provocation to
reduce tue crime from znaider to manslaughter.
It was held, after elaborate argument, tbit
the prisoners bad sufficient provocation on the
one f* impti ontd upon an tm
** lawful authority, it in a t»firicnl provocation
“to all ptopU out of companion, and much
“ mj« teher* it u done nndtra color of Janie*,
“ AND THAI WIICL£ TOE LIBERTY OF TUE SUBJECT
“is INVaDLD xr ISA piovocation to all tub
“SUBJECTS OF ENGLAND.”
Gentlemen, i: is the maxim of a cold and selfish
as well as fa sc p*»i:aatbropy that is no concern
of mine when til the liberties of others are
taken away. The idea is as unfounded iu sound
reason and human experience as it is opposed
to the high üblg ition of the citizen, and un
worthy uf the nobler and more generous senti
ments of human nature.
Algernon Sucey, on the night before his ex
ecute n, said to bis nephew iu pfisou:
“ I value not my own life a chip, but what
“ concerns me i«,that the Jaw which takes awav
“my life may bang every citizen oi England
“ whenever it is thought convenient.”
The thoughts which, iu the groat soul of tHs
noble man, rose above all though s of self, and
in view of which the loss of his'own life was as
nothing to him, was, that the blow which de
stroyed him was destructive of the rights of
every citizen o! his country—that in his person
Liberty itse f was struck down.
Why, gentlemen, you all remember the thrill
of enthusiasm which ran through the country
when Commodoie Ingraham aochored-a United
st ates ship-of- war iu front of a city under Aus
trian rule, and cleared the decks tor action, in
support oi his demand for the teleosc of Martin
Kuzia, a.i American citizen, unlawfully seized
and deprived of his liberty. Whv, Martin
Kczta was a very insignificant individual, lie
bos subsequently resided in this citv, and per
sonally is of very little account. But the whole
nation applauded the action of Commodore In
graham. Why? Because his action represented
the whole nation, and was a noble assertion of
the great tru’h, that the liberty cf the humblest
citizen is regardcdjis a matter so precious and
so sacred a< to justly enlist the whole power of
the nation in it.- behalf.
But a short time since, a voung Jewish hov,
by the name of Mortara, waC unlawfully held in
custody by the ecclc>ia>ticul authority in Italv;
and jrom one end ot the wot Id to the uthtr, the
Jewish people interested themselves iu the mat
ter. Of trim consequence was ir, it might be
asked, to a Jew here iu America, whether Mor
tara were unlawfully held or not? It did not
affect him; it did not lessen bis profits or inter
fere with his business. Hut every Jew could
see beneath the arrest of this Jewish br.v, a :
principle of despotic power, n Inch, if uurebuked
and unrestrained, mijlit overthrow the rights
of conscience and de-troy the hbertv of everv
other Jew. Such will ever be the sentiments
which will animate a people who prize their
liberties and expect to retain item.
In those ages of history when men stood by
and saw their fellow u:eii*boruo away to impris
onment cr death, at the will of the govern
ment, without law or right, asd cither cared
not ’o or dared not raise a voice cr hand in their
behal’, liberty was but a name. It has cost
ages of struggle, und oceans of blood, to se
cure to mankind the great tights of personal
liberty which ore the birthright of everv citizen
of America; and when wcbicume indifferent
to the invasion of these tights, we have taken
the first step toward their bteithrow. It is fitlv
and truly said that “Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty.”
If such-be the high dnty of crerv freeman
with respect to all unlawful invasions of the
liberties of the m!izen,ihen there must be left to
the citiz?u, under the fugitive slave law, without
criminality, the pcif-miianc* of every actwlrch
isju-t, necessary and proper m Hie law.ul exe
cution of tbit duty. Ihe obligation to obev
the law must not be so construi d *s to make U
criminal in the citizen to vigilantly Investigate
every attempt- to enforce its execution, *and
promptly aud cfiicisutly to guard against and
prevent all unlawful outrages on the liberties of
the citizen which maybe sought to be r-e-n*-
(rated under its sanction. i •i-
It I etc u man foitib.y seize occ of my fc'.l-.tv
men,claiming fiitn as Lis slave and with the in
tention to tear him away to Iffe-loiig bondage,
am I to stand coldly by iu st eal imbffirence
ami unconcern? Am Ito have him to fits Utt
without an ifiort to investigate the matter?
Such a doctrine as this nuy commend itself •©
men who have no heart* to feel—men
wno in the dead inseusib lity of thtir na
tures to everything but tv bat touobis tbeir
o*n individual interests, cannot rise to the
conception of a generous sentiment, much leva
to the performance of an unselfish action. But
it is cut the foiling of men who posses* a human
nature. Nor. I trust, gentlemen, would it make
any difference to any man, in such a case
whether tbe person so seized, and about to be
hurried off* to evrilasting bondage, had a sk.n
darker tba i bis own.
What then is to he done wh in 111* la* is
sought to be cuforccdin V- efree State*. I have
sWn you that there is the greatest liability to
abuses under it. 1 have proved to you that its
execution is pregnant with dangers to the liber
ties of the citizen. It is dear then that some
action is demanded on the part of those who
duly value the liberty of the freemen of a fieo
State under such circumstances.
What then may be lawfully done? What
ought always to he done wherever the execution
of this law is attempted, if we would prevent
these abuses and guard against these dancers!
Jlacifoslly the tirsl step is to secure as full,
thorough, searching investigation into the facts
and proceedings as is possible. To compel the
production of the processor arrest—to subject
such process to legal scrutiny— to have all the
facts as carefully examined mto and tested as
the summary character of the proceedings will
permit, and to moke every necessarr arrange
ment to prevent the abduction of’the party
claimed as a slave surreptitiously or violently
without lawful (tanctioo.
All this every man would, it seems to me, ad
mit without hesitation ought to be done, and
done promptly and effectually in every’case
white this law is attempted to be executed.
All this would be wholly unnecessary if a jury
trial were to be had under the law, to determine
the question of freedom or slarerv, for then
every man would rc*t satisfied that justice would
be doue-tbrougbout the Courts cf the country.lt
is because a muu may be seized in a moment
and before the sun goes down,borne away from
a free State into life-long slarerv .without atrial,
that prompt, etlicicnt and decisive action is nec
essary in such cases.
If, then, such action as I have indicated, is
notocly right and proper, but is demanded by
our regard for tue rights ol freemen, then it is
lawful for mo to assemble my friends and neigh
bors together, to interest them in the matter, to
relate to them the fact*, to cause public meet
ings to be held, committees to be appointed,
counsel to bceoga.ed.aml every arrangement
made, not only to secure the needful investiga
tion, but to provide whatever force may be re
quisite to prevent the forcible or secret abduc
tion of the accused person before such investi
gation can be bad, or in violation of tbe law.
It may be said that 1 am consuming time in
contending for what is too clear and unques
tionable to admit of debate or denial. If 1 have
dwelt so fully upon these principles aud views,
which 1 have been considering, it is because
they dispose effectually of almost the entire evi
dence in this cause. It requires but the fair
application of these principles to tbe testimony
before you to establish to your entire satisfac
tion that every word and act of the defendant
priortothe final decision of Judge Caton is fullr
explained, justified, and deprived of all criminal
ity. In tbe light cf these principles then let us
proceed to examine the evidence.
Tlie General Government in Account
with Illinois.
[From lie tprlcgfleM Sl&te Journal.]
A number of years ago, it may be remember
ed, the General Government made an invest
ment in the bonds of tbe Mate of Illinois in trust
for the Smithsonian Institute aad tbe Cherokee
Indians. The interest due upon them, wheu not
advanced by the State, bus been retained by tbe
Government out of the three per cent fund due
the Mate from the sale of Public Lands; but
the account was kept in a loose manner, and
none of the interest coupons were at any time
surrendered to the State. Air. Butler, our State
Treasurer, in coming into office, was not satis
fied with tbe way tbe business had been con
ducted, and he demanded a formal set ement
with the General Government. He returned
from Washington, Saturday, bringing with biro
interest coupons amounting to st>t>,s7t), which
had been withheld by the Treasury Department,
though not long since paid out of ihe State three
per cent fund for the years 1837-55 ami 59 has
not yet been settled, but it is thought it will be
sufficient to take up the interest through the
current year. The whole haziness will proba
bly be brought to a full settlement daring the
present mouth. 6
The Newt Prom Charleston.
Thq Cleveland Plain Dealer says:
Tbe agent deputed to visit Charleston and en
gage quarters lor the Ohio delegation, has re
turned and made his report. A ball large enough
to accommodate the delegations from tbe whole
"West, as an assembly room, has been engaged
at S2OO per day for ten days—s2,ooo; board and
lodging for the forty-six Ohio delegates at So
per day—s2,3oo. This may be considered rath
er steep, but it is the necessary result of forcing
a large crowd to quarter upon a small town.
The Baltimore Convention iu 1544 bad not over
1,500 spectators In that populous city. Ia 1843
the crowd was somewhat increased. In 1852
lobbies were varion.-ly estimated from 2,000 to
5,000. In 155*7, at Cincinnati, there were prob
ably 10,000 strangers in that city, called there
hy the Convention. In the same ratio of in
creose there ought to be from 12,000 to 15,0u0
at Chatleston, doubling at once the population
of ite adults inhabitants, to the great annoyance
ofeitlxens and inconvenience ot guests.
lobosa ” is the latest name proposed
for tbe Pike's Peak Territory. Tbe word is
said to be of tbe Indian origin, and to mean
“ dwellers on tbe mountain peak.'*
FJRO.TI PIKE’) PEAK.
[Sp«dal ConejpoaJeß:. of the St. LoaU Republican.]
Dcrru Cttt, 3fa*ch lit, U-60.
Siaco my last the weather has been unusually
fine, the only thing unpleasant being an occasion*
a! high wind. Toe temperature has been cou
stantlj about fifty through the day. Not a flake
of snow or a drop of rain has fallen here. The
mountains hare been tinted with a little of the
former.
Improvements, both private and public, are
going forward rapidly. Nothing speaks more
forcibly of the prosperity of a town than the
grading of its streets, on operation which is
now going on hete.
Two bridges are now nearly completed over
the Flatte, as also, one over Cherry Creek, on
Larimer street.
The Indians who are now in town in consid
erable numbers, look upon these things with a
sort of silent wonder. I was greatly amused
yesterday to see them look at those employed ia
grading. One would suppose by their actions,
that they considered it lost labor, and at best,
a freak of foolishness.
The peace of the community is stilt occasion
ly broken by some fresh outbreak of the rowdies
who are permitted to remain.
Great numbers of the miners who had come
out of the mountains to winter, are now return
ing to their work for the season, and much is
now being done in the way of lode mining.
Recent accounts from the mines around Boul
der are v**rT favorab’e. Several *:cw and rich
lodes have teen ciacovcroJ. Further oorih, on
Thompsons fork, nch mines have been discov
ered. Masses cf copper have been found m
that locality, us Iso abundance of coal and iron.
A new town has been laid out at the point where
that stream leaves the mountains, which has re
ceived the appellation of Alerrivule, the name
of an old French mountal cer, the tirst pro
jector of the town. The mountains ore said to
be very accessible from this point.
Jp KO 31 AUCTION
YTe Trill eiblblt, MONDAY, Mutch lab.
An auction purchase of SILKS.IS r-er cent rbeaper
on l« bought ta<»herc la thb city.
Extra qna'Uy Klld-eclored SILKS fo o-ertH!ar, WORTH
TWELVE SHILLINGS.
Extra leavy A Bayed rs gio s * Do Epson* SILKS. FOR
ONE DOLLAR.
Rich Chenn SILKS, latent novel tic?, FOR ONE DDL*
SILKS of every hind AT EXTRAORDINARY BAR-
GAINS.
We have now larye daily arrival* of Dry Gocd*. Shaw!
EtubnAdctie?. Lace, Ac, Ac.
W. M. ROSS A CO.. 16T A ICC* Lake at.
feOl-tCSyta
ADDISOX «KAYES,
(ercciaeoa to c. t. atussox.)
Wholesale and Retail Caih Dealer
D I‘css Trimming’s.
EMBROIDERIES,
laces, Gloves, Xilt), Hosiery,
VNDEIt CAU.nrXTS,
Shetland and Berlin "Wools,
Am! a gcacml Astoitxent cf
Small "W arcs.
THRBAD AND PANCT GOODS.
KID CLOVES CLEANED,
78 Lake Street, Chicago, III*
mbll> ‘wMy
SPRING DRY GOODS
AT ITIIOLCSALC.
T. B. CARTER.
Havin' removed temporally to
NO. 130 Liua STUIIST,
la receiving a very lorje ttcck of
Fancy and Staple Dry Goods
FOR THE SPRING TRACE.
lacluJlcg a dolcc selection of
Dress Fabrics,
OF LATEST STYLES.
BLEACHED AND BROWN COTTONS.
DINUIS. STRIPES AND TICKS
YARNS. WARP, WICK AND TWINF,
AOJIOSS OF iU, KISDS,
WLlcl.be offvn to CITY AND COUNTRY DEALERS
At Tory Low Prices for CASH,
OP. SHORT TIME, OX XO. 1 CITY P.EFEREXCE.
pTAn examination of the stock Is rogncited. at
mbibTM 1m
150 - - Luke Street. - - 150
NEIY SPRING GOODS
Opening Dally.
NEW PRINTS.
,Vcjp BeEaines,
SEW VALENCIAS,
Cheap fur Cash.
A. G. DOWNS &, CO.
FURNITURE— FURNITURE.—
106 - - lake Street. - - 108
.HARSH BROTHERS,
Saving removed Into tbe ijadcas (tore JO6 Lake
street, are sow prepare t with
A MAMMOTH STOCK OF
FURNITURE,
BOTH OP OUR OWX MAXUFACTURE,
And carefully selected from Eastern Markets Bavlat
Increased facilities for u:an<ifbctnrinr. lar*e expert,
eacc Id the hnslnets, eivinc It our personal
at Us lien, acd svU!n£ exLltulv«ly
FOB CASH,
We feel ooaUeat that do bouse la our Uie eta sell
Equally Eoic Prices.
Xo ose should fell to
EXAMINE OUR STOCK
PREVIOUS TO PURCHASIXO.
MARSH BROS.,
106 Labe Street 100
WALWORTH, HUBBARD &
• V C.)MPA*T,
Would call tie art cation of the tram and the pqLSq to their
R E.HO I\IJL
From tbelrOld Stand, tS3 Lake auect,totbe aewlr LuLt
store. 1
So. ISI Lake SUccr. Xo. I*l
Aid offer, as before, ttaetr we'l krso* lk a extcolrc stock of
Gas & Steam Fitter’s Materials.
ALSO—SHAW’S PATENT OAS DE.VTFR. With
every variety of arUclee !' a their line.
STAIVTOA’S
FAMILY GROCERIES,
No* 123 South Clark Street,
Best Qualities,
Hams, Tongues, Salmon,
S3OKED BEEF, JIACKEEEL,
HERRING,
Floury VYW(« mad Villose Com «lf imJ f
BUCKWHEAT,
Olaccaroni, Vermicelli,
AKXBIC&H ernram, ENGLISH i!H»m
Teas,
OOLONG, SOUCHONG, POUCHO
T. HYSON, HYSON, IMPERIAL,
Coficcs,
JAVA, MOCHA, MARICAIBO,
BOASTED AND GROUND.
AMERICAN A ENGLISH PICKLES,
Preserved Frn&t of all Kinds
IF/.YES and LIQUORS,
Or TSX 8197 Ottautixs 1 JfP Wa*XASTB> Pu»s.
noae’Cg>?S*tp
LADY IN AMERICA
Who Taloes Comfort, Baeyb and Ele*»nec,
ROOCbD BATS OBX OT
Thomson's Corrugated Skirts.
J*S3-b««neOW
BACON'S
BURGLAR PROOF BANK SAFES,
Or, Fira tod Borglir Proof Etak 3«f«,
iew/fcd wULLtavy r-und iron iciti Tea A.:: J *
UiCfcavlartiaaeter.and n
lioTcrt’s Permutation Sank Lock
WITHOUT KKV OR KEYHOLE.
We Invite Bankart to Examine our ‘ Steel’.
Wilders Fire Froof
SALAMANDER SAFES,
The Best Tire Proof Safa in the World.
PItiTT & WORCESTER, Agent.*,
197 Sonth Wafer street.
££ Eli KING’S PATENT
CHAiaPIOM
Fire and Burglar Proof Safes,
WUh nALL'S Fount powder Proof Lock?, the maetPnt
w*»«j awarded »-p3R«t<* nieu*!* »t the World** Fair, London.
ISJ and the Wo M*» F.dr. .New tor*. Is» tod AKS Til E
o>l.\ .tmenc-ati s*j»* uv wore awarded medal* at the
Lon.:ua v.orM's Fair.
fafvsfcrai in** rr.ost perfect seettrhy tealnst Fire
tsd
?I,OOg reward
Wit M mid to anv p>-nr n that ciOKbowthat a Herring'*
rat' , nt Cu mplnu sa;« ever loL’id to preserve it* content*
In aisiuer.fcjJ p*<*.
s r. II ekKING A CO.,
Newtoik. '
C» L. UAHHON 6c C 9,, Agent*,
Cch*?.AS-<a> 13S>omh Water rh'regw. 111,
Strani
FOB,
.geis and Citizens!
- FOB FOB
POCKET BOORS, | PCBSES,
C 03185,
la SidL
COBBS,
In Steel.
COMBS,
In Ivory.
(DUBS,
In Rubber
CODES,
In Gob!.
cones.
All Sues.
CO JIBS.
All Kind?.
GO Ti
JO
131 . .
P.IPER H.t.VGI.VGS I
ELEC.IXX SI>III.\G DESIGNS
n ILL i PARLOR DECORATIONS
AT LESS TUAN COST AT.
TAXON’S.
70 LAX* STEtET. 70
<m G M. Ate*r ce.
Jg R U S II E SJ— -ÜBUSIIES !
Brush Factory,
NO. tM.
We hive a U'jje a»-ort merit of Unities at Wholesale imd
Betiil, o>mp<Ulo£ la par :
IMIJiT,
• VIIIITE* WAMC,
VAUMNII*
SC UVD*
Mlo£| an«t
irORSG Bnt'SIlKS, dr.,
Of go«>l «;«a'ity am! wo»km>r hip. which v« will Mil tU
!«•■* jnlir* in
■«EO. H. UEKTS it CU.
ft
INDIA iu r l;lil'll GOODS OK'
X AU. K:MlS
iKstchine (tcltin;,
RUBBER. I.UATIUR AND COTTON PUCK; CAT
DUCTING, MEAM A ENGINE HOSE; FIJAK
tUCKETS. GASK*i>, TIDING. UUi-V
till* RtMl’PAt KING, LACE
LEATHER. BELT COOKS
AND CLASPS,
HOSIERY. GLOVE:
Rubber notlilnjr, Roots & Shoes*
Crr a** j.nil ’Mir.'pit Cimi,*. Li:v I*.ilanocuv«u,
»lr H*J*. JL'I kt*« ApHw
C>>M'ia.u■»!entry v.tlily- ( K-l»lt r(io- M |>, 'VIIOLKAAJIL
ANDULFAIL. JOHN U. It.»sf»N ± CO .
AfcCbU forth* Miwifaetureti*
•Jl l oiruota strevt.
c.bl’t>;or .1 n
T. R. CARTER.
QUEERS EXECUTED W ITU
am. information
APtOKDED.
Ilcywortli, Sricrly A Co.,
COLE’S BUILDING.
X. W. Con. Class. asd So. \Wrxn->73,t’lii'juw. Ills.
TEA. COT H-K A>D iOMUISSKM MfcUIHAATS.
a Ivai era aid returns promptly mule. ar%
Rer»rDJ.ci;j—'’art. Mcriiitun*. V eg ProLVut'M lei U
«v,tra h.M.: ••*.!•••« S: LV., Cblcuo. 1*1,; K,
I. HnVi»-'i A Co., Chi-’j; *, 11.; ton« j, hu>t!>e'» a C 0...
ChCo+", Hi.
lcirsmv!lM:*o iror«Tf_J, T.. rMpr*ACCK. XtwT« rk,
Hcvw.iMh, Plane, Bulium dt Co., LirurpOk), Ku^Ucd,
inHUiCm
E )l O V A L.
The subscriber. tbiuicfnt for tin* very liberal patronage
heretofore receiv'd, would Leg leave to Inform hl»
bid cmioattrs, and th» public genially,
that he hat
Removed from bis Old Quarters)
KO. 235 I. ABU UTHBZT,
Where he hopes hr the INCREASED FACILITIES
ESTIKE SEW STCyCK,
Tocontinue* t>receive the patronage ofx,** old Cue
tnmerr.an! at m .a? Xew as waatg- wor k j, e «
or first nlc aitieM lr» L‘ 4
' THOMAS CHARGE,
fats; fasys: eaats :
EAJVS! 3M.VS! JVJ.VS.’
Brida. and pars. Ju-t rre»l»od by E*pre*var»d
Biewier, ftnm Paris, a Lne of baavitiful
> arts, itw style*, rchtal In nutcilaJ,
most chast aj.it in finish,
la >l|lf, Safa, Pearl,
Ivory and Gilt
0 a n it ft I
121 - . Lake StrceJ. - - 121
CARTERS, GARTERS y
GARTERS, GARTERS,
Jut rreeiTtd from the direct, a *p’cjdM, f llrw
of ib<»« Vuodi, In H'lii, Diw, rt tlto ii 4
tlraw colored MS*, la Velvet, Kid,
a-..i Linen. K*nry and Plain
£mbr >ld*rnj lu silk
with Boc*<e%
C!a«p.£ •'
Tea
PARK’S.
124 - - - Lake Street. - - - 134
A S O X & CO’S
Insurance Agency,
no. s
CLARK STREET, CHICAGO.
trbf-frox
1860.' hats—iß6o»-
Spring Styles
NOW H.EADY
AT EMEESOX’S,
No. 85 lake Street..-....n0. SS
• CNDIR TIUIiIO.M HOD3K.
mbfrbrt&iia
JP»IXE TOILET SOAPS.
CHOICE EXTRACTS
FtrtLfl naodirxhief.
Cologne, Lavender & Toilet Haters
' la jreat variety.
GALS BROTHER'S Family Stott,
No. tM Randolph >lre<
100 9 000. n f“''^w=
HAWKINS * CHAPMAN, istaU,
For CHASE A FAT. Horton,
Letters D; S, FiO and H, boKLeg IlazMireisMarfitvn.
tfchl to lw«M» pounds.
Jgith of Ydio*- uit Onmga Tlgts, wrtly to
abl*b;&la
In Moroce?.
la Buck,
rociicr book.’ 2 , , reuse?,
In Bins!*..
POCKET BOOKS,
PFBSES,
Velvet.
In Coll
POCKET BOORS,
PUSES,
Enamel*!
With Chips.
POCRET COOKS,
With Card*.
PCUSE?,
Wtlh Clulu.
POCKET HOOKS,
PUSES,
All Style*.
A.l Sl;c».
POCKET HOOKS,
PIUSES,
A I KIliK
Alt Klnde,
GO TO
K’S,
> CO TO
IIX D. PARE
. Lake Street .
. . 131
.RANDOLPH STRTKT.
.NO. SM
i'-f klikicdv.
COR.OFFKANKLIX,
be n>w er J>y», and an
.Isa* Srser.r. Con . Faixtus.
PARK’S.
For sv’e by
HAWKINS A CHAPMAN.
No. s:o aovnh watvut l( t,