The press and tribune. [volume], July 30, 1860, Image 2

About The press and tribune. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1859-1860

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MONDAY, JULY 30, ISBO.
DEBATE AT BLOOKiEGTON
BETWEEN
Senator Trumbull
AMD
HON. J- C. ALLEN.
KErtBLICAXISM. VINDICATED.
DOD»LA« DCHIOOB4CT cx-
FObLDA , iD M BU>DU;D, .
Firo Thousand People in Attendance'
VERBATIM REPORT OF TUB SPBECOES.
Mtoou.’«UoC«,’WoomlMt® o ll’..—July 57.
To-day has been a field day for the peo
ple of McLean County. By accident, the ap
pointments of Senator Trumbull and Col.
Allen, the Democratic candidate for Governor,
«t Bloomington, fell on the same day ; and an
arrangement was made between the speakers
that they should speak together, dividing the
time iu tbe usual manner—the opening speech
to occupy ac hour, the reply an hoar and a half,
and tbe rtjoluder half an boor. All to whom
the choice was given, chose tbe boor and a half
speech.
The uotico given was brief, bat the report
that Senator Trumbull would be one ot tbe de
balers spread rapidly among tbe farmers
around oere, and they came pouring in to-day
in Urge numbers during tbe whole forenoon,
although this is their busiest season. Tbe Wide-
Awakes of B.oomingion and tbe adjoining
towns made u tine display abant twelve o’clock,
marching around the square. Everbody seem
ed in capital humor, all parties agreeing to
postpone ill feeling and live good humoredly
together for one day.
The place of speaking was in a grove about
half a mUp south-east from town, where a stand
was erected and seats prepared for about
two thousand—designed for the ladies.
Tbe crowd began to gather at one o'clock, and by
£ o’clock all the seats provided were filled, with
people,while twice as many more were standing.
It was fully os lurgea crowd ss that which sur
mounded the stand at tbe Democratic gathering
: j tyriugfield day before yesterday, which was
facetiously telegraphed by Lanphier us forty
thousand strong. This opinion was expressed
by several gentlemen who were at the Spring
field meeting—among them a Democratic speak
er who figured before the “lorty thousand.
The people listened with the closest alien
tion, and an appearance of high inltlligence.
Too ladies, of which there were so large a num
ber, were evidently of the best class. Around
the outside .tfcere.was n sprinkling of Hiber
nians, sufficient to give the responses to Ur.
Allen as he spoke. They did not once attempt
a hearty cheer.
Hr. Allen, although little known, ta » speaker
of respectable abilities among bis democratic
compeers—about on a par with Richardson and
McCiernund. 01 course, be appeared to great
disadvantage, when compared to such a con
summate debater os Judge TrumbulL Trum
ball was clear and compact in bis statements,
striking with unerring atm and crushing force,
end throughout everything possessing the mos-t
perfect self-command; while Allen was diffute
and ramblinc, often entirely pointlees, speak
ing with nervous hesitation at times, and often
resorting to the merest verbosity and spread
«ogle trash. Be was evidently ignorant of the
temper of his crowd, for when be charged the
gallant Yates with voting against the “ Black
Laws/’ be was for a moment utterly staggered
by the loud ringing cheer lor Yates with which
bis charge was greeted.
Judge Trumbull’s voice was hoarse and much
worn by previous effort in the open air, and the
audience were several times requested to re
frain from applause or any land of demonstra
tion. They could not entirely restrain them
selves, however, and occasionally, ip spite of
Swett’e remonstrances and deprecatory waving
of the hand, they would burst out in universal
plaudits.
Senator Trumbull began at ten minutes past
two o’clock, and spoke os follows;
SENATOR TRUMBULL 8 SPIECH.
FtllAxr Citizen t—
Wbeo !be appointment was made for me to
apeak here to uay, it was dune without anv
reference to a joint discussion, or anyknonl
edge, on my part at least, that Mr. Allen, the
Democratic candidate for Governor, either had
or intended to hare an appointment here at this
time. A joint discussion baa not been sought
by me; but after it was proposed, I did nut
think proper to decline dividing tbe time; and
i am happy to think that by this arrangement
an opportunity wilt be afforded me of address
ing some of my Democra-ic friends. Id doin j
this, you will hear from me, I trust, nothh u.
offensive to any of you. lam not in the habit
ol appealing to the prejudices or passions of
the people anywhere. lam not able, even if
I were su disposed, to awaken their prejudice*
or arouse their pvsstons by appealing to Ib-j-c
iu9 jences. In all that 1 have to say, either here
to day, or on any other occasion, 1 endeavor to
address myself to tbe judgment and to the can
did consideration of those who honor me with
their attention. I have no desire to mislead
anvb.nly. The only object in discussing po ui
cal questions before the people,' is to enable
them to properly understand and appreciate the
views entertained by the different parties, that
they mar adopt, for themselves, in their action,
that course which in their judgment, will best
redound to the interests of this great country.
We are all, by whatever name called, whether
Democrats or Republicans, brethren of a co:n
mon countrv, and utl ought to be actuated by a
common desire so to govern our conduct in
reference to public affairs a* will mos* effeclu
allv piomotc the interests country.
ily voice is in such a condition to day, that I
eball not be able to epeak loud, and I must/ck
of you as a favor In the outset,tbolyou will ob
eerve as much bilence as possible, it you desup
to bear me.
I proceed at once to speak of the question
which now constitutes the test of party fsith;
and without my stating what it i«, you all Loot
it to be the slavery question. Aayouholdoptn
ions in retard to this institution of slavery, ytu
are clast et either as a Democrat or as a Repub
lican, without regard to your other political an
tecedents. i bists now the teat, aodtheouiy
test of party faith. How and uhen it came s-»,
it is important to inquire. A few years ago,
within the recollection of all of you. this wts
not the dividing line between parties. But it
become an issue in 1654. Previous to that time,
alt parties concurred in their views on the suh
jtci ul eiavery. The question was supposed to
have beeo settled by what were known as the
Compromise Measures cf lfc. r >&. A>l partii*
agreed to abide by the settlement then made;
sod whether you were Whigs or Democrats at
that day, tbe Conventions which represented
you. and selected candidatesforthe Presidency,
both resolved that they would resist all at
tempts to agitate again the question of platen
in tbe country. About that time Mr. Dougla's
announced in a speech in tbe Senate of the
United States that be bad made bis last speech
on the sufj-ct of slavery. Qu the ‘JSd of Dc
cember, lbsl, he said:
“At tbe clw> of th; tons MSdoo which mflop’ed I
ncAeor-., I rr»ohtd uerertt ttst> another sr«rcb ccth
►t .verv qaertUm. toOi.tigms. • • Id U&lnz 1-ive ot
tLl* wi-b u> mrthst I fair- dctrrmii/ea i«vcr to
cask- »iM=er.ti upon tbe 8 avcryijuvfrtlot, ud i wi,l
no we prr»»u-c *iop-Uiat diencetilf *or It wl'l r«»«v
Aur i hra'tliv tired ..t tbe tuntrnwer*p, at.d 1 know the
caonirv ia diffc-Uhtod with it, • * • So lone enr
op;*:.ect- d i not -plate f-r repe*l cr tr.odlfictrf.'', win
eb.juio we a.-iutefor any (lurmM? Wo cuiaj ttjn ibi
ConiOroCnee t« m flunl Brtdrmeol. Jj a ilia' MUlemeLt to
lean M dl-ottilor, and apluotor, aud c"jjtmver*r. bv i -
fn-nue? M beitcataerof setllcmehtUt.-,* wnirad<<-*i • t
eertj? tii- cia-oiir. oor quirt tbe cijjiUe? Atem.t Hi
frirod* of u.i- Com;r'mt e beroniloptL- a.lr-stof*? At.d
•i I < ol t .* c Bi-try boiU ua rvi..|KJb.-iWetor ilal wbirh we
eon an i ue*wiui.se to the Ab ■ itlonle'e as Fr
irx'f Th. *p are ma Uf« w.irtli)* of on Tlnw»
wb -pre tc'i i cac* -tiould not p. the lint to comm, me ti-d
r-oj-r. the oil qturm.*’—iC-mg. Globe, Appendix, Itll,
bud C-.
Hear these remarkable words, uttered in
IWI by Mr. Douglas. How significant tbev an*
of Uie tendency «>f the Democracy at that time,
and how taitb'lolly do they indicate ita aubr-v
quect history. That was to be the last speech
on the slavery question ; but niuny aspeecu ba»
beet made mum then on that subject. M<m
excitement bos existed in the country since
that time upon this question than ever before.
Who is responsible tor it? Whoever it if, nil
good men will agree that be has stirred up a
question which has caused us iofioi e trcuole.
led to bloodfbed, and produced a wide aliens*
lion of feeling between the two sections of the
country. Whoever that person is, or whatever,
that party be, that has rgain stirred up thin
troublesome question—the only one that can
ever put to hazard our existence as a people—
Lts co limited a greafwrongi-and earned lti
just condemnation pf every good citizen.
How did the Compromise Measures of losu,
bv which all agreed to abide, settle the question
of slaverr in regard to the Territories? Wr
then organized wnat were known as the Tern
tone* ot Utah and Kew Mexico, out of a coun
try which we bad acquired from the Mexican
Government at the close of the war with that
cou'.trr. This wasartg on from which slavery
was exclodfd bv a law of Mexico, at the tuny
w« acquired it, which law continued in force afttr
the acquisition. After much contention in Con*
gTCKx, a law was passed organizing the Territo
ries, and leaving the old Mexican law* in force.
In 1b68,-«lt«r t«>
the Presidency, it became necessary to organ*
ize the Territorit* of Hannas and Ncbrneka.
Slavery bad been excluded from them in lp2 a ,
not by a law of Mexico, but by a law of Coe
gress. Mr. Douglas, at that time Chairman of
t-je Committee on icrritories in the Senate, in
troduced <i bill for the organization of the Ten!
tones of Kansas and Nebraska—originally one
Territory, subsequently dividing it into* two.
In the report which accompani-d the bill be
elated lb st, inasmuch as Congress had organ*
txed the Territories of Utah and Kew Meric*
without any interference with the question of
slavery, leaving it prohibited, as the Mexican
laws had abolished it, so now te was not pre
pared to recommend any departure from that
policy by a*v action of Congress, either uffii tu*
ing or disaffirming the Missouri Compromise,
wn.icb excludedwlwvery from Kansas. - abinwa*
and had that bill passed, and the
Missouri Compromise b*«n Islt in lorae,«-xclud*
ing bUvery from Kansas, as the Mexican law
wa* left in fnrc«, excluding slavery from Kew
Mex co and Utah, we would bare *bad none of
Ibis ugiuuon on the subject of slavery.
Hut within a few dare afterward. d;IIVr nt
counsels prevailed at Washington, and Mr
Douglas modified his bill, introducing iuto it a
providing for tbe abrogation 1 of the
£liasouri ComproauM, wd declaring its exist*
ence as inconsistent with the measures of 1850.
It is to tbat change of policy that we owe the
alienation of ircling which has since arisen in
the country. There is not a candid man within
the sound of hit voice, who can lay hia band
upon bis heart to day, and say that if Kansan
hadbeen organized ys a Territory'tnlh the old
Compromise of 1820 left in force, this agitation
would bare followed.
You all know that the origin of- this whole
. difficulty was in that one act. * ben it was that
' the slavery question bbcime the .test of/party
faith. ~ Before tbat time wc all agreed al-out it;
and when it became the test of party faith, it
was not a test introduced by Democrats or
Whigs ; nearly all the Whigs from the South
ern-Slates voted for the repeal,-while a major- _
ily of the Democrats from the Northern Slates'
in the House of Representatives voted against
the repeat But tho«c who voted for the repeal
called themselves Democrats. Why ? Not be
-cause the Whigs who Toted dbf it bad changed'
their opinions, out they_assumed, or continued
the-name Democrat; and those who opposed
the repeal, not because they were Whigs ex
clusively, tor as I said, a majority of the Demo
cratic Representatives from the North opposed
it, assumed the name Republican. ,
Then it was, six years ago, that the present
Democratic party was born on the slavery issue;
and the Republican party had its origin at tho
same time. Tbis Is matter of'.history and of
demonstration. The Republican party,or those
who assumed that name, arc those who were for
standing by the Compromises of 1650 and 1820,
and not only so, but for standing by the prac
tice of the {government from its foundation un •
til that dav. The practice of the* Government
from .its origin, and even before its formation
under the Federal Constitution was to exclude
Slavery from the Territories tbat were free
when acquired, and to let Slavery alone in the
States where it existed, to be managed by the
people as they should think best. That i* the
Republican policy to day. I need not, there
fore, take up much ot your time in discussing
the question ot the Republican policy because
n is the same that was marked out by the fath-
ers. It is tbe same policy under which this
government grew and QourUhei from 1787 un
til ISSB. It it the policy coder which the coun
try has spread out, until it now embraces in its
extent more territory than the Roman Empire
in the days of its greatest power, the popula
tion having increased tenfold, and the number
of States havjng nearly trebled in tbe meantime.
Until 1554 all us territories bad been settled in
peace; and 1 may here appeal to tbe oldest citi
sen who hi ars me and a>k him if,when Ohio was
settled, suould be remember back so far, or In
diana. or Illinois, or Tennessee, or Kentucky,
any bloodshed occurred, or anarchy prevailed?
Were thev not settled peace.by and qu etly,ami
then admitted peacaebly and quietly into the
Union as sovereign States. The Republican
party is for adhering to tbat policy, and it is tbe
departure from that policy which has caused all
tbs Htfficalties among ns to day.
Let me now call your attention to the policy
ot the Democratic partv on the subject of
slavery. Wnr was tbe Missouri Compromise
repealed? The Republicans str'd the object
was to extend slavery Into free Territory. The
D-mocru* in the Northern Strtes denied it.—
They ssid they were as much opposed to sla
very extension as Republicans, and that there
was no intention to spread slavery. ask you,
my Democratic friend, if tbat was not yonr
opinion six years ago! I ask if you did not
often repeat it? But do yon today believe that
the object was not to extend slavery? I need
not take np time here with tbis audience, to
show that such was tbe object, lor the Demo
cracy of'lllinois at this time ire denouncing
the Democracy of the nation about as finn'y as
ever tbe Republicans did. Thev say that th 3%
Democratic party bos tbe control of tbe govern-'
meat—wanted to force a Lecompton Constitu
tion on the peopje ,t»f Kansas, establishing
slavery against their sey it was a
swindle and an outrage. DoyonnSMay that,
my Democratic friend? You say to day ih?t
iae natty which controls tbe government of the
country is in favor of a slave code for the Ter
ritories,* »yi*you denounce that party for
it. Whv, we to*rt y-'U, hi years ago, teat that
was tbe object. Then it is an admitted fact to
day, at least to an fliujoja audience, that there
is a great party in the country which is for ex*
tending slavery into Territory which yvas free;
maintaining the doctrine that a man has aright
to take bis slave into the Territories and bold
him there in spite of any action of Congress or
of the people of the Territory. Are yon any of
yon for maintaining and supporting that
party. Some of vou will say, no, . But,
1 ask, who gave it this power? Who
elevated James Buchanan to the Presidency,
except von Democrats of Illinois? Who is
resoonsible for the Lecompton Constitution ex
cept you? Who gave them tbe ability and the
power to .force a slave Oonatitn’ion upon an un
williogpeople-?' Askjoareelves if you are not
responsible for it. i know some of you op
posed the Lecompton Constitution. I know
vuo'will say yon-are oppose J to this partv
that wants thus to extend slavery, but! ask
you to examine your own record. Did you not,
every one of you, sustain the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise—the ffrst step to these ou >
rages? Did you not, every one of too, sustain
'the imoniloos legislation In Kansas ? Did you
not, and did not Mr. Douglas, uphold by every
possible effort that legislation which wgs forced
upon tbe people of Kansas, by an irruption from
Missouri, against their will ? Did be not sustain
«t Legislature, elected by ; rmed men wbo went
Into iC*n*ss in .companies of hundreds and
thousands,*drC r ® wdOcr®' from the polls,
and enacted for that people a wave code, and
against their will? iSpeaking iu *-h6 Senate of
these infamous laws enacted by that usurp*!*®
Legislature, laws denying the freedom (if
speech, laws declaring tbat if any man said
slavery did not exist m Kansas, be should go to
the Penitentiary, laws which disqualified men
from acting as jurors, or practicing law, if they
denied the existence of slavery in Kansas,—
speaking of these laws, he said, “ We intend to
reduce to subjection those who resist them,”
Did not that look a little like extending sla
very ? Ue uphold all these laws to their lutlest
extent. He recommended an appropriation to
defr-y any expenses which might become re
quisite in’their execution by federal troops.
Was tbe Lecompton Constitution any worse
than tbat? Wbv did not you Democrats unite
then to prevent that enactment of a slave code?
A little later you got your eyes open to these
iniquities, when tbe Lecomptqn Constitution
was framed. Then you seemed to bare discov
ered for tbe first time that really there was an
attempt to extend slavery, aod impose it upon
an unwilling people. Then Mr. Douglas united
with the Republicans to try and defeat the Le
compton Constitution; but’in spite of all the as
s:stance he could give us, tbe Democratic party
over tbe head of tbe Republicans, assisted by
Mr Douglas, passed what was called tht Eng
lish Bill. Now I ask if you, yourselves, fellow
Democrats, are not responsible for this state of
things.
I should like to sbowyou.ifthehour in which
I am to speak would admit of it, wealths abu.-es
of these Administration men are. I cannot go
into detail, but I wilt state some /acta; and I
say now in general that tbe Democracy of this
country, since it became a modern Democracy in
'~>i, since slavery was establhbed aa the test of
political faith, has proven false to all its pledges.
It pledged itself in the Platform, adopted at
Cincinnati, to economy in the administration of
the federal government. If you will look into
tbe official reports, vou will Gnd that during tbe
Administration of Franklin Fierce and James
Buchanan more money by twenty millions a
year has been expended than ever before under
tbe administration of any President. If you
look into the finances since Mr. Buchanan was
inaugurated, you will find that on the first day
of July there were seventeen millions of dollars
in tbe Treasury of the United States, and if you
will look at tbe report of 1859, closing on the
first day of July,'yon will find that tbe atvrn
teen millions were all gone, and tbe govern
ment was in debt fifty-eight millions of dollars
besides.
If you will go into details, you w3l find that
hundreds and thousands of dollars have been
squandered upon favorites and upon partizm
presses, party favorites have -had extensive
and profitable contracts in tbe Navy Depart
ment, or in the Army Department, and the pro
fits derived from these lucrative contracts have'
gone to the support of newspapers in the inte
rest of the Democracy. Ton will find thalthuu
eands of doHa> s, in ZBoC, taken out of tbe com
mon treasury of tbe country, were appropriated
to keep up a straight American pony, os it was
called, in tbe State of Pennsylvania, for tbe
purpose of defeatiog tbe People’s partv, and
giving that S'ate to tbe Democracy and Barnes
Buchanan. You will find that there are in tbe
Custom House at Philadelphia clerks receiving
salaries, who never sat ul a desk for asinine dcy.
For example, a Mr. Baker, brother of tbe Col
lector at that port, received a salary of twelve
hundred dollars a jear, and it was in proof be
fore one of tbe Committees of Investigation at
tbe !ai>t session, that be never sat at a desk, or
over bad one in the office.
In every department of your government you
will find the same extravagance—in tbe marine 1
hospitals, io the custom houses, in ibe post
office department—until tbe expense?, as I
said, were swollen about twenty millions a year
beyond what they were during tbe administra
tion of Mr. Fillmore. I will state a single (act
in regard to tbe marine bospita 1 . In Burling
ton, lowa, is a marine hospital, where there is
a physician who receives a salary of H,"00 a
ye»K and a matron to take care of the sick, at
a salary of SIOO a year, jet from the time it
was established there sever has Been a patient
in that hospital. [Laughter and applause.J
The Democratic party also professes to ue in
favor of an equal execution ot the laws. Lam
for that also. < Are you sot for executing tbe
laws equally throughout- tbe country? It you
■rill look into tbe resolutions adopted in .he
Democratic Convention—and tils .embraces
both fragments of the Democracy—you will
bad one resolution deelinng that tbe enact
ments of tae Stite Legist *ture»*io defeat tbe
faithful execut on of the Fugitive Slave law are
hostile in character, subversive of tbe Consti
tution, sod revolutionary in their effect. lam
not complaining of them for insisting upon a
Fugitive Slave law. Under tbe Constitution of
the country the South is entitled to bare a rea
sonable Fugitive Slave law. Imnnotcom
plaining that it is so; bat while we have that
law aod while legislation to defeat it by StaU s
is denounced as revolutionary and snbverrive
ot the government, I ask you, my Democratic
friend, if legislation of tbe b-Utes to de:eat
other constitutional laws of Congress is not
equally subversive of tbo Comtitution and rev*
olutionarv? What do you think ot a party
that will pass a resolution of this kind and at
the same time will sit quietly by-and seethe
mails broken open in the Suuibern Slates, the
correspondence of tbe country inquired into
by justices of tbe peace !n Virginia and Mia
btsKtppt, and matter that letters contained com
mitted to tbe flames, right in defiance of as act
of Congress which makes It a criminal offence
for any man to open tbe mail or pry into the
correspondence ot another, or destroy any
ma table matter? Is not that violating a; law
of Congress? But you hear no ccmpluint on
this account by tbe Democracy. Wnyt, Be
cta-e it is a pro slavery Democracy, and they
have no complaint to make of the son'execu
tion of laws, unless it he of those lews which
tend to establish, protect or favor slavery.
A abort time ago aome men were indicted in
this Stale for aioiog in the escape of a fugitive
•lave at Ottawa. They were tried in the Re
publican oily of Chicago, before a lUpubliean
Judge, by a jury mostly Republican, and they
ware convicted by that'jury ofUw abiding men
in the State of Illinois. About the tame time
there was brought into the Southern States,
from the coast of Africa, a ship load of i.alive
Africans, stolen from their country for the
purpose of subjecting them to bondage in thin
country. The grand jury, was called upon to
indict the men who committed this offence; and
who by as act of Congreu are declared to be
pirates, and punishable with death. What did
the Southern juries do? Did you bear of suy
convictions ? Not at all. The men were all ac»
quitted. This chows how differently laws ar«
executed in different &ectionaofthecouctry,aud
ho«v much more seal there is to executealaw
favoring slavery than one protecting freedom.
What further have we seen? Why* in the
.Convention at Charleston, where the whole De
mo craov were met,therewas a delegate from the
State of Georgia, a Mr. Gauldeo, who boas'edon
the'floor of the Democratic Convention that he
was in favor of the revival of the African Slave
Trade. Ue said that be was a slaveholder, and
be invited the Northern Democrats to so down
and look at his plantation; and he told them
would shqjytbem'DegToeaihere thus. he',
had purchased in Maryland, and negroes from
Virginia, and he would show them there the
native African, too, the noblest Homan ot them
all. [Loud applause. J , .
" "What says the act of Congress? The law de
clares tbat if any mao shall hold as.a slave any
.negro brought from Africa, he shall bo punish
able by imprisonment in the penitentiary uOt
leas than three nor more than seven years.
And here was a delegate in the Democratic Con
veotiou boasting that be held a native African
.on hia plantations* a slave. No resolution con
demning ■ i
A Voice—Mr. Trumbull, you arc mistaken in
staling that.
Senator Trumbull—[taking up the “ Report
of the Proceedings of the Charleston Conven
tion]—Tbis is a report of the proceedings of
that Convention, as it appeared at the time in a
Democratic paper. [Laughier.] Here are Mr.
Qsolden's words:
*‘B[*cch of Mr.OauW-nof Ownfa, In tlie Democratic
Oonv'uU n.kt< liarie.toa,<>QTueM}ar. Mar Ji-t, t£<o:
*• f any nf jr-u Nnrtt era I)<tnocr-4i/. frr I hawmucfalUi
“In you than I nave in the carpel knl- lit iKmr cr.ey *.f the
*•510011, w.l go horn.' with me, to my plA'latum m Gfor
-Mi, but a U'Ue w«y »rju here 1 will abov von some dar
bo'ght la Mainland, tome that I b- iuht In
“VlrclnSa. some m Delew-re. some In Florida, »me la
•* KorJi Ctmllna; an«J / «ftW th>iw yuu the pure Afrir-m.
•‘ikrnobM Hama* pfiheM a!L” (Orrat and lo g contin
ued cbeerinp.)
Let mo tell you further, who this Mr. Gaul
den is. He was a delegate from Georgia who
did not secede. He belongs to day to your
northern branch of the Democracy. [Laughter
and loud applause.] Gentlemen, you will best
accommodate me, it you will abstain from ap-
please and be as quiet ss possible. This Mr.
Gauldeo went to Baltimore, and in the Balti
more Convention he refused to secede. Ue is
one of the frw men from tbe «Soath who stood
by and voted for Stephen A. Douglas as nomi
nee of the party. [Sensation.]
Now, my friends, 1 will not bare time to dwell
upon tbe violation of pledges by this so-called
Democracy, or I could trace it through the
whole creed. They have lorgolien tbe old Dem
ocratic creed since they organized simply upon
the slavery question. But my friends 1 know
what you Northern Democrats will, some of
you. say. You will say, 4f we ore not responsi
ble for tbat; we are as much - opposed to the
Democracy that controls the country as you
are.” Why you have even If a-ned to call them
disuaioniits, and one of tbe delegates who went
down to Charleston, and whom I saw in the city
of Washington on his return, actually said lo
me after be bad been down in the Charleston
Convention for two weeks, after he bad heard'
himself called au Abolitionist, uud been told
tbat Northern Democrats were no. .better than
black Republicans and Abolitionists—after, all
this, he said to me, with his eyes expanded in
great astonishment, “I really think some of
these men io the South are for disunion.**
[Laughter.] He had just made that ducovery.
Whr are vou not responsible, my Democratic
friend's? Did you not help to elevate this Admin
istration into power ? . Did you not sustain' U
all tbe lime? Wherein do you differ from it?
When your Reoreßentativ’ea gc to Congress,
where are they found? They are found in the
Democratic caucus, voting fur the nominee of
the Democratic party. In the House of Repre
sentatives they all voted for a Lecomptonitc lor
Speaker. They did so lepeatcdly at tbe last
session. Every Democratic member from tbe
State of Illinois voted for the Lecompton nomi
nee. They said ibis Lecompton Constitution
was a swindle. Would you, my friend, as a
business mao, permit a clerk wbo bad been de
tected in repeated attempts to swindle you, to ;
still receive your confidence, and hold positions
of tbe greatest trust? AU these Illinois Demo
crat* united with a party that bad been attempt
in’*' to practice a swindle upon the people, an 1
force a ilave Constitution upon them against
their will.
And I have very good evidence, my friends; I
bare the evidence here in my band, that Mr.
Douglas does support the National Democracy ;
not only that, but he is the best supporter
James Buchanan bus. Be boasted, in the Sen
ate, in his goeedi made on the 14'.h and IClb of
May last, when his kuees were quivering, and
he was asking for Democratic'support, end
fearing lest be would be driven out of (he
Democratic fold, that he was the most faith
ful supporter of James Buchanan. These are
biswords; “Search the records xind you will
find that I hare sustained President Buchanan
on more questions than any one of you.”—
[Sensation.] Thus yon see that Mr. Douglas
claims to be the most zealous supporter of Mr. ‘
Buchanan, and he claims credit for it. This
speech uoa been extensively circuited all over
the country, and you Democrats' have probably
read it, Ifyou will now look back into it again
you will find this statement. It is folly to talk
about separating the Northern Democracy from
the Southern Democracy, or relieve it of the
abases of the government —allowing them to
escape from responsibility for the iniquities
of the men they have placed in power.
Democrats clairff credit in this State for
having opposed the Lecomp!?. n Constitution,
some claim credit here for opposing
the Administration. Did you ever reflect, my
Democratic friends, you are claiming credit Jur
doing exactly vrbat Republicans do? Do you
not see you are becoming Republicans in doing
that? You Northern Democrats cannot same
one thing f.»r which you claim credit. You
cannot recall one good act except when you act
ed with the Republicans. Now, os you hare
learned to do well in a few things by uniting
with the Republicans, and as you believe the
government will go to destruction unless vou
rescue it from the fire eaters and disunionfsts,
cease, I pray you, to do evil altogether; come
over to the Republican ranks, becom- good
Christians, and do well all the time. [Laughter
and applause.]
Perhaps some of yon think you dilfer from
the' National Democracy on the slavery ques
tion. My Democratic friends, you are mistaken.
You advocate precisely the same dcctrine on
this subject of slavery as the South, You all
submit the question to the courts. You need
not talk about non-intervention, popular saver
eignty.Aud self government in tbe people of
a Territory. Not one of yon believe in it. Mr.
Douglas odes not believe in it, although it is
very difficult to ascertain what Mr. Doag<os
does believe; yet we have here an authoritative
exposition o' his views. He is a great stickler
for party platforms. He says nobody has a
nghito laydown f..e creed of tne party but its
National Convention, and that a 1! Democrats
are bound by it. What did this Convention
which nominated him for tbe Presidency lay
down as the creed of the party upon this sub
ject? They adopted a resolution declaring—
“Thatlt I*in accordmce with the C.&dmrti TL-lform
that during the exirenr- of terrtnrial government*, tha
measureot rmtricroD. whatever Jt may h .liuponxi byth.
Federal ConuMtuU n on the powerof a Temii.rUl L<-ci*l •
ft n over the enMvci of th • dc.n site relations, ** t«.« wine
hv orah-.il rerea’ter b* decided hf tiiehurnri e. oun
orthe United St«l akhouldbc re-pttted hy all p-ndrui.
zena *». d enl-»fed »;ih promptness and fidelity nr ererr
branch of me B*n«a J X- , vcnuneut.-
That is the creed of the Douglas Democracy
Hr. Dongles, in his letter of ucceptance, pays
that this resolution is in perfect harmony with
the Cincinnati Platform, and that he ecqiifft ß p € ,
in it,He accepts the nomination neon P.declarintr
thereby that the Douglas Democracy recognize
the Supreme Court as the arbiter in reg-ird to
the restriction which may be.itnposed upon the
people of a Territory in reference to this ques
tion of Slavery. What restriction has the Su
preme Court put upon the people of a Territory
in this reaped? Mr. Doughs tells yon to his
speech delivered ct New Orleans after bis re
election to the Senate:
‘‘l.lncntm'flonw'th t’elVnir>rTAfT of ntlnob
the decision of the Supreme 0< urt In the" OrM SenffV—JT.
an authorltvtve e-podHou of tm- ConMitu* , nn
llmltt*ton« lh* fVmtffutlrn. aj expounded hr the rnn**.
Impose- the authoring of a Tor ltori"!
TPe p>.fw..fullv n :n?Clre and teopect. ft, coi) r nr»rltp wit.'
thaldooU'(in.el»vPßurofi«.vti'f *u as property ami olirla
on an tqud fooUncwltr. rabrr T-rop.nV. Ilenw
m of al.re.% the -ame w ui other specie* of properT ht«
the rlxV to remove to the Territories and carry won!
try wzh him. ' yivy
Take the resolution of the Convenfion, the
letter of acceptance, and tbe speech of Hr. Dong
las at New Orleans, and put them together and
to what do they amount ? They amount to this •
that the Drea Scott decision has established
that slaves are to be treated tbe same as any
other property; that he is pledged to abide hr
the decision of the Supreme Court, which has
already been ma e, and any decision which it
mar hereafter make, ro matter what it r»«v be •
that under this decision which has been m tde a
man has the right, und j r the ConslWitinn.togo
with bis slaves into any Territory-of the United
States. Do the South ask anything more than
that? Perbans some one will say, lbey,ask a
slave code. The South say.lbis upon th*t mb-:
ject: that if slaves are nof properlv protected
In the Territory, tbe right exists in Congress to
afford them orotection; hut they say further,
that there is no necessity for anv such law
that having a right to go to the Territory no
der tbe Constitution, the judiciary will protect
them, and they will not, therefore, ask an un
necessary law. Your Douglas rajs exactly,the
same thing—that the Constitution' allows* sit
very to so into the Territories—that it is a io
dictal question as to how far the Territorial
Legislature mav interfere with it. Qe has no
opinion about it himself. No*- I ask > on, bow
there is anv dtfferene-, practically, between bis
view and the v : ew of the Southern Democracy ?
Both say it is a indicia! question; both pledge
themselves to abide by the decision of tbe C«urt
cm this subject.' Here is an end of’ anything
like self-government and popular sovereignly
in the people of a Territory.
My friends—l might leave this matter, it
seems to me, right here; but I will detain yon
a Utile longer upon Ibis point by way of illus
trating the fact, that non* of you are for non
intervention and leaving the people of a Terri
tory to do jmt as they please. G : ve me ronr
attention for a few moments, and I think I can
show tbatso clearly that yon will all admit it—
Non intervention, in the common acceptation
of the word, or leaving tbe people of a Territory
to do just as they please, would be utterly de
structive of all constitutional government; and
a 1 law. ion do not mean that, do you ? If the
people of a Territory are to be left to do just
as they please, why is not every man, and why
are not towns and cFios to be left to do as thev
©lease? Why should not every individual, {f
he wants to, plunder and steal from his neigh
bor? Do you not see that ifyou cany this doc
trine of non-intervention, or self-government
to its logical consequences, then every individ
ual man would govern himself ju«t as be pleases,
and yon will hare no laws, or order, or reflated
society. That fa notwhit you mean, I reckon.
If you do mean this, I ask vou you can
support any constitution? What is tbe object
of establishing a constitution! Do you mean
that a popular majority of the people of a Ter
"torymay do just as thev please? Iflhat is
nieiti.lask rouifyou are a supporter
of the Consolation nfthe United Statea? That
does not allow a majority of the people to do as
they please. That ina'Tument was not
adopted by a majority of the people of the
United States, nor yet by a majority of States,'
but bv every State assenting to it. Itconld not go
lo’o effect ttpUl nine of the,thirteen States bad •
a * n -r e » 0 ■ n^, hen onlyamongtheßireStatea
ratifying. That Constitution, too,contains checks
upon the exercise of power by a popular ma
jority, A' majority or the people of‘the United
States do not elect the Presidient, .They pan not
make a law. Tbemajority principle is not recog*
sized under the Constitution of the United
States. ■ In the House of Representatives the
people era represented according ■
In *-.e Senate th-i Slates arc rep:«eo. b.a
mis without regard to pomla’ion. Kach
’ttuu. ;*oa the same number of Senators. The
State of Delaiam with lest than almndred
thousand people hare Just as many Senators as
the great State of New York, with more than
three millions. - hi.l can become a law
until it receives u i rof the people In ita
favor throor’t the >1 u " a
majority nl the Slat:.-) <«q,i routed iu the Sep*
ate, and then the approbation of the President.
Du ycu not see that this U not a popular sov
ereignty government.
This Constitution of the United States is so
fixed that it cannot be changed by a majority of
Ahepeopla*- There liUme. clause in the Consti
tution which provides that it never shall be al
tered so us to deprive any SUtlpof its equal suf
frage in the Senate, without'its consent. Thus
you see that the thirty.millions j)f people in the
united States to day cannot alter this dame of
.Uie.-ConatilutioD, without the consent of the lit
tle State of Delaware. That is the kind of
government you are living under. ' A. govern
ment of checks and balances, with a written
Constitution adopted for tbe very 'purpose of
preventing the tyranny of the majority. Are
Tou now going to abandon tbe people of tbe
to do just as they please, without any
Constitution? Perhaps you will say, you ex
tend tbe Constitution of the United',States over
them. By what right? If you arefornjn in
tervention and self-government, what right have
yon to extend the Constitution over them? Tell
me that. : . .
That Constitution contains many restrictions.
It say* that freedom of speech and.frcedom of
tbe press shall not be ab idged. It the people
of Kansas want to interfere with .freedom of
speech and freedom of the press, tf'by do you
not let them do it? You say it is ;their busi
ness, not yours. Do you not see that yon are
none of you in favor of such doctrines ?
What are you for? For placing some reatric
tious upon, and exercising some interference
with, the people of a Territory. You did inter
fere somewhat by tbe passage of the Nebraska
bill. Ti en tbe question Is, bow far Is it proper
to interfere f We Republicans say interfere on
this subject of Slavery just as far as the fathers
did. \Ve say Slavery is anevil— a great wrong;
it is belter not to have it ia where wo
now live, and better not to bare it in Kansas,
where some of us expect to to liyc; and as
long as we have caotroj of Kansas, we will not
allow it to go there, hut preserve that country
for the habitation of tre men,aod not of slaves
[Loud applause.] That is all the Republicans
ask. i
Toe Democrats pay do ; we will Just leave
Kansas to take care of itself. We will turn it
out and give it no government. We will let
them light if they will, just as they did in the
settlement of that Territory. First one parly
in power and then another. Let them have
anarchy. If they want to fight let them tight,
it Is their own business, not ours. Ton see the
consequence of abandoning onr fellow citizens.
These people who went to Kansas were our
brothers, sisters, children and friends. Wt
owed to them the same protection we owed to
those who remained here while that country,
acquired by our toil, blood and money remains
under our control. We w.ll for the bestgood of
that people and for the best good of the whole
countrv keep it free. la there anything wrong
xnthat? Toere is nothing wrong,in ir,if the
existence of an evil, and 1 take it tor
granted that you a'l admit that.
We present. before you to .carry out the?e
views Abraham Lincoln oa our candidate. Yon
know him; it is unnecessary that I should de
tain you in speaking of bis qualifications and
character. lie is known to be an able man, a
sincere man, an eminent man. I believe every
body admits him to be on honest man. We want
somebody to take possession of this G ivernment
who will administer it h uesily. The whole
people want it. Outside of the negro question
yon want the abuses in the administration ol
the Government reformed. You . want its ex
penses reduced. Vou want it to be adminis
tered upon different princ pies in other respects
besides in regard to the slavery question. Hut
above all yog want it administered in the in
terest of freedom, and not merely forthespread
and o* rpftnation of slavery, we believe that
Mr. Lincoln is the man to do this. We have
confidence that be will do this. The coun
try demands the change and the signs of the
times are that we are to have a change..
1 shult not have time to soeak at aay length
in regard to Mr. Hamlin. But be is a man ol
similar character to Mr. Lincoln. . A self-made
man—coming pp from the laboring classes of
s -ciety—sympathising with labor; because he
himself knows what labor is m his own per
son. Both of these men are trom the common
walks of life. Both know how to sympathize
with the laboring masses of the country, who
constitute the great proportion of our popula
tion.
Opposed to us yon have a very different can
didate. Mr. Lincoln's views are known and
fixed. Can any of you tell me what Mr. Doug
las’views are? He has expressed upon all
sides of almost every question. Some of you
will say that be is for popular sovereignty. I
just now read you the resolutions from tbe plat
form on which he stands, which repudiates pop
ular covere’gnty. He says he has got no opin
ions at all on the questions ot slavery in the
territories, but looks to the court to teach you
what the rights of tbe slaveholders are in the
territories. Unlike the Jackson Democracy of
old, when I o*ked him in tbe Senate of the Uni
ted States whether the people of a territory had
the right to exclude slavery, what do you think
he said? He said it was a judicial question.
[Laughter] Just wh&t tbe Convention said
ut Baltimore. Was that the way the old
Jackson Democracy used to talk ? Did
they not 'he boldness to exptess
their opinions upon al! questions. Look
into the Cincinnati Platform, and you will fied
they bad no difficulty there la expressing their
opinion on tbe United States Bank, which is a
constitutional question. They understand ev
erything bat the negro question. The Supreme
Court declared that a Doited States Bank was
constitutional, but tbe Convention bad no hesi
tation in declaring it unconstitutional. How
did ther find that out t That’s a Judicial ques
tioa. They said a Hiskm of Internel Improve
ments by a Federal Government was unconsti
tutional. They declared, too, that it was un
constitutional lor the Federal Qivernment to
as-um-t the debts of the States. They have no
difficulty in understanding the Constitution
upon all theee question*. Bat when you come
to tbe nejjro question, they dodge around the
judiciary, and nave no opinion ct all a* to what
tbe Constitution means. X am informed that
dit time is out.
The speaker retired amid great applause.
BOX. JAS. C. ALLEN'S BEPLT.
Col. Allen, on being introduced by Dr. Roe
as ibe Democratic candidate for Governor
spoke as foUowa:
MyFtUfw Uili&rt—l am proud that I bare
tbe privilege to day of appearing before to
many of tbe citizens of McLean County to en
gage with the Senator who has just addressed
you in the dixeusston of the questions that now
agitate tbe public mind. It has already been
announced to you that I am a candidate f or
Governor. It was the plasure of the Demo
cratie party, to which I belong, to select me as
their standard bearer during the present guber
natorial contest, and in accordance with the
custom that has prerailed for a number of years
ia our State and in various other States m the
Northwest,, I appear before my fellow citizen*
for the purpose of presenting mv view* upon
the qne'tions which divide tbe public tniod F
In relation to mv candidacy lor the Governor,
ship, 1 have but this to sav; We are nowa
State, the fourth io population, intelligence and
wealth, and in all that goes to nuke up the
greatness of a State, in the Union. All its
great and varied interests, agricultural, me
cbanieal and educational, require the foster*
ing care of the Legislature of your Stale,
and should it be your good pleasure
to confer upon me tbe office which I now seek
I hare only to say that so far as I mar bare the
power and ability, I have the will to do a!l that
I canto promote all those great common inter
ests. Not to detain you, however, in reference
to questions of State policy, since I know of
none'now at issue between my competitor and
mys*-ir,for I believe it has been his custom, as
it has been my own, in addressing our follow
bUizens, to discuss tbe questions which divide
the great national parties of the country I
shall address myself to the consideration of
some great national questions, and hballbrirflr
notice some of the points made by the Senator
in the curse of bis remarks.
I belong to what I understand, my fellow
citizens, to bo the National Democratic panv of
this country. Ibelongto hat wing of the De
mocracy, if yon will, which 1 think represents
*be great hiart of the Democratic party—to
that wing of the Democracy, which, in its re
cent National Convention, laid down its . plat
form in accordance with what I understand io
have b-on for years the doctrine of the Demo
cratic parly, and upon that platform placed our
gallant staictman, tbe Hon. Stephen A. Doug
las, as their standard bearer in this national
contest. [Applause.]
My fellow-citizens, I- do not belong to that
class of Democrats, or to that wing of tbe De
mocracy, which have departed, as I believe,
from tbe landmarks of the Fathers, and from
tbe landmarks of tbe modern Democracy, acd
now are seeking tbe Congress of the United
State* to protect and force upon tbe people of
the Territories the institution of slavery, wh»-
tber they will have it, or whether they wit] not
have it, I belong to no auch Democratic party
as that [“ Good, good,” and cheers,] Gentle
men, I hope my friends will remain quiet while
1 am addressing them, for I, too, like theSena
'or. have become hoarse, and I am not able to
be heard by this vaft audience unless eileuce is
preserved.
1 hare this to say in relation to a portion of
tbe remarks made by the Senator, one* for all.
When he speaks of the Buchanan Democracy
when he speaks of the party who followed a few
southern secessionists out of tbe National Con
vention—a hen he sposks of a handful, lea&than
one third of the regular Convention, who went
oat at Baltimore, adopted aplatform, and setup
for themFolvea— when he denounces their plat
form, and their course, I say to him a* one satd
i mother, 44 Lav on, McDuff.” [Ap
plau«e. j I will not be the one to cry out. “Hold
e P [Continued applaose.] ’ I will «*v to*
theScnator that it is not only in Illinois that he
wiilfiudtbe class of Democrats who differ wiib
President Buchanan and tbe present Adnrni*-
tratiop and tbe Southern secession 4 *!*, upon this
question; but the signs Indicate in other Stales
North and, South, East and West, that there is
a iF T t*L-S°^ al, ® OT «®ent now spring ng up
which bids fair to bring back this government
to tbe principles on which it was administered
,n *arly periods of its history, and which
will not only drive out the fire eaters and. dis
unionists of the South, but will overshadow this
Republican party of the North. [Applause.]
1-admit, fellow-citizens, fraokfy and freely
and I speak it in sorrow when I make the ad
mission, that «e did elevate Mr. Buchanan to
power. We elected him President of r the
-United States. We elected him too upon a
platform of prine : ples which gave to the people
in tbe Territories, as in the Slates, tbe right to
determine for themselves their domestic insti
tutiona. And had he been true to the prinei
pies to office, this day I and tbe great Demo
cratic party would have been proud of him as
their Chief Magistrate.. But when the question
came up—when the contest arose as between
a psrty desinnsf to force the institotioa upon
the people of Kansaa, and tbe true Democratic
•party of this country, w# found that for soma
reason or other the President had ranged him
self alongside of the Southern element, which
, 18la r. ery ° L u S hl lo g° everywhere:
or which claims that tbe Congress bl tbe United
Mates ought to protect it wherever it goes in
.r^ e £ r lf ones °l t ie ?eneral government.
Mr fello* citizens—The preeent Chief Ex
ecnUyo of the United Stela luring departed
from the principles upon which be was elected
—having departed from this great doctrine of
self-government in the Territories, as in tbe
States, the great Democratic party of tbb*
country bavo rebuked him; and they here
selected one who in the most trying hour, in
• v->rv emergen* bis *lOOll close by the rights
cl t; nen *e» as well as in
the r ' - imitation of tbe
count. - eve they will select
to adii . v cent fir ibenpxtfour
yenrsupmi n.e,uuc. vof popular right and.
popular sovereignty (applaute.
The Senator has told us that this Republican
party proposes to bring the goven-ment back
to tbe plan upon which it was administered io it*
earliest history. Gentlemen, I think the Sena
tor is mistaken in that. 1 think it was the pol
icy of those who administered this government
in Us earlier and more peaceful days, to leave
the question of slavery precisely where we say
it ought to be left—to thomaougeniont and con
trol of the people who are to beafiVcledby it.
Why do I say so? It will be reflected that
when this government of ours was formed—
when oor present constitution was adopted
there were twelve slave States and one free
State composing tbe original thirteen. Our
fathers permitted the people in the States to
manage and control their domesticiiosiitotiona
in their o«n way—permitted them to determine
the ttaitu of the black mm according to their
good will and pleasure. Up to 1310 they pur
sued this plan of non-intervention. States were
’ormed out of tbe Territories in‘the South,
adopted their constitutions, made |application
foradmission into tbe Union, and came into tb<-
Union wi h slavery, no voice belograiscd against
their admission because they had adopted tbe
institution of slavery. States from the North
were organized out of free Territories and
adopted ihrirconstitniions prohibiting slavery
They cams and knocked at tbe doors of the
government, and were admitted; no question
being asked, no difficulty arising between the
North and tbeSju'has to thrir admission
States were admitted from, the South, and
States were admitted from tbeNoitb, with or
without slavery, as Iheir people in their owi,
good will and pleasure bad for themselves de
termined. These were the peaceful days of
the republic—the days when tbe question of
slavery was let to the controland ma .agemtn*.
of incipient Slates; to be directed and con
trolled by them according. to than own good
trill and pleasure. It was reserved for a later
generation to discover that it was the duty or
tbe Congress of the United States to wield its
strong arm against the institution Of slavery,
and prohibit it in the Territories of the genera!
government. ;
I mav be answered that the ordinance of
1 1787 prohibited slavery North aid West of the
1 Ohio river. That is true. But it was done be
fore our present constitution was adopted—it
was done while we bad nothing but the confede
ration whose powtrs were not limned br that
threat fundamental law—the Constitution of the
United states, which binds together our present
confederacy. For mere tbau thirty years afiei
the adoption of ourpresentCocstnuiion the* had
no slavery agitation upon • bis question. While
this government was administered by those
who made it, by those who made the Consti
tution, by those who knewita history and were
intimately connected with iisorgan'zi'ioD; they
administered the government during all tlm
period, and wbi e they administered it they bar
no slaverv excitement in this country. I ad
mit that States came io or free or slave, as to
them seemed fit. We bad peace and harmony
between the North and South During that
period what was the rendition of slaverv intbif
country ? The Republican party tell us that it
is necessary to intervene by the Congress of the
United States to prevent the spread of slavery
over all the terri'orics of the general govern
ment Occasionally we meet one who insist*
that unless we wield the power of tbs general
government to check slavery it wiil not stop
with the territories but find its way into the
States themselves. You have all heard this ar
gomen; made by thnu.
Let ua ace how that ia. During the first
thirty years after the adoption of our present
Constitution we had peace on this subject, there
were no heartburnings and bickerings between
the North and South. Five .Stares which bac
had slavery existing as an institution in their
midst beearae free from its presmee. How?
By congressional legislation? By' interference
on tbe part of Congress? No, my fellow citi
zens, they fr td themselves from the institution
of slavery by their owa act ami will, Coogre*?-
let thtm alone. They bud no agitator-
North, and no agitators South. They were
permitted in their own time nod manner to
adopt such a system of gradual tmancipatioL
laws as enabled them to rid themselves of the
institution of slavery. We have the very high
est opinion, the opinion of tbe great and good
men of the country, that if it bad u t been for
the war made by tbe Ami slavery men of th»-
Nonh from 1820 to IS.IO this work
ol gradual _ emancipation would have
gone on until many other States that now
ave tbe Institution of slavery, would have been
rid of it. That was Mr. Webster's opinion, who
lived among the original agitators on thieeub
ject—who lived io the very heart of the countrv
whence this war against slavery sprung up it,
1819-’2O. Toe gentleman has relcrted to tht
Compromise Act of 1820, which prohibited sil
very m the territory north of Gtf deg. GO min.,
and has told you that the Republicans occant*
tbe position which the fathers held upon thir
question. We are often told by their orator.-
that when they claim that Congress ought to
i iterrene on this subject, and prohibit slavery,
tbiy fctmd, wbpre Jeflcyson. Washington «mi
51 oison stood. Gentlemen I deny it. Toe inn
ings of those men, their conduct as public men,
and their official acts do not Lear ttie*egeßtle*
men out in their statement, when thev claim
that Madison aud Jefferson were the advocate,-
of CoDgrc?siooal prohibition of slavery in lie
territories. Why do 1 say this? If you wi>l
turn to the works of 51 r. JcDereon, volume 7
and look at bis letters upon this subject, voil
will find that when tbe news reached him ofthe
adoption cf the line of 30- air by C-mgresslona
legislations!,north nf which slavery was not tc
go, be denounced it in fierce terms, and charged
that tbe establishing a hoe between freedom
and slavery, between one section and the otbet
section would, if persisted in, ultimately lead f
tbe dissolution ol Uie government itself. Vou
are familiar with his language. It is stanlioe
and significant. Ue spoke in tbe spirit ol
prophecy, and I believe frem the very bottom
of my heart th it if you place the power of thi>
government in a Congressional intervention
party, and they carry out their uvowtd princi
ples, whether It be the aucucta of tbe .Southern
rfecedera with thiir slavery-rr-Uction princi
ples, or the success ofthe Republicans with
their slavery prohibition principles' in eitbei
c*ee the diM-olu’i tn of the Union is just os in
evitable a* tbaiefiVctwill follow cause.
Again they claim that Congrrss ought to in
terfeieand prohibit slavery is the Terntori-scl
the general government, because they say slav
ery is aggrefsi . e in its character, and will spread
itself over the free Territories of our govern
m:nt, and even work its way iutMbe free States
themselves. Let us look lnt*» ♦>— *•' • “
♦ • , . - —«- un>tory of
siarery and see if there is anything j u it*
history to lead to this conclusion It
I there is anything in its history to
prove this ae-ertion, they are right. But
if the history cf slavery does not bear them out
they are wrong, and are endeavoring to stir up
the public mind without cause, and alarm tbe
unthinking. 1 say the histon
of slavery ia this c« untry does not warrant
their statement. At the commencement of the
government twelve of the Mutes were sieve,
and one was free. Acci rJirg to their doetrir e
tbe twelve slave States woui-i have soon over*
run tbe one free State, would they not?
Again, they say it is aggressive, and will work
its way not only in the Territories, but in the
States themselves. Yet our government bus
exited for about three-quartern of u century
under the Constitution, and during that time
the tree States have increased from oce to eev
enteen, while the slave Staten have only been
increased from twelve to fifteen. The free
Slates have increased sixteen in number, wbiV
tha slave states have only increased three. Will
some Republican mathematician the next time
be makes that punt, please *o inform bis audi
ence how long according to the rules of mathe
matics it would take slavery at that ratio o: i, t .
crease to overrun the free States of this coun
try ? [Laughter] If in seicuty-five, or eighty
years, or usy givrn number of years, the slave
States increased ihrce while the free States in
creased sixteen, how long before it would be
overrun by the slave States? Such au argu
ment is preposterous.
Again, they tell us they want the Territories
for the free white men of this country. I too
w«u them for the free white men of this coun
try, and I propcse that the free while men of
Ihie country ahull have them. Wherever you
leave th white men of this country, nncon
irol'cd by Congress, and uninfluenced by rut
aide interference, they will Lave the Territories.
I mean that clos* of men who fill up our Ter
ritories. If joa leave them to act freely, they
will takepcssefMon of the Territories, Why
do Isay so? Oar Republican friends say
institution is a miserable thing for a country;
that these Southern States-have impoverished
themselvei ty it; that a'l their wealth consists
in miserable negroes. Yet they say that if you
leave the question open, and do not interfere
with the strong arm of government, these mis
erable negrors will take possession of tbe Ter
ritories. Who are tbe people of tbe Territo
ries? They are tbe enterprising, go-ahead
i ankees of the New England Slates. Thev go
everywhere, see and know pretty much efery
thing, and in the end get pretty much all the
money. Is the son of the Northwest inured
to the toil and hardships of a frontier life, who
goys to our Territories to ecek u belter home
—is the enterprising foreigner who comes to
our short* msearch of an asylum from thehand
of oppression, to bask in our free institutions,
who goes into tbe Territories to help people
them—».re these men to be displaced bv the
miserable negro? Tell me if the territories
peopled by men I ke these can ba overrun by
♦•uch miserable negroes from tbe doutb, aa tbe
Republicans are talking about?
Rut they say again, that the doctrine of Pop
ular Sovereignty will not do; that was tried in
Kansas, and civil war, discord and blood*>hed
were the consequences. Gentlemen, I denv
that civil wur and bloodshed iu Kansas were
ths c n sequences of the doctrines of tbe Kansas
Nebraska Dill. Aud 1 think I can show you,
that it was tbe result of the doctnae of inter-
vention. Who brought that about? By ibe
the terms of that bill the Inhabitants of Kansas
went into that Territory to build up for them
selves home*, and expected to live there until
they were gathered unto their fathers. After
these people had gone there, by the doctrines
of that bill they were themselves to determine
whether they did or did not desire slavery. As
soon as that bill became a law, we fonnd orcaa
ii'ng throughout the New England and other
Northern -Mates what were termed Emigrant
Aid Societies. Men were subscribing money
to buy Sharpe’s rifles and Colt's revolvers, and
they sometimes said Bib'e*, but the peop e who
went out there did not act .like they bud ever
read them, if they did seed them along This
was to dowbat? To make peaceable settle
menu m Kansas? No, my fellow citizens. In
the very circn'ar they issued and signed, call
ing npon the North to aid, they asked them to
send men. - they called them emigrants, it is
tnia, but why did they send emigrants into.
Kansas—for the purpose of keeping slavery
out of that Territory? What do we god
next ? An antagonistic spirit In the
South, and Southern men arming them
selves and going in bands to, -.that
Territory. Whatferf Was it to make peace
able citizens and build up homea for themselves
aod their children? No! it wua to arive cut
the free soilers who bad come into theTcm.o-
ry, and -to plant slavery upon the soil. Thus
those who were legitimately the inhabitants of
Kansas, who went there to make it their borne,
were overran by Lane and his* horde ofvaga
bonds fr'n, Wv. „nd those vagabonds
from tbe ?> .- d goce in there, the one
’ * * nttt ' ' the peaceable inhabit*
a , A J cno . blllu of the slavery question,
V. . i ' , r *°interfere upon thtf other tide,
hut when the time arrived that Lane and bin
men slurred out, end the Southern forces who
*J a ., s°?® * a .f?£ same purpose were com
pelled to withdraw for tl e same reason, lb-!
peaceable inhabitants of Kansas assembled in
tneir own war and time, and adopted a Consti
tution to stm themselves, That was a free Con
sti ution. And they will soon come into the
Union with trial Constitution excluding slavery,
too that the troubles, the bloodshed and the
cinl war that arose in Kansas,- did' not'grow
out of the principle of the Kansas Nebraska
bill, but cut of a determination on the part of
the fanatics in the Nor.b, and the vagabonds
from lhe Sonth, who wcnt-there, the one to
force slavery ont of the Territory, and the other
to force slarerj into the Territory; But when
they withdrew tbeir forces, and itbis outside
pressure was withdrawn, the inhabitants of
Kansas, under the prorisions of Ibe Kansas*
Nebraska bill, went on in a peaceful manner to
determine lor tbemselrea that they did not want
the Institution of slavery la their midst. They
were composed of men, some oflwbom were
Irom the slave States, but more of them were
from the eastern and western Mata, and from
foreign chme<« They determined that they did
not want the institution of slaveHr in tbeir
midst. I presume no one now apprehends that
slarery wUI ever get a foot-hold in what will
shortly be the State of Kansas. 1
gentlemen, I am going to make an ar
gument jon doubtless hare often heard. Why
not give to the people of the Territories the
same right over this question that yon give
them overother domestic question*?! Yon do not
look to Congress to puss laws in relation toother
domestic questions for them. You uo rot ask
it- . * ou permit them to pass other laws on the
subject of the relation between hdsband and
wile, between parent and child, between guard
ian urd ward. You admit that they hare the
capacity, and that they hare the Sovereignly
within themselves f« regulate these questions*
but when it comes to determining! what rtla
u*n a negro shall bear to a white man in the
Territory, you taj, “No. Congieis miut co
t:ai for them.
Now we mink they hare a right to determine
that qnefciion also. As a citizen of a Free Slate,
1 believe her people will determine it in furor of
Jrieedcm wherever they harea fair chance.
lam for that candidate for the Presidency
and that party and platform, which declare
in so many words, that they are fop leaving this
question to the people for tbeir determination
as they leave other domestic questions. Bui
says the Senator, “No, yon are not for Popular
Sovereignty in the Territories, because you
pledged yourselves in your National Cooven
tie* to do —what? Why, to abide : by the de
cision of the Supreme Court of the United
States. i
Well, gentlemen, wbeneve- the Democratic
party cease* to a law and cocstilution abi
ding party, I am prepared to cease my connec
ll?.9 wiih ibat party, and join some party tha
will be a law abidingand a Constitution observ
ing party.
We desire to leave the people of the Territo
ries, as m the S ales, free to form and regulae
their own institutions in their own way—subject
to what? Subject to the Constitution of the
Un ted ht&’es, that great fundamental law
which must control not only the power of Ter
mortal Legislatures, and control the power of
the Mates, and control the power of the people,
whenever by the terms of that instrument they
have surrendered such control to the general
government.
Let me tell you, my fellovv-citizeas.that when
ever the Demccratic party, refuse as orderly
and law abiding men, to obey the Supreme
Court, iam prepared to denounce therf And
whenever one of toem sets up his opinion in
opposition to the opinions of the courts lam
prepared to denounce him. The Democratic
party of this country is a law-abiding patty.—
They believe in enforcing all the guarantees of
the Constitution. They believe that the Con
slitution de ermines the tribunal which is in it
self to decide what is constitutional and what
is not constitutional. It has been said that
Judge Douglas endorses this plank in the Dam
ocratic plaiiorm. Jr I did not think he endors
ed that plauk in the Democratic platform I
would not support him, because I do not be
lieve in supparting men who a?t themselves up
in detiauce of their party to di -obey the laws
of the enuntrr, when that law is understood.
Id the Dred Scott decision thev bare decided
two questions. First that Dred *Bcott was not
a citizen ot the United Mates, within the mean
ing of the federal Const! ution. That lea
dorse, the Democratic parlv endorse and Judse
Douglas endorse*, JloMingthat a negro is not
.4 citizen ot the United States, within the mean
ing and purview of the Constitution.
Thev decide another point ia that decision
viz: that the Congress of the United Stater
has no right to prohibit slavery in a common
territory of the United States; that Cougreas
cannot pass a law which interieres with the
rights of a cit-zin of ihe South going into the
common territory, nor with the rights of a
cit:z:n <*f the j»onb. The gentlemau says the
citizens of the South can take their slaves
theie under this decision. Weil, gentlemen
when they get there will; their ntgros another
question arises. They may go there with their
negro as yon go there with your horse; hull
take it for granted that few ot those woo *p*
there wiih negro* will staythereaod hold them
there, unless they have some municipal law to
protect them in the erj..rm*-nt cf that, proper
ty. There is where Judge Douglas d;lfcrs wiih
ihis Secession party of ihe South. They be
lieve that slavery has such guarantees in the
Constitution that it becomes of a higher char
aettr than any other property, uml no legisla
tiuo or municipaUaw Oau prevent them iron;
us use and erjoymeni in the territory.
Judge Trumoull tells us to dav. that a portion
of th- Southern hre Patera believe that tue Con
rdiiullou piot<cts them in tbeir propertv in the
Teiritorics, and they do not require Congres
sional legislation on thj subject. It may be
and doubtless after the Dred Sco t decision
they have the naked under the law of the
land, tutuKc tneir broperty into the Territories
but suppose there is no Jaw in the Territory’
how are the courts to protect them? How do
you protect horses andoattl* without seme letral
or municipal legislation. The mere tact that
you have the right to take than into the Terri
tory. docs not secure you. In the absence of
legislation there is but one way to hold hors»s
or calile; that is by force. A Hou hern man ’n
a territory where there ia no law to protec
•livery, cun hold the slave but oneway and
that is by force. If your horse escapes or is
taken away, how are you to get him back a nib
io the absence of municipal law? Voulnav
ssy the constitution secure, you in tbd posses
*Ln of property, and the courts protect you
but suppose there is no municipal regnlati -o
no provision for a writ by which to take pos-e-’
eion of your property, you would then be left
without a remedy iou may say you bare ihe
n " h . r . *C J«ur property; but you must resort to
municipal legislation for the jotyer to enjov
that property, rio with slavery. There are men
in the Democratic party, and perhaps
in the wing to whicti Mr. Douglas
and myself belong, who believe that
that tbe legislature of u Territory has no right
to i ass such municipal regulations as would
prohibit men from the enjoyment of their slave
propertv in the Territories. There are others
who believe that they have that right. One
class of them give as a reason for thinking tnat
they cannot exercise this power, that the Con
gress of tbe United States does not possess it
»nd therefore cannot delegate tbe power to a
Territory.
Well, if the Congress of the United States
does not possess the power, of course they can
not delegate'it to tbe Territory; but, gentle
men, there is a sovereign power behind all that
under which I believe, and Judge Douglas be
sieves, that the inhabitants of a Territory
thiough their territorial legislature, may pro
tect or prohibit slavery in the common Territo
ries—that sovereignly which is inherent in
American citizens—that sovereignty which they
exercised when they threw off theßritish yoke
and organized this confederacy—that suverign
ty which pertains to them in the Mates, in the
Territories, upon the high seas, wherever the
American citizen may tee proper to plant him
self—that sovereignty which is an inborn, heav*
eu descended gill; in tbe language used bv our
Legislature, atier the adop ion of the Compro
mise oi ISso—that sovereignty which was never
surrendered to tbe Congress of the United
>tates, but reserved to tbe people in tbe adop
tion of your constitution. There is where they
get tbeir right to determine for themselves their
dom'-ftt'e affairs in the Territories as well as in
the States.
The Constitution of the United States does
not confer sovereignty upon any man. It does
limit sovereignty where the people hare agreed
that it shall limit it, but it confers no sovereign
ly upon any man. That is a sovereignly which
is born with us. We have it within ourselves.
It ia a sort of sovereignty we have never sur
rendered to the Congress of the United States
—the right to determine for ourselves what we
desire in regard to our domestic affairs.
The Senator tells you that one man cannot be
permitted to exercise that sort of sovereign
right which would enable him to steai his
neighbor’s property. Is that a lair illustration ?
V, e exercine our sovereignty, how y In subjec
tion to laws and constitutions. That is the war
we exercise our sovereignty. We exercise all
the sovereignty we hare, not alien to the law
and constitution, and until wodepnveonraelves
of the sovereignly pertaining to our own af
fair-., by general consent, we hare all the sov-
which is born with os, which we inher
ited as citizens of this government.
Hot it is said that Judge Douglas repealed
the Missouri Compromize, and brought ail this
trouble upon our country. Gentlemen, that
argument was made against him in ISSS pretty
strongly all over the country. That argument
has been made so often, that mr opinion is that
it has lost some of its force. 1 desire simply
to say this in relation to it: In 1350 we had
such an agitation as it became necessary to lav
down some line of policy by which the govern
ment might be gnided, and by which the peace
between the sections might be maintained.—
Wtat was the principle agreed upon by the
Whig party and the Democratic party at that
time as the best principle upon which the gov
ernment could be administered teaching the
question of slaverv ? Gentlemen, it was the
doctrine of non-iitirveotion which was agreed
upon by the leaders of the Whig party and
the Democratic parly noon the floor of the Sen
ate and House of Representative.*, and carried
out by them when they assembled ir their
great I* ational Convention at Baltimore, which
declared that the principles, as contained ia
the Compromise of 1850, shoald be a fina'ity
npoD v tbe suiject of slavery. Wbet was that
Erinciple? It was to leave to the Territory of
ew Mexico and to the Territory of Utah the
question untouched, so far as CoogreMiooal
legislation wai concerned, and to admit the peo
ple into the Union when they applied for ad
mission as States, with slavery, or without
slavery, as they in their own good will and
pleasure should determine. When we organize
the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska what
were ws to do, afui having in 1852,
selves to stand by the principle? \Vh k t w «r«
we to do? Whet did we do? We ..id S
Kansas end ftebruke, we will leave your set
tiers and inhabitants in the same position that
w» lefttbe inhabitants of New Mexico and Utah
la, by the bills of 1850, which organized them
into a territorial form of government. What
principle? The right to determine for your
•elree whether you will hare the institution of
slavery, or whether you will not have it the
power to make your own laws, and yonr own
regulations as to all yonr domestic institutions
subject only to sueh-limitaiioos, or restrictions
as are imposed by the Confutation of the Uni
. tea Wo placed them in-the same situa
uen ibe compromise measures of 1850 placed
Utth and New Mexico, tearing the people the
neat to determine that question for themselves;
So mach then for thte argument that the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise, and the adoption
of non-lntarvaatlon producing tout ilarerr ox.
citements. J
Gentlemen, I will tell you whatprodneed this
tlaraiT excitement. You will bear me whom*
when I say, that there were a class of men in
the Northern part of the United States, at the
time the compromise measures were adopted,
who were known as Free Suiters, or Wilmot
Proviso men, who atood out against nou-iater
reotion and the compromise measures of 1550.
Thej determined -they would not yield obe
dience to the law. They'stood out against tb«
Fugitive Slave Law, and its enlbrcemement,
which was one of the compromises of 1550.
They declared determinedly that they would
nerer cease agitating that question until they
were enabled to wield the power oB the general
for the prohibition of Slavery in all
the Territories of the general government, You
then how these fanatics si they weru
called were denounced for tneir opposition to
the great settlement of the gteat parties in ISSO.
You hare denounced Clay, you have refused to
; permit \\ abater, the ga£ateat man of Massachu
setts then living tovdefend himself, and shut the
doors of Faneuil Uall in hii face, de
nying him the light of vindica'ing bis
courre before the people of Ylaasocbusetts.
becaase ha had endorsed the compromise of
I- j * o<i how Seward speke to his
friends upon this question, ware id z them, cot
in the precise language I quote, that this move
ment : n the North must go on mull the princi
ple of the compromise of 135d,teavipg the ques
tion to the people of the territory, should be
overturned,and the power of Congress should b©
brought to bear for the exclusion of slavery in
all the territories of the general government
i ou recollect bow many oi you denounced these
men m the North as fanatics for irefnring to
yie’d obedieuee to the compromise jmeasure of
1»50. And you remember how insulted you
were when we told you after the organization
of this Republican party, that unless vou were
sorrv and changed your course a tew years
wonld find you acting in concert and harmony
W i til tb f su Ter J. men whom youthen denounc
ed os the enemies of the peace and quiet or
your country. We told you then that the Re
publican party was to be led bv the Seward?,
the Hales, the Giddisgs, and [turning to Mr.
Ltmjovj the Lovejoy*. [Great applause and
cries of “gcod," “good, 1 * and cheers partly for
Lovejoy and partly for Allen.) You told almv
fellow citizens, you were not with these men,
that you repudiated their sentiments, t at in
going into the Republican party you did not
intend to land yourself on their platform. Yet,
my fellow eiuzejs, their opinions are well
known on this great question lor thev have not
hesitated to make tnctn known day a 1 ter day to
the country. When your Chicago Convention
met to nominate a candidate for the Presidencv,
Joj-hna R. Giddiogs, the lion of the tribe, ot
Ohio, was cheered with shouts of jov whenever
he made h » appearance in the National Con
vention; not only that bnt he compelled the
Conyentirn to interpolate into their platform a
portion oi tie Declaration of Independence,
[laughter and app!an«e‘j which be construes to
entitle tne negro to perfect equality to the
the whde man. [Continued laughter and ap
plause.]
G nttemen, somebody has cDanged. You
have either gone to Giddiogs and Lor. joy, and
that class ot men, or they have come to vou.
Now, gentlemen, I would as soon think or find
ing a Roundhead in the times of Cromwell
espousing the Catholic cause, as to think o(
my friend Lovejoy ever abating one lota of his
opinions on this question of slavery.
Gentlemen, yon have all heard of the Helper
Book, have yon not? [** Yes, ve a : M ] I fcj- e
heard a great deal about it, jet I never read but
one paragraph m it. I will tell you what that
was. He was defining the d.fleretce between
an Abolitionist and a Republican; and he said
tne Abolitionist was the fro' in ;w fullv de
veloped condition, whie the h?pub!ican wi* an
Abolitionist m the pallywog state. [.Wuu-e
and laughter.] If hisdetiuition be true, and he
ought to be good authority, for sixiv-tight Re
publican Members of Com-r:vs endorsed him I
think the Republican parly will emerge from
the pollywog rtate. when the election arrives ia
.November. [Laughter and slight applause 1
Gentlemen, you have been told the Demo
cratic party have selected a man whose opkiuns
are not known. Why. gentlemen, I ask vou in
all candor, if bis opinions ua the great ones
irons of the day are not as veil known as the
opinions of any otherpublic man on this cnoti
nent. If his opiniocs ae not known, aad hi
power has not becu felr. I a>k why it is tha» ail
this war has been made upon him by the R
pubhean party, and by the Secession parly J|
the South? Will they aJmiubat he is a pigmy
and has no cpmon of nis own, and no to*c •*
and power; and t*un wear themselves out ia
abusing and traducing him all over «bts coun
try, North aad Sou*h, East and Wes* If
their assertion be true, they are paying a
very poor compliment to* the American
P®°P le » T [-?J «»ve selected one, wbo
like •• Honest Abe," as they call him, came
up from the ranks of the laboring men one
wbo like thousands throughout our brosd Und
was compelled to earn Uis bread in lbs earlv
day by the sweat of his brow, and who ehot-td
•-he jack plane for the same reason that Abra
ham Lincaln made rails, that they might have
bread and meat aud wherewithal to clothe
themselves. It is creditable to any man wbci
we see him rise from the humble walks of life
to an eminent pLce in our country. It is more
creditable to see the prosperity of men wbem
we know have risen from poverty and obscuri
ty by honorable exertion, than to rise from the
lap ofluxury. Ar.d v.iieu men thusstiugde u»
from the humbler walks, thev make the best
statesmen, the best Senators, th« best
Representatives, because they know what
the ot the people waut. [Applause 1
You are told that Abraham Lincoln has
arisen from the humbler walks of life aad
hence sympathies with the poor laboring Ct . n
ofibe country. UebosgQ inure svmpathy tor
the laboring tne- of tnU country than the man
•vbosc distiogui-ihed name emblazons our ban
ners. Both Mr. Lincoln and Judge Dougla
have men from the common ranks, wuh tin
difference, that step by sitp, from Cabinet to
School-master, from School-master to
Lawyer, from Lawyer to Judge, trom Judce
to Representative in th* Stale Legislature
from the Legislature to a Renrecaatatrve j a tie
Congress of the United States. ?rom Congress
•o the Senate, which he now adorns, going-den
by step in regular grada’uin, be baa risen Wi
| erand higher, until he has now readied I be
lieve, the highest position ever occupied bv a
politician in mis country. He is ibetmbmJi
meot of the great papular heart of this country
The people have inscribed bis name on the'ir
banners, and they baye selected him aa their
chiet in this contest, as their ehosrn leaner and
as the end of tne contest, they will crown’him
duel Executive of this mighty nation. [An
plause.] * L *
toe other hand, their eandMate, start
ing from an equally humble position, has not
been able to make his impress up >n bis fel
low men in thU way. lly comoetitor, Mr.
Y'ates, in a speech he made not long since, ui
Springfield, says that the first time he met Mr.
Lincoln, he w*< lying on a cellar door, read.ng
a paper; shortly afterwards they went to din
ner, and os Aunt Sallie was handing Lincoln
bis bowl of milk, in someway it was *pi!t; th n
to make the ladies believe that Mr. Lincoln wa*
ii very gallant man, he says that when Aunt
Sallie threw up her hands s*nd exclaimed, “Oh
dear me! it was all my fault, Mr. Lincoln," L n
coln gallantly came to berrescue. aud decland,
“Aunt Sallie, we won't quarrel about wbns>-’
fault it was." [Laughter] Now, if my friend
Y'ates had bad the power of a seer, he c mid
have read in that little incident Liuculn’s whole
life. Why do I sav so? I say so because the
Oowls of milk he has reached* at, and tried to
grasp one after another, bare been con
tinually dropping from his band. He
was, it is true, a few times elected to the
Staie Legislature, and sometime?, once at Last
was he leAen,and a bowl of milk dropped from
bis hand then. He was at one time elected to
the Congress of the United States, from the
Springfield district, and he served bis people so
well, mat when he r* turned, they informed him
that they had no further use fo’r his cervices,
and they left him at home. Then another
bowl of milk dropped from his hand. (Laugh
ter) Five or six years ago he ruu for the Leg
islature in bis owy county, and was elected
They had u United States' Senator to elect
the same position sow filled by oar dutin>’auh
cd Senator, wbo has addressed yon here to day.
Abe Lincoln thought he saw a little bowl of
milk again. He resigned his seat aud became
a candidate for the Senate; bnt just about the
time be thought be was taking the bowl of
milk, in stepped my friend Trumbull and knock
ed that bowl over again, (Laughter.) In 135S
he again became a candidate for the Senate cf
United States, and made bis friends believe he
would be elected. You were told so all
over this country. He thought he had then
certainly the bowl in his hands; but the Little
Giant tipped it over that time again.
Now he is reaching forth to the great bowl of
milk, the one that aits upon the President's
table ; but 1 tell you that on the Cih of Novem
ber the Little Giant will overturn that howl of
milk also. (Laughter and applause )
My fellow-cii'zeos, such has been the omen
that a seer might have read ot Mr. Lincoln’s
life at that important period, when my competi
tor, the Hod. Richard Yates, made hu acquain
tance.
Again, he tells the coun try of another remark
able'feat that Lincoln performed. He said ibe
first time he ever heard ol him he had a boat
lodged on a dam, in the Sangamon river. It
bad shoved op on the dam; that on arcoont
of the water which bad got into the boat, he
was unable to clear the dam. Then he said Lin
coln's genius came to his aid. What do you
think be did? What do you think his genius
suggested ? He took an augur and bored a bole
in the bottom of his boat, aod let the water run
out. Was it reserved for the Republican party
at Chicago to discover the mao who discovered
the philosophical fact, that if yen bore a hole
in a vessel which contains water, the water will
ranootl [Laughter.]
Again my competitor says that if Mr. Lincoln
is elected President of the Doited States, when
the old ship ot State shall get aground upon
the rocks, and begin to take in water, this Lin
coln will manage it as be did the flat boat bore
a bole in her bottom and let the water ran out
[Laughter.] I tell my competitor and I tell
yon that we don't intend to let the old ship get
into the managementand control of a helmsman
who will let her run upon the rocks and shoals
We propose to place at the helm one who is an
experienced navigator, one who has always
made successful trips, and one who will suer
the old ship of State clear of the shoals of dis
union at the South, tree from the rocks of
Northern fanaticism, and through the current
of opposition everywhere, into the harbor of
deliverance. Stephen A. Douglas is that mao
He will never permit the old ship ot State to
founder upon toe rc„ka.
Ho are sometimes told thst th. Dsmocreb'e
Tboy i«; it died with Jackso.i
—th«t it died with I’nlk—lhet it died wiih
“CMtiiDlj. died with Bochansn.
H ell. I admit that it got right sick under his
admmutraiion. [Applause and laughter.] But
1 tell jou the patient has recovered. and the
Democratic .party of to-day has rtnewed its
strength and rigor, and enliated in its ranks
the (treat ami good men 01 this conn try, Sorth,
and hentfa, Eist and West, who are determined
odi one more gallant'rally under tae
gallant leadership of the Little Giant of the
West to save the Constitution aod the Union
from impending danger. [Applause.]
We olten bear of the "tremendous furor
there U in this country for ** Honest Old Abe.”
I admit that ha is honest. 1 believe he is as
bonealasa Republican politician can possibly
be., But L would advise his friends
not to place eo ranch stress on the tyord “ bon-
cat*.or,ftbarjriU maka the cauatr/ UlMt*
that he la about the only honest politic!*!
they hare among them. They tell oh
that there ia a tremendous excitement
in this country. I admit* that then'
is a great seaL Illinois is the great bat
tle ground of this Presidential contest. It
the field where noble deeds are to be performed
by the friends of the respective candidates. 1
admit that at the atari, just after the nomina
tion of Honest Abram, or Abraham, the Dem
ocratic horizon I >okcd a little gloomy. We bad
some secesiionUta iu our party ia the South
and they were mak’ng us feel uncomfortable.
After Lincoln wa» Dominated we bad aome fear
ful misgivings of a sort of Republican “wrath
to come," all over this country. I beard t
Republican orator make a speech shortly alter
the Chicago nomination in which ho said that
the Republican party bad adopted a platform
which might bo likened to a great railroad
from Chicago to Washington, or rather to the
While House at Washington. He ssid the mo
chlnery of the party might be likened to a 100
motive'; that the states that wool 1 go for Lin
Cjlq might be likened to the cars attached U*
the locomotive; that the Republican part}
had secured the services of Abraham Lincoln
as engincer-in chief, and the whole train wat
moving gradually, but certainly, to Washing
ton city. Well, we all felt bad. [Laughter \
Then be said something eUs that made us fee:
still worse; be sard that all along.this line of
railroad, tie Democratic cattle might be sect
looking on in blaskastonuhment, wondenoga*
the moving panorama as it wended its way east
ward to Washington city. Well, I didn't know
bow we were to get along with that, when aud
deuly up rose an Irishman m the crowd, and
yelled out, “Be jibers,you'd better put your
cow catcher on the bind end of the train, or th*-
Democratic cattle wit run over the thing."
[Laughter and applause ] Now, my friends,
the* neglected to reverse the cow-catcher, boo
the consequence is the Democratic cattle have
already run over the tram. They {.mailed 1:
up before it reached the State liae'of Indiana.
ily fellow, citizen-, I call your attention for a
moment to a short exposition of the Legisla'itv
record of my r, while he was a mem
ber of the Legislature of your own State. Vmi
all know we adopted a new Constitution Wi
and by one of its provisions, free negroes, t»r
persons of color, were prohibited from coming
into our State la live. That provision of thi-
Constitution was submitted to a vole of the
people, and was sustained by them in an over
whelming majority. By that Constitution, the
Legislature was required, at its first session af
ter the adoption ot the Constitution, to pus*
laws for the panubmeotof those who might vi
dale this provision of tbs*, instrument. Mr
cumpetiur elected to that Legislature, and
during the whole session he voted uniformly
agaiust the adoption of a law to carry out tba
provision cf the Constitution of our own State.
[Cries of “ good lor Vates! good, good l”J The
Coostitotiou reauired the Legislature U pass
such an act. lie was sworn to support that
Con.stttufou; but in the exercise of ttie Irgher
Uw d Jdrioe of bis party, he felt faimsrif at lib
erty to oppose all propositions that were mtdr
lor eniorciog that clause of the Constitution.
Later in that session, a resolution was offer
ed by Arnold. I thick, of Cook counlv, declar
ing that our statutory regulation in relation to
free negroes and mulattos* in Iliinois.common
ly kaowu as the “ Block Laws," were a disgraci
to any eiviluzd community, aud ought to be so
altered cr amended as to entirely relieve f ree
persons of color in this State from their
lion. On that resolution Rich ird Yale* record
ea his rote mihe affirmative. [Cries of “ -cod ”
‘good/ “llurr.ih lor Yales/'] * ’
r T’s v r f* 1 ' o*r 0 *r do not charge that
Richard Yates is tor wiping out the autumn
distinction, between the white and black race's
m enervate. I only quote his record. I leave
you to determine for j ague Ives what his opin
ions are Uc coled first against the law against
those who might hrmg negroes into car State
in vio.ation of the constitution; secondlr be
coted for a resolution declaring that our law. in
relation to bluets and mulaf.oes, commonly
kn .icn as the “ Dlack Laws.” were a disgrace to
a cinltzrd cummunity, and ought to be so
amended as to entirely reliece persona oi color
in this Mate from tbeir operation.
I do not know where Ur. Yales stands now.
Ue says he is a Repuhl can. Five ye-rs ago
ho advocated the prohmition of slarerr ia all
the territories of Hie Government. [“Ocod—
g°ol.”J He declared that be wanted to make
a platform for the Republican party he would
be for prohibiting the admi-aion of unv more
save Males into the Unirnj. [AppUiaa and
cues of good. ] lie declared he wa* f.»r tli
abolition ot slavery m the District of Colum
bia “Oo«a“ say you. New, gentlemen
voar beoator has just told you that ia not
Kepub.lcan doctrine. Your .Senator has told
you they are uot lor prohibiting slavery in the
territories where slavery exUled before their
acquisition. Y tf « rSenii ‘ or the Republi
cs par*/ are not against the rdmission of
stave estates, provided they are curved out of
what was slave territory before we acquired
that territory. Mr. Tates aavs the Republcao
doctrine ia to prohibit slavery in all toe terri
tones. ["Good.”] That the Republican doc
trine is to prohibit the odmiasioa of any more
slave States. To aooli-h slavery in th* Dis
trict of Columbia. Now, ifle is right Trum
bull in wrong. [Applause ]
A Voice— *• Tuev are bolt right "
Yes, they are both right. 1 admit the Re
publican platform is not eery intittgible upon
thoMOj-cL It is got un on the principle on
which the i ankej made his suspenders. Lone
enough .or any ma . and thon enough fop an?
ooy. [Lauahier.] So that Mr. Yates, my com
peutor, can aland on the Abolition end of the
platform along with Giddmus and Lovmv and I
the rest can stand on the other eud of ioeplat I
form, along side of your distinguished Senate
wbo has adaressed you to-dsy. [Applause ]_
The one advocating the abolition of slavery
the Distiiui of Columbia and the promotion ol
slaverv in the termories in the general gov
ernment, without respect to their ryadiiion
when acqitred; tecariqg that no more
slave otales aUitl! ever bo admitted into
the Lnion. The other standing on the oili
er end of the platform, ssying we will not
prohibit slavery where it exuted when we ac
qutn-d the territory, but wevaaooJy prohibit
woere it was free. VTUq is to judgt? Who
mows where your candidate, “Honest Abe”
stands oa tUi* question? *
does JuJge
Mr. Allis. Well, sir, we know where Mr
Lincoln stands on this queat on. He saw id is
Union cannot ex!*t half free, naif alave. He has
made this discovery. Our /a bers— the faifcers
ot the Revolution—thought the government
might stand part free, and part slave. But i
was reserved tor the Republican candidate for
the presidency to declare that thy government
cannot exist as ourfalhera made it—that it must
become ad one thing, or all ihe orher. Gent e
men, when the men who believe that this u true
become candidates for the Presidency It be*
cumt-s the thinking meu, nd the Umon lovina
men of this c 'untry, to wairb well where the*
cast their influence; If they desire this Union
not to exist as our fathers made it, lot them vote
for a man wbo goes to the Presidential chair
impressed with the idea that it will not exit as
t; was made. But it they desire i»a preservation
as our latter* made it, lei in e m support the
man who buuere’j it cao exist as our fitbers
made it, and as it has existed. [Applause 1
Now, my fellow e!Rxe.«. I havo shown yi tt by
the voice ot the crowd that the Republican p tr .
ly ate not a harmonious party, by auv means •
[laughter] that my competitor and the dUti'n’
guished C'enator surd upon different ground
Bnhof them leach Republicans m this coun 1
try. Not only ihat.the« cUlupon my distinguish
friend who sits by rat [Lovcjoy] to go down mt -
bgvpt, aud preach Republican politics, even
down there. I believe they cquoider him a verv
fair debater. A few jeara ago tbev would no*i
have him down mere to preuca Ins 'doctrine
A > oice—He is for free speech.
Mil Alll.v - Yes; down there we go fur free
speech, and let him come. [Liughtor and ao
planse, ‘•Fenee. ’l We do that, becaa-e 1
want to go up \d,.a and talk to the people
where I don t lew whether they will let me
talk or not. [Laughter.]
My fellow c.tizms, there were some other
things I desired to Bay to yon, hot I ha e been
m this canvass eo long, speak ng out of doors,
until I feel lha; 1 cannot, in justice to myself
address you longer. I have bat this to sav in
conclusion: 11 yon believe iu the honestt in
the integrity, in the ability, in the principle oi
Abraham Lincoln, ll is your duty as fr. e men
and citizens to vote lor him. [Crie- “We’ll do
n every pop.”] If you distrust his qnalifica
tions, if j on believe he lacks the experience, the
ability and the will, and that his doctrtnej on
the gre.t questions before the pnblic mind are
not sound, it la your duly to cast yoor snonort
in some other direction. As honest men—as
men upon whom this government rests—as
men, each one of you having to tear your oro
portiqn and abate cf us duties acd responsibdi
lle t-lt is yonr doty in this crisis to cast vour
sulfrage to such a way as yon believe wtU'hes'
promote the peace, the happiness sed the proa
pertly of onr common conntrv, and uphold cur
Coneiiiotion with alll na gnaranlees to the pen.
pie of the .North and the people of the South
and preserve our L-noo with all the iunum r.I
hie blessings whica it has brought to ns and
widen w.re tecured bythe valor and pammi-m
ol our fitbcra. I implore you. bv all the nlo
nes o the past, by the great price which Amer
ican liberty coal, py ail the happinesa of the
present, by all that is bright and hopeful In the
nture, to cast your suffrages lor that mao, and
lor those candidates, who you beltere will aland
c.nsrat and rao.-t firmly hy that Constitution
and bv that Union.
I thank jou kinklj for jour attention. [Loud
applause.] L
SiSXIOU TaCUBCLI.*S Etjoianeß.
ilr. Sweet haring requested ibo crowd to pre
aerre the moat perfect silence possible to en
able them to hear, Senator Trumbull begto
speaking at first with difficult/ and hoarseness’
but growing louder and clearer as he proceed
ed. He spoke as follows:
FU.L6W Otizuns; I .m eiceedinijlj hippy lo
hare heard Ibis Democratic speech. It ia the
hrst time I hare had the pleasure of listening
to a Democratic speech during this canrtss. I
was aware that onr Democratic fri<-nds had a
war b/ some means or other of misleading the
public mind, but I could not exactly see bow
it was tnat so many of the people who I beliere
to be disposed to do right, should be found »>-
mg on a coarse which seemed to me. so plainly
wrong; but since I hare listened to my friend
the Democratic candidate for Qorernor, I hare
diseorened how it ia; he tells atout things and
no. exactly at them. He telis a capital anec
dote. He relates a milk atory tinelr,aud U you
are going to elect a President on a milk story—
if that is the question, that is to govern in the
selection of a candidate for ihe Prcaidencr of
this mighty republic, he has told bis au cap
itally. Hut I want to bring him to the real
question at isme—the great question that now
uirides this country. I want to bring him up,
(I say it not in on olfeosire sense,) sod I intend
to put his nose right on thegriodetoneaoJ hold
it there until I show this people t*at be dodges
the real issue. [Laughter and applause J ■ *
He commenced his remarks by seying ihat he
m for tha doctrine of the inhere. Ho. did
p'rore it? By ahowlag that under the doctrine
of the father* both free States and sliv» States
were admiued into the Uoioo. Who disputes
that? Our dispute U about slavery in the tee
ritcries. Is there a Bepnblieau who wasuCon
gress to ioterfere with slavery !u the Slates.
*Criee of “Xo I” •* So I”) It there one f
A Torca—Lovej^y.
SasAToa Trumbull sd, sir. Lore joy winfg
no such thing, and he will tell you so. He
claims no such right; that is another of your
misapprehensions, kou hear my friend Allen
here talking about a matter that is not in dis
pate between ns, /The real vital question which
1 «... r. . I «■Mill upon which w.M||(r (l .
' tUa.jf.u thtt of slararj in iho T-irilnrifn
\Vbot did ho tell ten in reipwd to that' (1.-
sai I I was mistnlctu ahov ill** ol't doc’rine to
exclude sliver/ from the i i?*. Ik rajs
there is tho ordinance of’fl7; but that was
Adopted k.fore the Constltotfon was framed,
sad therefore be contends thst it was umlerthe
Ordinance, and bj virtue of laws under tlia
Constitution that slavery was excluded from
tbe Territories. True, tbe Ordinance w M
adopted by tbe men o f tbe Revolution, before
the formation of tbe Constitution—thi* Ordi.
nonce which woe to govern every foot of Terri*
torv then belonging to tbe United State?, ami
now constituting several large and populous
States. One of us clauses reus:
“ There stullbc neither aUvery or tnvolonUrr •'ndtud*
tßtbeaaldtrmtcry, etberwire than tnUtepuoLbiuebt cf
erln-.e.’*
A Voter—Where does that territory He?
Ssxatob Tbcmbcdl—Where youstaad. [Ap
filause.] Vou stand to-day upon noil made fret*
»r the very Ordinance adopted that day. But
Mr. Allen forgot to tell ynu that that Ordinance
became obsolete and inalfectualby the adoption
of the Constitution. He proposes to abide by
the decision of the Supreme Court. Tbe Su
preme Court of the Uuitetl Slates baa decided
that the ordinance became operative by the
adoption of tbe Constitution of the United
Strrs, He says be would not vote for u man
who did not endorse the decisions of the Su
preme Court. Well, 1 will show him pretty
soon, that be will hare to abandon Mr. Douglas
on that ground. [Cheers and I ughter.j
Tbe very tint Congress which met un
der the Constitution of the United States
there is tbe act, [bolding up tbe statute,] when
Washington was President and this tint Con
grew that ever assembled re-atSrmed tbe ordi
nance of 1757 and made it valid. [(Jreat and
prolonged applause.] He aaya to this inttlh
gent people that tbe fathers did nut exclude
slavery under the Constitution. Why here are
the laws of your country; vou mav look at
tnem and you will Hud that m tbe year Js'-u,
when John Adame was Pmsident, the Terri
tory of Indians was organized, and the ordi
nance of'S7, excluding e'avery, was extended
over it. In IcOJ), when Thrmaa Jefferson was
Preddent, the Teriitory of Illinois was
ized and by act of Congress, under the Consti
tution, tbe ordinance of ’B7, excluding slavery
was extended over it. la ISifO, when Junes
Monroe was Presidant, the Missouri Com
promise act was passed, excluding slavery from
Kansas and Nebraska. And yet that was not
the doctrine of the fa‘hexsl [Lauuht-r and
cheers.] In 1536, when Old Hickorv w--
President, th« Territory of Wiscn- n ; a waH
forme.l andali.ei-y .a, excluded ir„m it by
jet of 1 ongr-ss re affirming the act ol ’-7 !
[l.eoo»ed lauahlar and app'aue.J la Is3S,
when Martin Van Horen was Crea/dent. lowa
was fra.act at a Territory, and slatery was
excluded front It by an act of Congress. I a
m., wo acquired Texas, under certain reso
lutions, a pro.tso to ono of wbtcli declared
J5J* “ all ,ll * territory lying north of ::n 3
30 , slnrery shoold never exi-t, even in if a
States to be loimed therefrom. John '"-irta
was I resident and signed .he article. and »■-?
do you suppose offered that sroytso’- It wkT
?nT^ D [Tremendous Cheering! 1 )
Jf- Puk. of Tennessee, being
President, Territory of Oregon, away on
the I acthc, was organized. and the act framing
Oregon declared, that neither alavery, or invol
untary servitude, should exist therein. And
Stephen A. U Mglsa offeted the proposition.—
[Great applause.]
With this lung record showing tho exclusion
ol slavery, by successive acts of Congress, ex
tending through for sixty years staring him in
the face, this man tells ns it was not the policy
of the fathers, ihmghterand cheers] Why
say to t’.u latelltgeat pco. le that they had to
repeal the Missouri Compromise, which
prevented slavery from entering, Kan
sas and Nebraska, so as to b«T consist'
ent wita the legislation of 18u0, and let the
people do as they pfea«e, when in TOU
did nut repeal tho Mexican laws, wbiru k-Dt
slurcry out of Utah unit Xew Mexico? Did vein
not lease the n unrcpesl.d? Did not Clay ind
Benton and Douglas say they were in lone ' If
you hail organized Kinaaa and Xebraska iu’tho
same way as I said in my opening ren arks,
none of lina d.lli nlly would have occurred.
[Appiauuc—Taat» to.*J
Sow, ray friends, who is right ? Is there any
question ala ot slavery in the Stater? Areyoi
to he misled by any such subterfuges a. these
and amused wuh milk stmesf Milk stories:
Why, how many bowl I of milk has Mr. Doug.
.« grasped alter, that have slippnl awa, :
IhiUghterl W hero was fri nd Allen, when
John T. Smart bet Dougla. betore the pe,.p o
tor Congress and overturned hia bowl ~f mot •
“" d applause ] Where wss lr.ee J
Allen when Dougia* undertook to uet into tho
Senate ot the United Slates, and S.dnev lireesn
knocked orer his bovl ot mils? [Continued
1 laughter and applause. I Where was Mr.
wuen -terhen A. Dougla, wauled to be nneAfl
ated for I'resldent in 1832, and Frank
knocked over his bawl cf mill ? ,
Where was he in m
James Oachan.n upset his kettle of
L l!enowed laughter.) And where.
ol Heaven, will the Utile Giant
bam Lincoln stride-* over him, and
bowl of milk? [Uproarious
plause ] Mr. Al.e.n say* that Thomas .Inle-s !n
was opposed *o exciod.ng a;averv in,mine IV--
■ Htk’ * not shown too'that I
the bill in IsOo excluding slavery Irota Jhchi.
gen. lint he quotes a letter tram llrAr.r „„
w ■«'**"»' ,he - Mi “ottri CVmpn.mn “
W ell. what si.a D rug as say ahum the ~i
Compromise? Ho said that he had strut led
to extend It to the I’aedic; but the Aboln tooT.ts
would cot let hin*. iLauuhr«r ! \ n ,i »(>.«•
the reumo that he gave lor chaugiug btscoiirse
on the sohj-et of slavery, and .mr?Jac,og .ho
Kansas .Nenraska bill. Mr. Douglas said ho
Missouri Coinproin se was a very sacred ibiokr
-was canonized the hearts ohbT£„pli-f
st°ioticn" f ’ 0rQ ‘ b ' r the Con
'-n f.Mfhi 0 r?
Ihtneen Stales twelve of which were Slav"
Stales, and only one Free; then be put, an
arithmetical proposition: n i n seventh rears
one F'te SUro baa grown to seventeen' ami
twelve Mave htatea have only gn»*n i u fifteea
slavery ail ot IfVt* r “‘" " iU il *“ k,! lo <-t'eud
slavery all orer tbe country ? A v c rv
position: bat why did he not tell,on, mmm
connection, that he and his Democracy had ““-
psned from the line of the lathers who kept th,«
[erntorte. free t That is the way we got Freo
states. [Chesrs.] that explains* why so many
--dates cams to be Iree-they made the Term .
nes Gee. If 1 e lad Vead the good Hook h«
won d hays lound in it tho words, •• Train up a
chiid m tho nay he should go and when h ,s
cM be will not depart from it.” i\.'
ptau»ej \V> intmd up mtle Territol
nes as tree Territories, and while we hav/lree
w . e » <»<r have any oismu,*
about the of .Sluveatatp- * l,l i
no, the, try to rat.e any issue oimhe ko,, "'- 1
can never arise. Voo cannot get a thoa.snd
Gee mm together. »nh mt uslaveamopglliem
who will do a thing so deirimeutal to ,i, ,
terests aa to introduce slaverv into their Con-
Sdta.ion—never. Ueoco the whole question H
.bout . every tn the Territories, and ?t "»|, '*
g ,.,r fur * maa “> la lk about slavery in a
i.e wants to know how under this doctrine of
hf. alarery is aggresaiye, while he says nou'in
" '««»'! 11 »« •Wtr.MiTe. I suppose hTn'dl
hsrdly tell me; but 1 will now introduce 11 wit-
O'as against him, whose testimony I know Ijo
will not dtspuie-no less a person then hie own
Li t e Giant. Lit us hear what this Little Giant
said at Washington. Let me show you ho
boasr-d then only the fifteeolh of last May.
A > oiCE—Wbat book ih tha*.?
31a. i BCKBL’Lie —'ThU iit the Annpnri.we ..
Co-Hroeionol U/o*s, published bj^ntb.Tmy'a?
Congress,an authentic document, Z :
ihe gurernment—every word junt a, he ,it ~7
; xii ! «“ -k «r. Grmishuw TSX XT ho
. f r - Oiimsbaw read as follows:
,hl *
t.. call oiuit .r HV...UU,. lb”S,”'?'“f.'IWA
ii.'OT.w ?Jsi" <t»’o r «"!,“;
*mw ba l«-n Oitetdrd from if;
'* lai 'on.u, and r*ou. u,r it 00l the K.maiuf if 'u*' t * lllf
f*.t ajlN u tlnmS I flifiL * , « OM ‘ VWI I<J ' a *'d
.t; %
iSii«Ss?sif
„ r ltr ;,l“"" cu -. I think that is an answer to
Mr Al an a question how the doctrine of non
intervention can make free States I Much en
thusiasm! A region Are times as largo as -New
lorkhus been converted fr m free to stare hoi d
-11" th ° ° r ’ a ‘ **“** f“«*«
lint air. A ten asks the question, VTtr not
leave the people of a Territory to judge of thia
like the people of astute Whr
Mr. Allen, you are not for that yourself. .\o!
I will convict you right here, before this intelli
gent audience that vou Jo cot believe a - nrH ‘r
U yourself [.aughter]. You are iXor oMh,
Kaosas-Nebrarta bin, arejoo not? It ia apart
of the Cincinnati platmrm. and I presume son
wh ?; V T ,I,at - The Kansas-Xebraska 'bill
says what! It creates the Territory of Kan-aa
r7.,i^ G „ , r .o 3 “ K “ Teramc “t (or the people con
“tree departments, the eiecuure.tha
i,ninl7;-^ d f. h K a glS “‘ ,le - w ko makes and
is,.a VH° ot * h «< le P»rtmenta comprising two
oofl ?o f *5? K orern ntent? The President ap.
points the Governor—not the people of Kans.'s,
tra i you that non intervention ? is that letting
toe people do just as they please, when a Gov
ernor u sent to rale over tnem? Tae judiciary
department U nootber branch of the Govern
ment; and the President appoints the judges
while the people have not urg to do with h*
There are two-tUrds of your letting the people
do as they please taken away from them • then
they have the legislative branch. >’o. thev h,...
not even that. Why not? Becaueb the Gov
ernorbasaveto upon the acts of the leubi*.
tore. The Kansas Nebraska biU *ays, even KiM
pissing the territorial legislature of Kansas
bolore it becomes a law shall be
the Governor for his approval If h. 3
it he shall it. and 1 :? then
If be does not approve it. it is vainr^j 1 .
lea.sla.nre in cheek. The people of w'-
have no hxeculiva of their own_aher« 5. ”
! third of their governmentgonTlheyh“«”no
judiciary of their own-lhero ara two th?M.
have only onMhird of alegialatnrw
of thetrown And yet they do jua.
?! ?* e i [bond applause and laughter 1
1 on an letting the peoole of Kansas do m.e
as they please .bout slavery, are y oa f ?
people, through their legislature, r --,rl .
excluding Slavery from Ksnsiu-wt , t *j T
beg p«rJon, they passed & bill \rZ t f
hcns..;th.f wmWTHi. ,t .Uwl a I L^U
fhS‘?t, BUC ?*?“ f° *“ Mi them, and to ae*
this Z J m\Z Sbt
KSCfttis* KCooelndetf <m P«4«4