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The national Republican. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1860-1862, December 03, 1860, Image 1

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TERMS 'OH UBSDRTPlttW
Tho Natioml Reoblicak It pudl
every afternoon, (Suhdays exeepteAV''0
cornet of TndfabsfwnaVIa' ttfeodeVrtrect,
AndMa'&livered to( tit sdbiorjber ' ix
cmU.pereeit, mu'iAi(rii.l-S'e dol
lars and lift; cents, per annum,' in sidvance.
Advertisements inserted at liberal trates.
I&" All communication!, whether On busi
ness or for publication, should xe addressed to
LEWIS OLEPHANE k Co., 1
"'lPoAinj?W,'i. C".
- ' " "
NATIONAL EEJUBLJOAN.
For the National Republican!'
THE DISUNION IST8 OP soutyJ'nAfco
lwa itf history; ,,,
Noon 1.1 ,, irr
Whenever a man or set of meii in a "commu
nity claim for themselves special rights and
privilege's, and undertake lo, dfctaieM others
what they may or may not do, or think, or say,
and arrogate to themselves tho right to disturb
the peace and harmony, of the community, by
breaking the civil and political bonds which
have bound it in .-peace, happiness, ,and pros
perity, we' 'nalarallyjurn to inquire ai to the
antecedents and. Jiuuory of .thaW-claimants, n
order' to find,'if possible, the grounds upon which
they base their pretentious claims. Soutn.Car
olina having assumed this position towards the
rest of the country, it may not be amiss just
now, to exaraino somewhat into her history, and
ascertain what she has done that gives her a
right to break up our Confederacy, or to dictate
to the rest Of tha States the course which they
must pursue, in order to stay i her treasonable
bands. And, in doing this, I assure you that it
is not with any desire ti "aggravate or increase
the bitterness of feeling whioh already exists
between the misguided people of that State and
other sections of the Union, but simply that the
truth' maybe known, and her claims, if any she
has, may be fairly represented, J
I begin, thco,with asserting that South Car
olina has never bren loval and true to the
union ; mat sne reiusca 10 enter into me pians,
adopted by the Colonies in their efforts to relieve
themselves from the oppression of Great Brit
ain ; and that, during the war, neither her peo
ple nor her authorities heartily assisted, like true
and patriotjp men, buj, on the contrary, actually
joined w;th the British, not only by offering to
return to the allegiance of the Crown, but also
in giving substantial " aid and comfort to the
enemy." These are serious charges to bring
against the people of any section of our gloi
nous Confederacy, but they are true neverthe
less. In fact, they a.e "matters of record,"
spread upon the pages of our country's history,
and cannot be covered up or evaded by the
bombast of all the politicians in the country.
And now for the proof.
Among the various plans proposed by the
Continental Congress, in 1774, to compel the
mother country to abstain from her policy of
taxing the Colonies, was that known as the
non intercourse act; b,y which, trade with Great
Britain and her dependencies abroad was pro
hibited. Although, tips plan,wss adopted for
the general good, and was befirtilv assented, to
by all the other polonies. South Carolina, syli;
tary and alone, objected; And why?, Because
her people near the sea snore were engaged in
rrowinz rice a Droduct. which they asserted
couW set bei profitably sold elsevhdre ,than in
Great Britain Ijandbecause of (this, the South
J0aron deleWrSVUb!0'W tingle exception.
refuted' their assent to Jhe passage oftMacil
.Notwithstanding the proposed act was consid
ered absolutely necessary for tho general, good
of the country a fact which they readily ad
mitted -yet, rather than sacrifice -their selfish
private interests, they would eee the whole
country ruined, and the great objeot for which
they were contending, lost. They would con
sent to vote for or join In the act, only on the
condition that a special exception efriet should
be made in their Jabor I So disgusted were he
delegates from the other Colonies, at (bis action
of South Carolina, that for several days no
business was transacted in Congress. Time
was giveri, in hopes that patriotism and pride
would finally inducethem to give their assent
to the measure, but in vain. It was ultimately
passed, with the exception in favor of their rice I
the record of which fact will ever atand as a
burning shame and disgrace upon the charac
ter of that State. vi
lh,us we find South Carolina at that early
day, in the very beginning of the struggle for
independence, claiming special privileges for
her benefit, setting up her private interests
against those of the country at large, distract
ing and delaying tbo proceedings in Congress,
and disgusting the rest of the Colonies, by ber
selfishness, her want of patriotism, her nrro
gating to (herself special privileges, and at
tempting to dictate to the other Colonies the
course they should pursue I How perfectly in
keeping therewith is her action today. The
same want of patriotism, tiro same desire 'to
gratify ber selfish objects at the expense of the
nation, the same riotous proceedings on the
part of her Members and Senators, the same
want of sympathy with the other members of
the Confederacy, mark and attend her every
act and step, now as then.
If any one doubts these facts as to her course
then, be can soon satisfy himself by consulting
" Drayton's Memoirs of tho Revolution in
South Carolina," where may be found an, ac
count of the, disgust felt by Congrats at this
action of South Carolina, which account was
given to the Legislature of that State by Chris
topher Gadsden, one of the Delegates then in
Congress,
In my next, I will give, from equally good
authorities, somo account of tha course pur
sued by the authorities and people of that State
during the progress of the Revolution ; and
which, if possible, shows them to have been
still less patriotic than the nets above stated
would prove them to have been.
Oot West,
Old Parson Peters, who was a good deal of
a wag, once married a Mr. Partridge to a Miss
Brace. The parents of the bride requested
that he would wind up the ceremony with a
short prayer, which he did in the following
words : " God bless this brace of Partridges 1 "
Some fellow having stolen the rudder from
a boat owned by the Newport News establish
ment, and the editor having requested that
cither the tiller might also be takon or else the
rudder brought back, he complied on Wednes
day night with so reasonable a request, and
took the tiller.
A Quaker, in business in Boston, disliking
the ' Esq.1' to his name, advisod a Southern
rnrresnondent to direct his letters to Amos
' Smith, without any tail, and, received a.reply,
superscribed, "Amos Smith, without any tall,
Boston."
A candidate for Congress, out West, sums
up his cdicalion as follows : " I never went lo
school but three times in my life, and that was
to a night school. Two nights the teacher
didn't come, apd t'other 'juffit. had no can
dle! "
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T VU, . II -ia.a,.aJ..aJ.vv.a.v.L.V, . v., ,.l.v.i. ,, . -. , .v,V. ,V. v,.
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Prospectus or tlie tauonai Republican.
Believing that (he' i ime has arrived when the
great Republican pasty of the United States ought
lo be fairly represent In the dally press of the
National .Metropolis, e have embarked in the
enterprise of suppltaj the citizens of the District
of Columbia with a da ly publication, under the
title entile 'rUTibiui. UWBLICAH."
In ha, political department, this Journal will
advocate aad defend tht principles, of the Repub
lican pariy,'and endtatnr to disabuse the public
mlnd'of groundless, prejudices which have been
engendered agaloit'.it, py the false accusations
of ltj,' enemies, 'tfavlnj the, utmost, cop&denea
thaittidmiaitratlo?o'f Mr. Lincoln will be
such stito-marli our approbation, we expect to
'yield It ' cordial, bat not a servile support. In
the great' Usui' that tlftfelyto be made with bis
admlniaJration,.b IhVirimles of the,Republlcan
pafttftbe'people of WasurogtoOand the1 District
of Columbia bavii'mere' aVstaWthan the peopl
of any other portlondf our common country. We
Ixlieie'tbat to support' Ml. Lincoln's administra
tion will be'synonymbus with maintaining the In
tegrity of the Federal Union, agalnifthemacbin'
atloojof those wjjosiould rend It asunder. No
one cymdonbi nponiwhlcb side of this Issue the
people of Washington Will be found, when they
corns to reallxe'that It Is fairly forced upon them.
We feel eohtdent, therefore, that In yielding to
the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup
port, we shall have the sympathy of an Immense
majority of .the people of this District and vicin
ity. It Is not out design, however, to make tho
National RtMtkan a mere political paper. We
intend, that u a medium of general and local
newl. It'sba I not be Inferior to any other Journal
published In this city. We shall pay particular
attention tooiestlons of local policy, and advo
cate such reforms as we may deem essential to
the prosperity, of the city, and to the advance
tnedt'of the moral' aad material welfare of Its
Inhabitants. '
We deem It unnecessary, however, to multi
ply promises, as the paper will Immediately make
jts eppattspce, anj trill then speak for Itself.
It will ie published every afternoon, end de
livered tbVity subscribers at six cents per week.
'"Mail subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad
,vance. . .
The publication office Is at the corner of Indi
ana aVenue and Second street.
f ' ,,LEWIB CLKPHAJJE QO.
Sojn'e Opinion pf Mr. Lincoln.
4KLItTC9jVIJB4XUf ITBOK. Ola SXEKCJIES, ASP
(l PatUWHJJWfOU!t-OOASIOK. f
"t Atfifth&t M mnli nnti.tnfuriferA witK tttA
institutionlof slavery in the States where it ex
ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and. the
generalweiart does not require us to do so.
We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave
law, because the Constitution requires us, as 'I
nndWtand It, not to withhold such a law. But
we must prevent the out spreading of the in
stitution, peeause wither the Constitution nor
the general 'welfare requires us to extend it.
We must prevent the revival of the African
slave trade, and (ho enacting by Congress of a
Territorial slave code. Wo must prevent each
of these things being done by either Congress
or conrU.i Tpe people of the United States are
the, rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts not to qverthrow the Constitution, but
Overthrow ,tba men who pervert the Constitu
tion I " 'fipeecA, at Cincinnati, September 18,
1868.
" I hold myself under constitutional obliga
tions to allow tiie people in all the States, with
out interferenctjdirect or indirect, to do exact
ly as they pleajq , and I deny that I have any
inclination tq interfere with them, even if thero
were no such constitutional obligation. I can
only say again, that I am placed improperly
altogetherimproperly, in spite of all that I can
s'ay-wHit it Is 'insisted that I entertain any
other views or purposes in regard to that mat
ter (elailery.)" ,S,peecA at Joncsborough, III.,
Septal 6, tBitf..
" W(iile it (slavery) drives on in its state of
progress ss it it now driving, and as it has
driven for the last five years, I have ventured
the opinion, and ,ay to day, that we will have
no end to the slavery agitation until it takes
ono turn or the other. I do not mean tlmtwlieti
it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it
will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two
ycara, I 'do not suppose that in tho most peace
ful way ultimate uxtinction would occur in less
than a hundred yiars at least ; but that it will
occur in the best Way for both races, iu God's
own good time, I 'have no doubt." Speech at
OharleitonlU., typt. 18, 1858.
" Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a
principle, is simply this : If one man chooses
to make a slave of another, neither that man
nor aiybody elsabas a right to object."
Speech at Cinciuiati, Sept. 17, 1859.
" I have intimaed that I thought the agita
tion (of slavery) would not, cease until a crisis
should be reached'and passed. I have stated
in what way I hevd thought it would be reached
and patted. We wight, by arresting the fur
ther spread of it,, and placing it whoro the
fathers originally placed it. put it where the
publio mind should rest in the belief that it was
in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus tho
agitation may cease. It may bo pushed for
ward until it shall become alike lawful in all
the States, old as well as new, North as well as
South. I entertain the opiniou,upon evidence
sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this
Government placed that institution where the
publio mind aid rest in the belief that it was in
the course of (ultimate extinction: and when I
desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I
only say thatjl desire to seo that done which
the fathers have first done. It is not true that
our fathers, 4 Judgo Douglas assumes, made
thjs. Government part slve and part free. Un
derstand tho tense In which ho puis it he as
nmii that Cavftrv is a richtful thing within
iteelf was introduced by the framera of the
Constitution. The exact truth is, that they
found the imtitution existing among us, and
they left it as they found it. But in making
the Government, they left this Institution with
many ciear Hams oi aisappruuumm uj.uu .
They found slavery among them, and they left
it amone theft because of the difficulty the
absolute impassibility of its immediate re
moval." Sptxh at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858.
mmlmmmmmmmmmm i , rrZT
"
I . . i 1 "T-: 1 " 'i i
' Let roe say I have no prejudice against the
Southern people. They are just what we would,
be in their situation. If slavery did,not exist
among them they would not Introduce it. ,lf
it did now pxist among us, we should not in
stantly give it pp. This I believe of the masses,
North and South. Doubtless there are indi
viduals on both sides who would not bold slaves
under any circumstances) and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if It were
not out of existence. We know that some'
Southern men do free their islaves, go Nortbj
and become tip-top abolitionists; while some
Northern ones go Boutb, and become meat cruel
alava maatara. ,r I
'.' When jBoutbern 'people tell as they are air
more responsible for the origin of slavery than
we are, 1 acknowledge the fact. When it is
said that the institution exists, and that it is
very difficult to get rid of it in-any satisfactory
way, J can 'understand and appreciate the say
ing. I surely will not blame them for not do
ing what I should yibt know how to do myself.
If al( earthly power were given me, I should
not know what to do,'os to the existing institu
tion. My first impulse would be to free all the
slaves, and send them to Liberia lo their own
native land. But a moment's reflection would
convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I
think there Is) there mfey be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they were all landed there in a day, they would
pcusb in the 'next ten days ; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then ? Free them all, and
koep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite
certain that this bettors their: condition ? I
think I would not bold one in slavery at any
rate; yet the point is not clear enough to de
nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this j and if mine would, we well know that
those of the great mass of white people will not.
wneiuer mis leeung acuorus wuu jusuce auu
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or ill founded, caunot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that sys
tems of gradual emancipation might bo adopt
ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.
" H hen they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and f.iirly ; and I would give them
anv legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry a free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one," SpcecJi at Otlowa, JM., Aug,
ill, 1858.
" lias anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this vary institu
tion of slavery t Wbat is it that we bold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros
perity, What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery by spreading it out, and making it
bigger?
' You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut It out, lest you
bleed to death ; but Burely it is no way to curs
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong." Spceclt at Alton, Oct
6, 1858.
" I suppose most of ui (I know it of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
nro entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, I agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we line the ms'itution ot slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes j at least, I profess no taste
for that job at nil. Why, then, do I yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
anties that right, can be supported without
iU" Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 838,
" The real issue in this controversy the one
pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on
the part of one class that looks upon tho insti
tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as n wrong, is the
sentiment of the Repidbliocn party. They look
upon it as being a moral, social, and political
wrpng) and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence amongns, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown aboutit.
Yet having a due regard for these, they desire
a policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere
ating any moro danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, bo treated as a wrong ;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be a man among us who
docs not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which I have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if thero be n man amongst us
who Is so impatient of It as a wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ns, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly In a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at
Alton, Oct. 16, 1858.
A PEW WORDS TO TUB SOUTil.
" We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand
by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you, I will tell you, so far as I am au
thorized to Bpeak for tho opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution ; to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution : and, in a word,
coming back to the origiual proposition, to
treat you as lar as degenerated men lit we nave
degenerated! may, according to the examples
of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
j -. .1... .i .- "j:r
areas uuuu wotu, vuub uiern is uv uu-
ference between us, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to rccogniso and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have, and to treat you accord
ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 185U.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.
Raehttt, That we, the delegated representa
tives' of the Republican Electors of the United
States', In Convention assembled. In discharge
oi the.duty we owe to our constituents and our
country, nolte In the following declarations :
Ftrit. That' the history of the nation during
the last fonr years has fully established the pro
priety and necessity of the organization and per
petuation t)( the Republican party, and that the
OMiea which, called it Into existeace are perma-i
Dentin their naturej'and now, more thau aver,
before,idemandilts-paacafal and' (onatitatlonal
triumph. " "
Second. That the maintenance of the principles
promulgated In the Declaration of Independence,
and embodied In the Federal Constitution, " that
all men are created equal ; that' they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are 1th, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness that to secure these rights,
Governments are Instituted among men, deriving
their just powers from theconientof the governed,"
Is essential to the preservation of our repnbliean
Institutions ; and that the Federal Constitution,
the rights of the States, and the Union of the
States, must and shall be preserved.
Third. That to the Union of the States this
nation owes its unprecedented Increase In popu
lation ; Its surprising development of material
resources; Its rapid augmentation of wealth;
Its happiness at home and Its honor abroad; and
we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they may ; and we
congratulate the country that no Republican
member of Congress has uttered or countenanced
a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo
cratic members without rebuke anil with ap
plause from their political associates ; and we
denounce those threats of disunion, In case of
a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de
nying the vital principles of a free Government,
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
It Is the imperative duty fan Indignant people
sternly to rebnke and forever silence.
Fourth. That the maintenance Inviolate of
the rights of the States, aqd especially the right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic institutions, according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabrte depends ; and we denounce
the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under wb,at
pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
SLk. That the present Democratic Adminis
tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions
In Its measureless subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional interest, as especially evidenced
In Its desperate exertions to force the infamous
Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo
ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela
tion between master and servant to Involve an
unqualified property In persons in Its attempted
enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, throngh
the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal
ceurts, of the extreme pretensions of a parely lo
cal Interest, and In Its general and unvarying abuse
of the power Intrusted to It by a confiding people.
SatL That the people justly view with alarm
the reckless extravagance which pervades every
department of the Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability Is In
dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the
nubile Treasury bv favored partisans: while the
recent startling developments of frauds and cor
ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an
entire change of Administration Is Imperatively
demanded.
Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti
tution of Its own force carries slavery Into any
or all of the Territories of the United States, Is a
dangerous polltleal heresy, at variance with the
explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with
cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent; Is revolutionary In Its
tendency, and subversive of the peace and har
mony of the country.
Eighth. That the normal condition of all the
territory of the United States is that of Freedom;
that as our-republican fathers, when they bad
abolished slavery in all our national territory.
ordained that "no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law," it Decomes our auiy, Dy legislation, wneu
ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain
this provision of the Constitution against all at
temnts to violate It: and we deny the authority
of Congress, of a territorial Legislature, or of
any Indlilduals, to give legal existence to sla
very In anv Territory of tho United States.
Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of
the African slave trade, under the cover ot our
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning
sbf me to our country and age ; and we call upon
Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
for the total and final suppression of that exe
crable traffic.
Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed
eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery In
tboBe Territories, we find a practical Illustration
of the boasted Democratic principle of non-in-terVentlon
and popular sovereignty embodied In
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of the deception and fraud Involved therein.
Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im
mediately admitted as a State under the Consti
tution recently formed and adopted by her people,
and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the
support of the General Government by duties
upon Imports, sound policy requires surh an ad
justment oi these imposts as te encourage the de
velopment of the industrial interests of the whole
country ; and we commend that policy of nation
al exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and
to the nation commercial prosperity and lode
nandence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
nr alienation to others of the public lands held
by actual settlers, and against any view of the
free homestead policy which regards the settlers
as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and
we demand the passage by Congress of the com
plete and satisfactory homestead measure whloa
has already passed the House.
Fourteenth. That the Republican party Ss op
posed to any change in our naturalization laws,
or any 8tate legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to Immigrants from
foreign lands shall be abridged ar Impaired ; and
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection
to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether
native or naturalized, both it home aftd abroad.
Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress
for river and harbor Improvements of a nation
al character, required for the accommodation
and Sficnrtly of an existing eorameree, are authorw
Ized by the Constitution and justified by an ob
ligation of the Government to protect the lives
and property of Its citizens.
Sixteenth. 'That a railroad to theFaclfic Ocean
Is imperatively demanded by the interests of the
whole country; that the Federal Government
ought to render Immediate and efficient aid in
Its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto,
a dally overland mail should be promptly es
tablished. ' '
Beventeeitk. Finally, having thus set forth our
distinctive principles and views, -we Invite the
co-operation of all citizens, however differing on
other questions,' who substantially" agree with as,
In their affirmance and support.
BELL AND EVERETT PLATFpUM.
Whereas experience, has demonstrated that
platforms adopted by tbe partisan Conventions
of the country have had the effect to mislead
and deceive the people,' and at tbe samo time
to widen tho political divisions of the country,
by the creation and encouragemeutof geograph
ical and sectional parties : therefore,
llejolced, That it is both the part of patriot
ism and of duty to recognise bo political prin
ciple other than the Constitution of tho couutry,
the union of the States, and the enforcement
of the laws ; and that as representatives of the
Constitutional Union men of the country, in
National Convention assembled, we hereby
pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de
fend, separately and unitedly, trcse great prin
ciples of public liberty and national safety
against all enemies, at home and abroad, be
lieving thereby peace may ohce inftre be re
stored to tbe country, the just rights of the
people and of tbe States re-established, and the
Goverment again placed in that condition of
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under
the example and Constitution of our fathers,
has solemnly bound every citizen of tho United
States to maintain a moro perfect union, estab
lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro
vide lor the common defence, promote tho gen
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and our posterity.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM.
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de
clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Conventiou at
Cincinnati, in the year 1666, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
mutter ; and we recommend as the only further
resolutions tbe following i
Rciolvcd, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.
Raolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, and postal
point of view, is speedy communication be
tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and
the Democratic party pledge such constitution
al government aid as will insure the construc
tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the
earliest practicable period.
Iletolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,
on such terms as shall be honorable to our
selves and just to Spain.
Resolved, That the enactment of State Leg
islatures to defeat tho faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of tho Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Resolved, That in accordance with the in
terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that,
during the existence of the Territorial Govern
ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it
mav be. imDOsed bv the Federal Constitution
on the power of the Territorial Legislature
over the Bubject of the domestic relations, as
the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally
determined by tbe Supreme Court of the Uni
ted States, should be respected by all good
citizens, and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by every branch of the General Gov
ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM.
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed,
with the following explanatory resolutions i
First. That the Government of a Territory
organized by an act of Congress is provisional
and temporary, and during its existence all clt
IzenB of tbe United States have an equal right
to settle with their property in the Territories,
without their rights, either of person or prop
erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres
sional or Territorial legislation.
Second. That it is the duty of the Federal
Government, In all Its departments, to protect,
when necessary, the rights of persons and prop
erty in the Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends.
Third. That when the settlers of a Territory,
having an adequate population, form a State
Constitution, the right of sovereignty com
mences, and, being consummated by admission
into the Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the peoplo of other States ; and the State
thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro
hibits or recognises the institution of slavery.
Resohed, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba
on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable
moment.
Resolved, That tho enactment of State Legis
latures to defeat the faithful executipn of the
fugitivo slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Resohed, That the Democracy of tbo United
States recognise it as the imperative duty of this
Uovernment to protect me naturalized citizen
in all bis rights, whether at home or in foreign
lands, to the samo extent as its native-born cit
izens. Whereas ono of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and
military point of viewis a Bpeedy communica
tion between the Pacido and Atlantic coasts ;
thorefore be it
Resolved, That the National Democratic party
do hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power tb secure the pussag of some
bill, to tbe extent of the constitutional author.
Subscriptions, advertiiemenu, and comma-
nicatiocst,'lntended"forlhspaper,'maybe left at
Adamson's periodical store, pn Seventh street,
opp1teMb)e'a(!o'era(TcA'6nSre,wnert copies
oflr.pVm.yaW
its 'issue, , , , '
t ' it iz ',V''V !, -i'"'3'"ii
Advertisements AoyW be, sent Jn beor.,
twelve, o'clock, M., cherwis they mayjwjve,
lie over a day. . ucmlf(, i( ' -,
Communications nponalLanbjectaypartietfki
larly with reference- to-our'cityjanai,,TiUl rem'
ceive respectful attention. . - . v
ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa
cific railroad from the Mississippi river' to the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest" practicf.bfo1n
raent, - - r 1
INTEBI0& ADOKHJsXKTS.,
486.
PAPER M AN G I U 0 Sy. . i
or ixl sainaa aid rarcks. i
TTTARRAHTED Gold 'Band Window Shadeey
W Buff, Green,' and Blue HoMaoid Shale, kit
sizes, made to order; t y ,, ,
Also, a handsome assortment of Picture Cord
and Tassels, all ilzes and colors.
Purchasing for oasbj a4 allowing no old stock
to accumulate, persons needing tbe above goods;
wl find It to their adrantageto give me, a call,
All work executed and superintended by
practical men, who have" Served 4 regular apJ
prentlceshlp at their trade.
Satisfaction guarantied, or no pay required
Please give me a call. Remember the number.
JOHN MABKRITER,
No. 48G Seventh street, right doors above
nov 20
Udd Fellows' Hall.
FOR RENT.
ATIirtEE STORT and basement brick bouse1,
on the cornet1 of Fourth and K streets, -cosw
taining eight rooms, nearly new, and in gootj
order. To a prompt tenant the rent will be
moderate. Ioqulre of J, T, Clements, agent,
No. S80 I street, or at this office, nov 30 tf
AT FRANCIS'S
HOUSE-rUENISHING STORE,
490 Seventh street,
VOU can find a complete assortment or House
keeping Hardware, Cutlery, Silver-plated
Ware, BrIUnnIa, Block Tin, and Japanned Ware,
Door Mats, Table Mats, Feather Dusters, Clocks,
and all the useful articles for Housekeeping,
together with Ladles' Satchels, Card Cases,
Purses, Fans, Combs, Brashes, Baskets, c,
ke., all selected with great care, bought for
cash, and will be sold at the very lowest prices.
Purchasers will do well to remember
FRANCE'S
House-Furnishing Store, No. 490 Seventh street,
nov 2G
FRESH TEAS.
I AM receiving a lot of Green and Black, TEAS,
kmong which are some of as fine grades as
can'be had, to which 1 invite the attentieftoftJl
lovers of ciholee Green and Black Teas.
JESSE B. WILSON, ,
327 Pa. av., between Siith and Seventh
nov 26 streets, south side.
J. J. COOMBS,
Attorney and Counsellor at Lav,
'TTHLL practice In tbe local Courts, of this
VV District, and In the Supreme Court and
Court of Claims. Office at the corner Of Indi
ana avenue and Second street.
T
Carriage Sponge and Shamois Skin,
FOR sale by
CHARLES STOTT,
nov 26 tawlm No. 375 Penn. avenue.
ENGLISH CARRIAGE VARNISH,
FOR sale by
CHARLES STOTT,
nov 26 tawlm No. 375 Pean. avenue.
Warm Under Garments 1 1 1
w
E offer this day large additions to our
(orye ilock of
Gentlemen's Under Garments I ! 1
During tbe past week, we have made large
additions to our stock, and buying them for
CASH II!
we offer them at lower prices than usual, at
STEVENS'S
nov to Sales Room, Brown's Hotel.
Massachusetts Clear Mess Fork
For sale low by
BROWNING k KEATING,
353 Penn. avenue, near Sixth street.
AN O T I C El aft-
T WISH all gentlemen to bear' Kl
I in mind that the plan which I
adopted, six years ago, of selling
11 Ala and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for
cash, is In successful operation. Just received,
a full supply of the latest New York styles of
DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3.60 ;
a first-rate Hat, $3; and very good, fashionable
Hat, $l.i0. All of the latest styles of soft HATS
and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am
constantly supplied with a very large stook Of
those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I
have been selling for many years as well as
the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT
ERS, at $3.50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters,
from $2 to $2.50.
Terms cash. No extra charge In order to off
set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for the Manu
facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store'from
the corner, opposite Avenue 116use, No. 540.
nov 26
JONN T. GIVEN & CO.,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
PULSUS IK
COAL AND WOOD,
Southwest corner of 0 and Fourteenth streets,
Ntta Guul Bainoi.
FAIR PRICES AND FAIR OEALINQ1.
nov 2G 2w
I. BNYDEB,
Plumber and ttfu. fitter,
TTTTLL Introduce Gas tad Water upon the
V V most liberal terms, at tha shortest notice,
and will guaranty satisfaction.
He has on hand a lot of Cooking and 'other
Stoves, which be will sell at less than cost. Call
Iand see blm. Remember the place, southeast
comer of Twelfth and F streets, nov 36-L-lm
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