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I "" Tho N1W6iUlReTuV1pawV Published, every 'afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the corner" of IpJMna' ayende au'd'.ffccorid street, land is .delivered to'tity subscribers at six 'klnlJ'pe?'eclc'1 maif sub'scritiors al three'clol- Jan and fifty-cent per atfnnovfa advance. t'dertfelSenU Inserted at Bboral, rates. " - uVlfir All communication's, Whether o'rrb'usk nessor, for publication, shonld be addressed to i't"T on 'LBWIS-CLEPHANE A "Co"., h-n , - .Washington, JO. Q, Subscriptions, advertisement; and comma, nications, intended for this paper, may be left at Adaraaoh'a periodical store,"oa Bevsratfc street, pppdntelhi'Generslrrost Offlee)-wherreopIes of tire papsr may abiote bad Immediately on iU issnei - fJ zhtK v.'i jou. slln u(J Advertiements."shouldbeSjent in before twelve o'clock, H'otherwise they may have to He6veraday." ' ' ' '-'',10'' r 1 t 4 " r r -r i nl J I '. Communication upon all .subjects, particu larly with reference i to our city affairs, will re ceiverespectful attention.-, 7l7 ,., VolV I. WASHINGTON, D. C.f ERIDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1860. .1, l r l .1 1 ii I. U kMH KUJ. .lU'llltlt 'Jxl I .H'ikAiCOidltlX VU fill. Ill I T No. 10. "( ral' -w. -."'jjBchB B- lafciB'TKal aJ'A.MllB.r ) oj mi I aA 4''vlPP I I " '" tfJ IB-1 C " A iiI-ILM Hmi lial-1'B' lB-d JB.B'4itBABvB.-,1-,:i..rb V 1,1 I I I'fcfl Hi ne-BrtrM "ditsftivMrtiBa-Mtr. , , . "" i i . . . ' i ii in r ! t 1, 11 ! liinn.! tt ii a firl .;- if t i ' PRICE QNE7GENT. the Fiiiitijitirira : A TALE OF UpSK 'FAMINE. Two days hap&ed"',-tUlv nonfood had; reached theirfUpali Jvaajjoirsvening, and although tha6un"biJetr'b7Ee&t of the sum mer's davtaaTnedJn all its oppressive fervor., BrianJffiulMvaTTTooked around upon his wife ana Iwfkjsr family, and a momentary gleam of feotiy flUshed from hia sunken eye for the first waMttte murmur of impatience rose from bis ltptT.-The cry for food had died away) but when-be-met the-'eubduddi glances of his poor starring; children.. hia heart swelled -with Intol erable hngulsh.' INo sound was heard, save 1, uccaaiunaiiy ioe siiueu groan 01 inc yonngeat ehild,-the little Norah, who lay on the straw pallet, resting1 heV 'fevered head 'upon' '.her mbtherS breast. Thai -the hours pissedun- i:l .Tivl u3"Uj.uiiu. 119 u. iud ivuiijvi ypiuuicu. auiuiiikuii bniuci and found the mother, still waicblrigTjy the bed of her dying child j Ihi) inmates of the wretched bOTel baa sunk to restnpon tbe earthen floor. Mary O'Sulliyan sat in breathless silence, list ening to the.uneasy and un'refreshing slumbers of her helpless faqity, and gazing op tv wasted face of her iav'orito child. .Sometinjc a heavy sigh', or(a. low moan, attracted her attention ; and, directing her; eyea to where the sleeper lay, she would, descry, by the feeble rays of the flickering .ruthllght, a skeleton ,arm stretched forth, or the shadowy figure of some child, who had arisen to obtain- little water to cool its parched lips, ' At length, from mere exhaua tion, she fijll into a,beavy slumber, from which she-was-anrasedT-ythB toWof'her husbh'nd's .voice. She started wildly; for never 'before bad 'words of such fearful meaning met her car. 0, j,. "Mary, achora, you shall not die, if these lands can get you food I'1 be .exclaimed. " I have been driven to this, not through my own faults, but from the heartless' cruelty and op pression of those who can, and will not, save us. Shall I sce'my'children dying about me, while there is plenty in the Una 7' His wife, terrified and amazed, glanced timidly inuher. husband's (ace, "and there she met' look-thiit chilled her very heart's blood the look odetcrmined gnlltand vengeance. Bursting Into tears,' and uriabte'to reply, she pointed to 'their' sleeping child. O'Sulliran kissed the little1 sufferer, aud'fora mbment the seventy .ofbis tate disappeared t but tbe etna tool'' ha e: rildlv. God of heaven t ma9 laujwj inffl . haye crouched upon." mv Tinees, andbegged for a cart of the doe's food. a crumb of bread, to save jou, darling of my heart ; but I was spurped from the oppressor's door, and told to be (gone, end work for my food. Even thtn I'conld'have foYgivon the hard hearts that worked our ruin ; I could have blessed them on their beds of down, and 'prayed that the chills of poverty might bever reach them ; but now the cup of sorrow is filledfand I will not see mjlreashres dte, before I have made another' tefforl'to'save them." He arose.-1 hastily, and. tr'embllni? from 'ex haustion, quitted the cabin. His eldest son, a Doy ot uitoen, rushed alter him, and, overta king him a few steps from the door, besought of him to return. 'They were able to bear a littlenldn'ger,'he'said j'and Usobn as' the morn ing dawned, he would seek for some employ, mefat. irMy;poorrbpy,",;saldJ:he agonized' rather, "you ca'nriot chango 'my purpose j return home, and let moawavj for if crime must slain this band, "it "must be in the darkness of night) when no human eye can see the blush of shame on your'fttther's cheek." , - 'Buthe eye of God," said the boy, mildly, "you cannot hide thai." "0, Shawn, say no more," was the reply. " God will forgive me, fqt he knows the sore trials I have borne."" The boystill Untreated, but'inivatn j "he then begged that he might be 'permitted to accom pany his father; but Brian would not hear of this. He could hot bear to be the means of leading' his own' child into the path of guilt and shame ; and, 0 1 hdw the strong heart of the unhappy father throbbed With agdny. as lie thought 6f 'the tikne, nit far distant, when his children knelt around htm, and with their in fant' voices joined in the prayer, '' Lead us not into temptation." Brian O'Sullivan remem bered 'this; and, embracing bis son, ho be sought him, with tears, to turn to the home of innocence, and let him do the errand alone. And thus they riarted Shawn stood for some mordents, listening to the sound of his father's footsteps, as he hasten ed on his lonely way. His mind was strangely confused by all he had beard and witnessed, and he could not bring himself to beliuvo in thp possibility of his father's committing a crime ; that father who had seemed, to his young imagination, the very emblem of all that was good and holy. He could not believe that the God he had served so faithfully would de scfChim now, in the hour of trial and danger. Tbe summer's morning dawned, and bright ly the sunbeams fell upon the home of misery. Uomc, did I say? Alas I how many such homes darken our beautiful and fertile land ; how countless now such scenes of desolation i The happy birds, flitting among the green branches, sung their song of praise, and the fragrant IrWth of tho fresh flowers arose on the bruezo to heaven. Without, all was joy, peace, and contentment but within the wretch ed hovel, there was deep sorrow sorrow that might not. be coillrolled. " Whero is father? " demanded a low, sweet voice. " 0, mother, there is somothing tear ing me I " placing her hand upon1 her wasted breast. "Hush,atiiluA,huBjl " whispered her weep ing mother, " you will soon be free from pain, aroonl" She knew not how truH her words w6uld be verified. One of her children arose, ami hast ened to the door, hoping to obtain some tidings ot their father. Gloomy and disappointed, he returned to his placd by Norah's bed. A con vulsive spasm shook the child's frail body ; and again her brother sprang to the door, to look in vain for his father's return. The djirtg sufferer clasped her little hands in agony j she strove, marked by any change.. Sometimes but very seldom," therf'wals heart-rending1 appeal for food, and the low err of Hunirer burst from the WU.1.1 ,ciated''&ce'bf1il pohr1, patierit Wife, recallW 1 hU TeceWcUon) 'kudl'tnS' aw(uVglit'fhl she" afto",was dying''Jfor' Va'nt' of fboa alm'qat "WffiLwJMBti J.01I..S1.. i ".i.u. .oi.j. "Marv, anuuA ma xclaimed. XI J L but rnitlessly, fo reach her mof-er, that she might embrace ber. Her head fell back, and the glazed eye and parted lip told that all was over. Jnst then a step was heard on the threshold, and Brian O'Sullivan strode, or rather tottered, Into his wretched borne. Fling-, ing a small bag of potatoes on the ground, he ' rusno'd to the'bedside. "Mary Norah aciuliia agut asthore ma ehreel " he cried, wildly, " I have brought 'ou food. But, Father Of Mercies, what is this?" touching the llfelessband of his child. "Dead I 0, myaarlings, and are you gone forever? gone from the heart that loves you ? But four sorrows are"bverf and perhaps it is belter, be continued, mid!y, " far better, that no forbidden 'food has stained those spotless lips. I would not" hive .that departed-1 spirit ''proclaim' Tier- " father's sin' among the' angels of heaven.. No, anaguri your eyes cannot now uporaiq mm 1 j -k i.n'.i j.-rl-.l. -..f.u.i ! uuu juur cars arc ueni iu uid yuiccs luab iuuueu Over your early death.", The elder children, aroused from their stune- ' faction by the sight of food, hastened to spread "the scanty fare, consisting of a few cold pota toes ; they would not touch tho miserable food, uptll 'thoy'had 'prevailed 'on their father and mother to share it with them. Brian O'Sulli Vanjliftinghls eyes toheaven, feryentfy returned thanks to God torHis mercies, and besought a blessing on their scanty meal ; he had, for the moment, forgotten the means by which that food was procured, bat when tbe remembrance of hia guilt crossed his mind, he was paralyzed -with 'horror, that he should presume to lift his hand to heaven, he who bad broken the com mandment of God. The blood rushed to his tcmb1es,and, covering his face with his hands, he burst into tears. Deep sobs were only heard ; and bitterly did they reproach themselves for having given way to one word of complaint, and thus causing their1 father such agony of soul.' His feelings becoming more composed, he strove to speak some comfort to his children, and, with falteripg voice, desired them to eat. Tbe chil dren looked at each other in silence, then at the 1BUU UlBfC BUU19 rcVUHBU 1FUU! IUQ 1UCII Ul ling it had it been the deadliest poison. they could not have loathed it more, loor and hurablo as they were, they had been nourished on, the bread of honesty, and they dared not Violate their sacred principles. " Father," said the .eldest boy, " we cannot .touchAa, wa woulcj sooner die. Wo do not blame you, father, tnavourncens .it was nof jdono for your own sake, though theihungcr qwas sore oq you, but for the sake of your starr ving children," , " Now I can thank God with.an unblushing face," said Brian. " I can thank God for hit mejey. iu keeping you untouched by guilt among so many trial and temptations, and may he pax-Ion .piQ for. my many sins.' j .The.latcb'pC the door.waa. raised. .'! It is the toggartk," exclaimed Brian, . hastening tp meet his beloved pastor. Joy illumined the-countel nances of all, on beholding their only friendj into whose faithful bosom were poured their sorj rows, and, although poor himself, he lost no time in supplying their wants J but one yound heart was stilled, forever; no human aid could .,BiakB,.it throb again. Not in the secrecy of -thejConfessional did Brian O'Sullivan. relate tbe tearful adventure of the previous night; bu in his.lpwly cabin, by the bed whereon his dea child slept, he. On hia knees, confessed, to th minister pf God that crime, which to him apj pcared of awful, magnitude. l 1 he, good priest was deeply moved, lor never before had. the lips of that hnmble penitent nreatneo. lortn such a declaration ; never be fore had the soul of the prostrate sinner beeri stained with guilt; and as he, in agony of spjrit," smote upon his tjreast," and prayed aloud for mercy, tho glance of displeasure faded from the priest's face, and, 'as tho tears rolled down his aged cheeks, he whispered in the poor penitent's ear the welcome tidings, that the broken and contrite ,heart is not despised, in heaven. 'By the voice of he world, Brian O'Sul livan would he branded as a thief, a midnight robber., 0, if those who would ihus coldly and heedlessly condemn him could have but entered his poor home, how would their hearts have melted Into sorrow 1 Could they have but gazed on the lifeless remains of the child whose spirit was with God, as 'she. lay on her ragged bed, ho) (ling in ber cold grasp a bunch of wild roses affection's offering to the dead and listened to the voices that arose to heaven, seeking, the forgiveness the cold world would deny, surely, in such a scene, they would have read their own condemnation. The charitable and anxious priest hurried to restore the stolen food to its owner, aud to ob tain from him forgiveness of the crime, With out exposing the criminal, and thus O'Sullivan was saved from the consequences of that guilt into which want and starvation had plunged him. This is no exaggerated picture of tho suffer ings or the virtues of the Irish peasantry. Solely, a brave, moral, and religious people will no longer be permitted, in tbe midst of plenty, to endure such sufferings. We might hayp turned a still darker page, and yet not have dealt in exaggeration ; we might have con signed the victim to a loathsome prison, and left him to rot there, without a shadow of hope. We might have followed his wretched family through lonely wanderings, and seen them spurned from the door of plenty -by pampered menials. Surely, Buch a state of things can not last forever I Surely, the peace and com fort, nay, the very lives of the community are not to be sacrificed for the sake of tbe children of prosperity! It is time that the great ones of our land would consider tbe cause of the people. Fearful Is the calamity impending over them: aud unleos active steps are taken to avert the threatening ruin, we fear much that the virtue of our poor countrymen will fall a sacrifice the virtuo that no trials could hitherto overcome. You, who shudder at the recital of the crimes committed by the Irish peasants, bestir yourselves to endeavor to re move the cause of those crimes. Not from the love of guilt do our poor countrymen resort to the "wild justice of revenire:" and vou. who thoughtlessly condemn them, know but little of me struggles otten endured bclore they stum ble in the path of virtue. Fjyssn TEAS. I AM receiving a lot of Often and Black TEAS, among wlictii ate some of as fine grades as can be had. o which I Invite the attention of all lovers ot choice Green and Black Teas. JESSG B. WILSON, 327 Pa. ar., between Slzth and Seventh nov 26 streets, louth side. Prospectus of the If atlonal Hepublican, Believing that the time has srrired'when the' great Republican party of the United States ought, to be fairly represented In the dalfy prais ifjfhe. National lletropolU, we have embarked iq.he enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District of Columbia with daily publication,' under -the title of the " NiTioxAL ItirosLiCAX." ' In lis polHjeal department, this journal will advocate and defend tbe principles oCtheile))ub- (lean party,, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind of groundltss prejudices. whlchrhave bsen, engendered .airalnit, It. bv the falsa accusations of lts'enfmlef, ' Havlng'the "utmost confidence Anl'Ji'e.admlraao of jlrlneplrf, wll ,b .iucu a 10 mens our appro oauon, ,we, expect w yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great issue that Is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and tbeDlstrlct of Columbia bave more at stake than the peopl of any other portion of , our commoncountry , We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the In tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend It ainnder. No one can doubt upon which side of this Issue tbe people of Washington will be found, when they come to realize that it is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that in yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of.au Immense majority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the lialional Republican a mere political paper, We Intend, that as a medium of general and local news, It shall not be Inferior to any othor journal published In this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral and material welfare of Its Inhabitants We deem It unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will immediately make Its appearance, and will (ben, speak for Itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, $3 50 a year, payable in ad vance. Tbe publication office Is at the corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS OLEPHANE & CO. , n" jJorflo.OplnJoai 'of Hr. Lincoln. SELISTED VERBATIM IfttO.JllS SPEECHES, XD FERTlKElIt, fO TUB fjlESEXX OCCASION! , ''J say that we must not, interfere with the .institution of slavery n the States where it ex ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general weilare oqcs noirrequira ,uu to do so. We must, not withhold an. efficient fugitive slave law, becauso the Constitution requires us, as I understand it. not to withhold, such a law. But , we' must prevent the out-spreading of the in stitution, because eitlj er the Constitution nor iuu gcucjiM yft;iiaro iwjuircA uo iu UKOU JW We must prevent the, revival of the African slave trade, and tho enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of theso things being done by either Congress or courts. The people of the United States ore the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion!'' Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1859. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions, to allow the people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do oxacU ly as they please ; and J. deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were, no such constitutional obligation. I can only say again, that I am placed improperly altogether improperly, in spile of all that I can say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes jn regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Joncaborough, IU., Sept. 16, 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of progress as it i) now driving, and as it has driven for the lost five years, I have ventured tho opinion, and say to-day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor In a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur lu less than a hundred years at least J but that it will occur in tho best way for both races, in God's own good time, I have no doubt." Speech at Charleston, III., Sept. 18, 1858. " Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this ( If one man chooses to make a slave of another neither that man nor anybody else has a right to object." Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1839. " I have Intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. We might, by arresting the far ther spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placod it. put it where the publio mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the bpinlon, upon evidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the publio mind did rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction ; and when I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I only say that I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, mado this uovernment part slave and part tree, un derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itsolf was Introduced by the framers of the Constitution. The exact truth Is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government, they left this Institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them necanse oi tne auncniiy me absolute Impossibility of its Immediate re inoval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. ''Letmesay I havo no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not introduce it: If it did now exist amoair us. wo should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, iurui uu ouBuj. iouDuess mere aro inai vidoals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances) and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if It were now out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their alaves,go 'North, and become tip-top abolitionists j while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave masters.- .it H When Southern people till us they are no more responsioie ior ine origin oi Slavery man we are, T acknowledge the fact' Whenrit is said that the Institution exists, and that it' is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory war. I can understand and annreclata the liv ing, I surely will not blame them for' not do-1 log wnat i should not know bow to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. . My first impulse would be to free all tbe slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there maybe in this, in the long 'if iu auuuen execution is impossinie, they were all landed there in a day, they wonld perish In the-pext ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus, money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate j yet the point is not clear enough to de nounce people upon. What next ? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mino would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice arid sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safoly disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed ; but for that tardiness in this respect,, I wjll not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " Vt ben they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fiirlyj and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Otimca, III- Aug, Sly 1858. ' Uas anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us ? Onr own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger? 1 "rYou may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but. surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 10, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know It of myself) beliore that the people of the Southern states are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave 'law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall be granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why, then, do-1 yield sup port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not understand that tbe lonstitutiop, wnicn guar anties that right, can be supported without it." Speech at Alton, Oct. 16, 858. " The real issue in this controversy tbe one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on the part ot one class that looks upon the Insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. 1 bo sentiment that contemplates tbe institution of slavery In this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it aa being a moral, social, and political they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations trrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, tuey desire a' policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any more danger. They Insist that it should, aa far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger! If there be a man among us who docs not think that tbe institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who Is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. i. FEW W0RP3 TO THE SOUTH. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When we do beat you, you perhaps want to know what wa will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution ; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution : and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you aa far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we are ; that there is no dif ference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. Wo mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to bave, and to treat you accord' ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Jletolctd, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors ot the United Staies, In- Convention assembled, Id discharge of the dntjWe owe to our constituents and our country, unite In the following declarations i FirtU That the history of the nation during the last foul years has fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organisation and per petuation of the Republican party,'and that tbe causes which called It Into existence Afe perma nent in their nature, and bow, more than ever before, demand iU peaceful and constitutional triumph, ,) o a t- , yjc. t'-Acwulr That the TBalntsnaaoe at toe! tntadnlel promulgated In'the'&edaratioii'or Independence, and embodied la the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights that among these are life, liberty, and the pur salt of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, 'deriving their justpowers from theconsentofthegoverned," Is essential to the preservation of oar republican Institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights or (he 8tates,and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union bV the States this nation owes its unprecedented Increase In popu lation ; Its surprising development of material resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ; Its happiness at home and Its honor abroad; and we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounco those threats of disunion, In case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it Is the Imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That the maintenance Inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially tbe right of each State to order and control Its own do mestic Institutions, according to Its own judg ment exclusively, is esseatlal to that balance of power on'whlch the perfection and endnrance of our political fabrio depends; and we denounce tbe lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what' pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. Fxfih. That the present Democratic Adminis tration baa far exceeded our worst apprehensions In Up measureless, subserviency to the exactions of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced In its desperate exertions to force the Infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas In construing the personal rela tion between muter and servant to Involve an unqualified property In persons in Its attempted enforcement everywhere, on lapd and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal lntereit,and In ltsreneral and unvarying abuse of the power Intrusted to it by a confiding people. Sixth. That tbe people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is in dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration Is imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tution of its own forcearries slavery Into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous polltisal heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent) la revolutionary In Its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony of the country. Eighth. That tbe normal condition of all tbe territory of the United States is that of Freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," It becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation Is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate It; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any Individuals, to give legal existence to sla very In any Territory of the United Slates. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and dual suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That in the tecent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery In those Territories, we find a practical Illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied In the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud Involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of tbe General Government by duties upon Imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these Imposts as te encourage the de velopment of the Industrial Interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the publio lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the Settlers as paupers or supplicants for publio bounty ; and we demand tbe passage by Congress of the com plete and satisfactory homestead measure .which has already paused the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party la op posed to any change la our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which tbe rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citltens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. jffleenth. That appropriations by Congress for rlver'and1 harbor' Improvements of nation al characttr,trequlred"for'tbe- accommodation and security of an exlstlpgxommerte, are aottor Ized by the .Constitution and justified by n ob ligation or the Government to protect the lives and property of Its citizens. ' " " Sixteenth. That a railroad to tbe Padfie. Ocean Is Imperatively demanded by. the, interests of the whole country; that the' 'Federal Government ought to render Immediate andeflclent ald'ln Its construction r and that's! preliminary thereto, a dally overland mail should be) promptly es tablished. jj- o .tir i Moituil Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive "principles and' views!, we'ln'viU' the eo-eperatlod of all citizens, hbwevw dlfftrf sgoa other questions, who sn.bitaatlaHy agrM with , I. their amrtUncoMdPotfc, BELL, AND KVETT PATFQBM.: Whereas experience b.as demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had' the effect ' to1 mislead odd deceive the people,' 'and 'it tbesame time to widen the political divisions "of the codntry, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties : therefore, Resolved, That it Is both the' part of patriot ism and of duty to recognise no political prin ciple other than tho Constitution of tho country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws and that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, 'in National Convention 'assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedly, these great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against all enemies, at come and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more bore stored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-established,1 and the Uoverment again placed In that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under me example ana uonstitution oi our tamers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, Insure domestic tranquillity, pro vide for the common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Retolted, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Conveptlon assembled, hereby de clare onr affirmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter : and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following : Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States td afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the 'Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge soch constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a raijroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. . Rcsoltca, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That in accordance with the -interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over tbe subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by' all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by .every branch of the General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions : First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress It provisional and temporary, and during its existence all cit izens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. J Secoud. That it is the duty of'the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. ' Third. That when the settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State -Constitution, tho right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery.. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of tbe island of Cuba on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. Resolved, That the enactment 6r State Legis latures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their efiect. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as tho Imperative daty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or In foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit izens, j v Whereas one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercialosUil, and military point of view, is a speedy1 communica tion botween the Pacido and Atlantic coasts j therefore be it fiower to secure the nassaire bill, to the extent of the constitutional1 author ity of Congress", .for the construction" of 'a Fa. cifio railroad fWmthe Mlssis'sirpl"riverto the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.