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The national Republican. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1860-1862, December 07, 1860, Image 1

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"" Tho N1W6iUlReTuV1pawV Published,
every 'afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the
corner" of IpJMna' ayende au'd'.ffccorid street,
land is .delivered to'tity subscribers at six
'klnlJ'pe?'eclc'1 maif sub'scritiors al three'clol-
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t'dertfelSenU Inserted at Bboral, rates. "
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nessor, for publication, shonld be addressed to
i't"T on 'LBWIS-CLEPHANE A "Co".,
h-n , - .Washington, JO. Q,
Subscriptions, advertisement; and comma,
nications, intended for this paper, may be left at
Adaraaoh'a periodical store,"oa Bevsratfc street,
pppdntelhi'Generslrrost Offlee)-wherreopIes
of tire papsr may abiote bad Immediately on
iU issnei - fJ zhtK v.'i jou. slln u(J
Advertiements."shouldbeSjent in before
twelve o'clock, H'otherwise they may have to
He6veraday." ' ' ' '-'',10''
r 1 t 4 " r r -r i nl J I '.
Communication upon all .subjects, particu
larly with reference i to our city affairs, will re
ceiverespectful attention.-, 7l7 ,.,
VolV I.
.1, l r l .1 1 ii I. U kMH KUJ. .lU'llltlt 'Jxl I .H'ikAiCOidltlX VU fill. Ill I T
No. 10.
"( ral' -w. -."'jjBchB B- lafciB'TKal aJ'A.MllB.r ) oj mi I aA 4''vlPP I I " '" tfJ IB-1 C "
A iiI-ILM Hmi lial-1'B' lB-d JB.B'4itBABvB.-,1-,:i..rb V 1,1 I I I'fcfl Hi ne-BrtrM "ditsftivMrtiBa-Mtr. , ,
. "" i i . . . ' i
ii in r ! t 1, 11 ! liinn.! tt ii a firl .;- if t i '
the Fiiiitijitirira :
Two days hap&ed"',-tUlv nonfood had;
reached theirfUpali Jvaajjoirsvening, and
although tha6un"biJetr'b7Ee&t of the sum
mer's davtaaTnedJn all its oppressive fervor.,
BrianJffiulMvaTTTooked around upon his wife
ana Iwfkjsr family, and a momentary gleam
of feotiy flUshed from hia sunken eye for the
first waMttte murmur of impatience rose from
bis ltptT.-The cry for food had died away) but
when-be-met the-'eubduddi glances of his poor
starring; children.. hia heart swelled -with Intol
erable hngulsh.' INo sound was heard, save 1,
uccaaiunaiiy ioe siiueu groan 01 inc yonngeat
ehild,-the little Norah, who lay on the straw
pallet, resting1 heV 'fevered head 'upon' '.her
mbtherS breast. Thai -the hours pissedun-
i:l .Tivl u3"Uj.uiiu.
119 u. iud ivuiijvi ypiuuicu. auiuiiikuii bniuci
and found the mother, still waicblrigTjy the bed
of her dying child j Ihi) inmates of the wretched
bOTel baa sunk to restnpon tbe earthen floor.
Mary O'Sulliyan sat in breathless silence, list
ening to the.uneasy and un'refreshing slumbers
of her helpless faqity, and gazing op tv wasted
face of her iav'orito child. .Sometinjc a heavy
sigh', or(a. low moan, attracted her attention ;
and, directing her; eyea to where the sleeper
lay, she would, descry, by the feeble rays of the
flickering .ruthllght, a skeleton ,arm stretched
forth, or the shadowy figure of some child, who
had arisen to obtain- little water to cool its
parched lips, ' At length, from mere exhaua
tion, she fijll into a,beavy slumber, from which
she-was-anrasedT-ythB toWof'her husbh'nd's
.voice. She started wildly; for never 'before
bad 'words of such fearful meaning met her
car. 0, j,.
"Mary, achora, you shall not die, if these
lands can get you food I'1 be .exclaimed. " I
have been driven to this, not through my own
faults, but from the heartless' cruelty and op
pression of those who can, and will not, save
us. Shall I sce'my'children dying about me,
while there is plenty in the Una 7'
His wife, terrified and amazed, glanced
timidly inuher. husband's (ace, "and there she
met' look-thiit chilled her very heart's blood
the look odetcrmined gnlltand vengeance.
Bursting Into tears,' and uriabte'to reply, she
pointed to 'their' sleeping child. O'Sulliran
kissed the little1 sufferer, aud'fora mbment the
seventy .ofbis tate disappeared t but tbe etna
tool'' ha e:
rildlv. God of heaven
t ma9 laujwj
inffl .
haye crouched upon." mv
Tinees, andbegged for a cart of the doe's food.
a crumb of bread, to save jou, darling of my
heart ; but I was spurped from the oppressor's
door, and told to be (gone, end work for my
food. Even thtn I'conld'have foYgivon the
hard hearts that worked our ruin ; I could have
blessed them on their beds of down, and 'prayed
that the chills of poverty might bever reach
them ; but now the cup of sorrow is filledfand
I will not see mjlreashres dte, before I have
made another' tefforl'to'save them."
He arose.-1 hastily, and. tr'embllni? from 'ex
haustion, quitted the cabin. His eldest son, a
Doy ot uitoen, rushed alter him, and, overta
king him a few steps from the door, besought
of him to return. 'They were able to bear a
littlenldn'ger,'he'said j'and Usobn as' the morn
ing dawned, he would seek for some employ,
irMy;poorrbpy,",;saldJ:he agonized' rather,
"you ca'nriot chango 'my purpose j return home,
and let moawavj for if crime must slain this
band, "it "must be in the darkness of night)
when no human eye can see the blush of shame
on your'fttther's cheek." , -
'Buthe eye of God," said the boy, mildly,
"you cannot hide thai."
"0, Shawn, say no more," was the reply.
" God will forgive me, fqt he knows the sore
trials I have borne.""
The boystill Untreated, but'inivatn j "he then
begged that he might be 'permitted to accom
pany his father; but Brian would not hear of
this. He could hot bear to be the means of
leading' his own' child into the path of guilt and
shame ; and, 0 1 hdw the strong heart of the
unhappy father throbbed With agdny. as lie
thought 6f 'the tikne, nit far distant, when his
children knelt around htm, and with their in
fant' voices joined in the prayer, '' Lead us not
into temptation." Brian O'Sullivan remem
bered 'this; and, embracing bis son, ho be
sought him, with tears, to turn to the home of
innocence, and let him do the errand alone.
And thus they riarted
Shawn stood for some mordents, listening to
the sound of his father's footsteps, as he hasten
ed on his lonely way. His mind was strangely
confused by all he had beard and witnessed,
and he could not bring himself to beliuvo in
thp possibility of his father's committing a
crime ; that father who had seemed, to his
young imagination, the very emblem of all that
was good and holy. He could not believe that
the God he had served so faithfully would de
scfChim now, in the hour of trial and danger.
Tbe summer's morning dawned, and bright
ly the sunbeams fell upon the home of misery.
Uomc, did I say? Alas I how many such
homes darken our beautiful and fertile land ;
how countless now such scenes of desolation i
The happy birds, flitting among the green
branches, sung their song of praise, and the
fragrant IrWth of tho fresh flowers arose on
the bruezo to heaven. Without, all was joy,
peace, and contentment but within the wretch
ed hovel, there was deep sorrow sorrow that
might not. be coillrolled.
" Whero is father? " demanded a low, sweet
voice. " 0, mother, there is somothing tear
ing me I " placing her hand upon1 her wasted
"Hush,atiiluA,huBjl " whispered her weep
ing mother, " you will soon be free from pain,
She knew not how truH her words w6uld be
verified. One of her children arose, ami hast
ened to the door, hoping to obtain some tidings
ot their father. Gloomy and disappointed, he
returned to his placd by Norah's bed. A con
vulsive spasm shook the child's frail body ; and
again her brother sprang to the door, to look in
vain for his father's return. The djirtg sufferer
clasped her little hands in agony j she strove,
marked by any change.. Sometimes but very
seldom," therf'wals heart-rending1 appeal for
food, and the low err of Hunirer burst from the
,ciated''&ce'bf1il pohr1, patierit Wife, recallW
1 hU TeceWcUon) 'kudl'tnS' aw(uVglit'fhl
she" afto",was dying''Jfor' Va'nt' of fboa alm'qat
"WffiLwJMBti J.01I..S1.. i ".i.u. .oi.j.
"Marv, anuuA ma
but rnitlessly, fo reach her mof-er, that she
might embrace ber. Her head fell back, and
the glazed eye and parted lip told that all was
over. Jnst then a step was heard on the
threshold, and Brian O'Sullivan strode, or
rather tottered, Into his wretched borne. Fling-,
ing a small bag of potatoes on the ground, he
' rusno'd to the'bedside.
"Mary Norah aciuliia agut asthore ma
ehreel " he cried, wildly, " I have brought 'ou
food. But, Father Of Mercies, what is this?"
touching the llfelessband of his child. "Dead I
0, myaarlings, and are you gone forever?
gone from the heart that loves you ? But four
sorrows are"bverf and perhaps it is belter, be
continued, mid!y, " far better, that no forbidden
'food has stained those spotless lips. I would
not" hive .that departed-1 spirit ''proclaim' Tier-
" father's sin' among the' angels of heaven.. No,
anaguri your eyes cannot now uporaiq mm
1 j -k i.n'.i j.-rl-.l. -..f.u.i !
uuu juur cars arc ueni iu uid yuiccs luab iuuueu
Over your early death.",
The elder children, aroused from their stune-
' faction by the sight of food, hastened to spread
"the scanty fare, consisting of a few cold pota
toes ; they would not touch tho miserable food,
uptll 'thoy'had 'prevailed 'on their father and
mother to share it with them. Brian O'Sulli
Vanjliftinghls eyes toheaven, feryentfy returned
thanks to God torHis mercies, and besought a
blessing on their scanty meal ; he had, for the
moment, forgotten the means by which that
food was procured, bat when tbe remembrance
of hia guilt crossed his mind, he was paralyzed
-with 'horror, that he should presume to lift his
hand to heaven, he who bad broken the com
mandment of God. The blood rushed to his
tcmb1es,and, covering his face with his hands,
he burst into tears. Deep sobs were only heard ;
and bitterly did they reproach themselves for
having given way to one word of complaint, and
thus causing their1 father such agony of soul.'
His feelings becoming more composed, he strove
to speak some comfort to his children, and, with
falteripg voice, desired them to eat. Tbe chil
dren looked at each other in silence, then at the
ling it had it been the deadliest poison.
they could not have loathed it more, loor and
hurablo as they were, they had been nourished
on, the bread of honesty, and they dared not
Violate their sacred principles.
" Father," said the .eldest boy, " we cannot
.touchAa, wa woulcj sooner die. Wo do not
blame you, father, tnavourncens .it was nof
jdono for your own sake, though theihungcr
qwas sore oq you, but for the sake of your starr
ving children," ,
" Now I can thank God with.an unblushing
face," said Brian. " I can thank God for hit
mejey. iu keeping you untouched by guilt
among so many trial and temptations, and
may he pax-Ion .piQ for. my many sins.' j
.The.latcb'pC the door.waa. raised. .'! It is the
toggartk," exclaimed Brian, . hastening tp meet
his beloved pastor. Joy illumined the-countel
nances of all, on beholding their only friendj
into whose faithful bosom were poured their sorj
rows, and, although poor himself, he lost no
time in supplying their wants J but one yound
heart was stilled, forever; no human aid could
.,BiakB,.it throb again. Not in the secrecy of
-thejConfessional did Brian O'Sullivan. relate
tbe tearful adventure of the previous night; bu
in his.lpwly cabin, by the bed whereon his dea
child slept, he. On hia knees, confessed, to th
minister pf God that crime, which to him apj
pcared of awful, magnitude. l
1 he, good priest was deeply moved, lor never
before had. the lips of that hnmble penitent
nreatneo. lortn such a declaration ; never be
fore had the soul of the prostrate sinner beeri
stained with guilt; and as he, in agony of
spjrit," smote upon his tjreast," and prayed
aloud for mercy, tho glance of displeasure faded
from the priest's face, and, 'as tho tears rolled
down his aged cheeks, he whispered in the poor
penitent's ear the welcome tidings, that the
broken and contrite ,heart is not despised, in
heaven. 'By the voice of he world, Brian O'Sul
livan would he branded as a thief, a midnight
robber., 0, if those who would ihus coldly and
heedlessly condemn him could have but entered
his poor home, how would their hearts have
melted Into sorrow 1 Could they have but gazed
on the lifeless remains of the child whose spirit
was with God, as 'she. lay on her ragged bed,
ho) (ling in ber cold grasp a bunch of wild roses
affection's offering to the dead and listened to
the voices that arose to heaven, seeking, the
forgiveness the cold world would deny, surely,
in such a scene, they would have read their
own condemnation.
The charitable and anxious priest hurried to
restore the stolen food to its owner, aud to ob
tain from him forgiveness of the crime, With
out exposing the criminal, and thus O'Sullivan
was saved from the consequences of that guilt
into which want and starvation had plunged
This is no exaggerated picture of tho suffer
ings or the virtues of the Irish peasantry.
Solely, a brave, moral, and religious people
will no longer be permitted, in tbe midst of
plenty, to endure such sufferings. We might
hayp turned a still darker page, and yet not
have dealt in exaggeration ; we might have con
signed the victim to a loathsome prison, and
left him to rot there, without a shadow of hope.
We might have followed his wretched family
through lonely wanderings, and seen them
spurned from the door of plenty -by pampered
menials. Surely, Buch a state of things can
not last forever I Surely, the peace and com
fort, nay, the very lives of the community are
not to be sacrificed for the sake of tbe children
of prosperity! It is time that the great ones
of our land would consider tbe cause of the
people. Fearful Is the calamity impending
over them: aud unleos active steps are taken
to avert the threatening ruin, we fear much
that the virtue of our poor countrymen will
fall a sacrifice the virtuo that no trials could
hitherto overcome. You, who shudder at the
recital of the crimes committed by the Irish
peasants, bestir yourselves to endeavor to re
move the cause of those crimes. Not from the
love of guilt do our poor countrymen resort to
the "wild justice of revenire:" and vou. who
thoughtlessly condemn them, know but little of
me struggles otten endured bclore they stum
ble in the path of virtue.
Fjyssn TEAS.
I AM receiving a lot of Often and Black TEAS,
among wlictii ate some of as fine grades as
can be had. o which I Invite the attention of all
lovers ot choice Green and Black Teas.
327 Pa. ar., between Slzth and Seventh
nov 26 streets, louth side.
Prospectus of the If atlonal Hepublican,
Believing that the time has srrired'when the'
great Republican party of the United States ought,
to be fairly represented In the dalfy prais ifjfhe.
National lletropolU, we have embarked iq.he
enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District
of Columbia with daily publication,' under -the
title of the " NiTioxAL ItirosLiCAX." '
In lis polHjeal department, this journal will
advocate and defend tbe principles oCtheile))ub-
(lean party,, and endeavor to disabuse the public
mind of groundltss prejudices. whlchrhave bsen,
engendered .airalnit, It. bv the falsa accusations
of lts'enfmlef, ' Havlng'the "utmost confidence
Anl'Ji'e.admlraao of jlrlneplrf, wll ,b
.iucu a 10 mens our appro oauon, ,we, expect w
yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In
the great issue that Is likely to be made with his
administration, by the enemies of the Republican
party, the people of Washington and tbeDlstrlct
of Columbia bave more at stake than the peopl
of any other portion of , our commoncountry , We
believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra
tion will be synonymous with maintaining the In
tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin
ations of those who would rend It ainnder. No
one can doubt upon which side of this Issue tbe
people of Washington will be found, when they
come to realize that it is fairly forced upon them.
We feel confident, therefore, that in yielding to
the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup
port, we shall have the sympathy of.au Immense
majority of the people of this District and vicin
ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the
lialional Republican a mere political paper, We
Intend, that as a medium of general and local
news, It shall not be Inferior to any othor journal
published In this city. We shall pay particular
attention to questions of local policy, and advo
cate such reforms as we may deem essential to
the prosperity of the city, and to the advance
ment of the moral and material welfare of Its
We deem It unnecessary, however, to multi
ply promises, as the paper will immediately make
Its appearance, and will (ben, speak for Itself.
It will be published every afternoon, and de
livered to city subscribers at six cents per week.
Mall subscribers, $3 50 a year, payable in ad
vance. Tbe publication office Is at the corner of Indi
ana avenue and Second street.
, n" jJorflo.OplnJoai 'of Hr. Lincoln.
, ''J say that we must not, interfere with the
.institution of slavery n the States where it ex
ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the
general weilare oqcs noirrequira ,uu to do so.
We must, not withhold an. efficient fugitive slave
law, becauso the Constitution requires us, as I
understand it. not to withhold, such a law. But
, we' must prevent the out-spreading of the in
stitution, because eitlj er the Constitution nor
iuu gcucjiM yft;iiaro iwjuircA uo iu UKOU JW
We must prevent the, revival of the African
slave trade, and tho enacting by Congress of a
Territorial slave code. We must prevent each
of theso things being done by either Congress
or courts. The people of the United States ore
the rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but
overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu
tion!'' Speech at Cincinnati, September 18,
" I hold myself under constitutional obliga
tions, to allow the people in all the States, with
out interference, direct or indirect, to do oxacU
ly as they please ; and J. deny that I have any
inclination to interfere with them, even if there
were, no such constitutional obligation. I can
only say again, that I am placed improperly
altogether improperly, in spile of all that I can
say when it is insisted that I entertain any
other views or purposes jn regard to that mat
ter (slavery.)" Speech at Joncaborough, IU.,
Sept. 16, 1858.
" While it (slavery) drives on in its state of
progress as it i) now driving, and as it has
driven for the lost five years, I have ventured
tho opinion, and say to-day, that we will have
no end to the slavery agitation until it takes
one turn or the other. I do not mean that when
it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it
will be in a day, nor In a year, nor in two
years. I do not suppose that in the most peace
ful way ultimate extinction would occur lu less
than a hundred years at least J but that it will
occur in tho best way for both races, in God's
own good time, I have no doubt." Speech at
Charleston, III., Sept. 18, 1858.
" Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a
principle, is simply this ( If one man chooses
to make a slave of another neither that man
nor anybody else has a right to object."
Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1839.
" I have Intimated that I thought the agita
tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis
should be reached and passed. I have stated
in what way I have thought it would be reached
and passed. We might, by arresting the far
ther spread of it, and placing it where the
fathers originally placod it. put it where the
publio mind should rest in the belief that it was
in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the
agitation may cease. It may be pushed for
ward until it shall become alike lawful in all
the States, old as well as new, North as well as
South. I entertain the bpinlon, upon evidence
sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this
Government placed that institution where the
publio mind did rest in the belief that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction ; and when I
desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I
only say that I desire to see that done which
the fathers have first done. It is not true that
our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, mado
this uovernment part slave and part tree, un
derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as
sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within
itsolf was Introduced by the framers of the
Constitution. The exact truth Is, that they
found the institution existing among us, and
they left it as they found it. But in making
the Government, they left this Institution with
many clear marks of disapprobation upon it.
They found slavery among them, and they left
it among them necanse oi tne auncniiy me
absolute Impossibility of its Immediate re
inoval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858.
''Letmesay I havo no prejudice against the
Southern people. They are just what we would
be in their situation. If slavery did not exist
among them they would not introduce it: If
it did now exist amoair us. wo should not in
stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses,
iurui uu ouBuj. iouDuess mere aro inai
vidoals on both sides who would not hold slaves
under any circumstances) and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if It were
now out of existence. We know that some
Southern men do free their alaves,go 'North,
and become tip-top abolitionists j while some
Northern ones go South, and become most cruel
slave masters.-
.it H When Southern people till us they are no
more responsioie ior ine origin oi Slavery man
we are, T acknowledge the fact' Whenrit is
said that the Institution exists, and that it' is
very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory
war. I can understand and annreclata the liv
ing, I surely will not blame them for' not do-1
log wnat i should not know bow to do myself.
If all earthly power were given me, I should
not know what to do, as to the existing institu
tion. . My first impulse would be to free all tbe
slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own
native land. But a moment's reflection would
convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I
think there is) there maybe in this, in the long
iu auuuen execution is impossinie,
they were all landed there in a day, they wonld
perish In the-pext ten days ; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus, money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then ? Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? I
think I would not hold one in slavery at any
rate j yet the point is not clear enough to de
nounce people upon. What next ? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this; and if mino would, we well know that
those of the great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice arid
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be
safoly disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. It does seem to me that sys
tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed ; but for that tardiness in this respect,, I
wjll not undertake to judge our brethren of the
" Vt ben they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fiirlyj and I would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry a free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one." Speech at Otimca, III- Aug,
Sly 1858.
' Uas anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu
tion of slavery? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us ? Onr own liberty and pros
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery by spreading it out, and making it
1 "rYou may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death ; but. surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct.
10, 1858.
" I suppose most of us (I know It of myself)
beliore that the people of the Southern states
are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
'law. As the right is constitutional, I agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do-1 yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not
understand that tbe lonstitutiop, wnicn guar
anties that right, can be supported without
it." Speech at Alton, Oct. 16, 858.
" The real issue in this controversy tbe one
pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on
the part ot one class that looks upon the Insti
tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
1 bo sentiment that contemplates tbe institution
of slavery In this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it aa being a moral, social, and political
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among us, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations trrown about it.
Yet having a due regard for these, tuey desire
a' policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre
ating any more danger. They Insist that it
should, aa far as may be, be treated as a wrong ;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger! If there be a man among us who
docs not think that tbe institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which I have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be a man amongst us
who Is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ns, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at
Alton, Oct. 15, 1858.
" We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand
by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what wa will do
with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution ; to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution : and, in a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you aa far as degenerated men (if we have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are ; that there is no dif
ference between us, other than the difference
of circumstances. Wo mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to bave, and to treat you accord'
ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859.
Jletolctd, That we, the delegated representa
tives of the Republican Electors ot the United
Staies, In- Convention assembled, Id discharge
of the dntjWe owe to our constituents and our
country, unite In the following declarations i
FirtU That the history of the nation during
the last foul years has fully established the pro
priety and necessity of the organisation and per
petuation of the Republican party,'and that tbe
causes which called It Into existence Afe perma
nent in their nature, and bow, more than ever
before, demand iU peaceful and constitutional
triumph, ,) o a t- , yjc.
t'-Acwulr That the TBalntsnaaoe at toe! tntadnlel
promulgated In'the'&edaratioii'or Independence,
and embodied la the Federal Constitution, " that
all men are created equal ; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur
salt of happiness that to secure these rights,
Governments are Instituted among men, 'deriving
their justpowers from theconsentofthegoverned,"
Is essential to the preservation of oar republican
Institutions; and that the Federal Constitution,
the rights or (he 8tates,and the Union of the
States, must and shall be preserved.
Third. That to the Union bV the States this
nation owes its unprecedented Increase In popu
lation ; Its surprising development of material
resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ;
Its happiness at home and Its honor abroad; and
we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they may and we
congratulate the country that no Republican
member of Congress has uttered or countenanced
a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo
cratic members without rebuke and with ap
plause from their political associates ; and we
denounco those threats of disunion, In case of
a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de
nying the vital principles of a free Government,
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
it Is the Imperative duty of an indignant people
sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth. That the maintenance Inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially tbe right
of each State to order and control Its own do
mestic Institutions, according to Its own judg
ment exclusively, is esseatlal to that balance of
power on'whlch the perfection and endnrance of
our political fabrio depends; and we denounce
tbe lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under what'
pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Fxfih. That the present Democratic Adminis
tration baa far exceeded our worst apprehensions
In Up measureless, subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced
In its desperate exertions to force the Infamous
Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo
ple of Kansas In construing the personal rela
tion between muter and servant to Involve an
unqualified property In persons in Its attempted
enforcement everywhere, on lapd and sea, through
the intervention of Congress and of the Federal
courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo
cal lntereit,and In ltsreneral and unvarying abuse
of the power Intrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sixth. That tbe people justly view with alarm
the reckless extravagance which pervades every
department of the Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability is in
dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the
public Treasury by favored partisans ; while the
recent startling developments of frauds and cor
ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an
entire change of Administration Is imperatively
Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti
tution of its own forcearries slavery Into any
or all of the Territories of the United States, is a
dangerous polltisal heresy, at variance with the
explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with
cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent) la revolutionary In Its
tendency, and subversive of the peace and har
mony of the country.
Eighth. That tbe normal condition of all tbe
territory of the United States is that of Freedom ;
that as our republican fathers, when they had
abolished slavery in all our national territory,
ordained that "no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law," It becomes our duty, by legislation, when
ever such legislation Is necessary, to maintain
this provision of the Constitution against all at
tempts to violate It; and we deny the authority
of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of
any Individuals, to give legal existence to sla
very In any Territory of the United Slates.
Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of
the African slave trade, under the cover of our
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning
shame to our country and age ; and we call upon
Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
for the total and dual suppression of that exe
crable traffic.
Tenth. That in the tecent vetoes by their Fed
eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery In
those Territories, we find a practical Illustration
of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention
and popular sovereignty embodied In
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of the deception and fraud Involved therein.
Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im
mediately admitted as a State under the Consti
tution recently formed and adopted by her people,
and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the
support of tbe General Government by duties
upon Imports, sound policy requires such an ad
justment of these Imposts as te encourage the de
velopment of the Industrial Interests of the whole
country ; and we commend that policy of nation
al exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and
to the nation commercial prosperity and inde
pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
or alienation to others of the publio lands held
by actual settlers, and against any view of the
free homestead policy which regards the Settlers
as paupers or supplicants for publio bounty ; and
we demand tbe passage by Congress of the com
plete and satisfactory homestead measure .which
has already paused the House.
Fourteenth. That the Republican party la op
posed to any change la our naturalization laws,
or any State legislation by which tbe rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from
foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection
to the rights of all classes of citltens, whether
native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
jffleenth. That appropriations by Congress
for rlver'and1 harbor' Improvements of nation
al characttr,trequlred"for'tbe- accommodation
and security of an exlstlpgxommerte, are aottor
Ized by the .Constitution and justified by n ob
ligation or the Government to protect the lives
and property of Its citizens. ' " "
Sixteenth. That a railroad to tbe Padfie. Ocean
Is Imperatively demanded by. the, interests of the
whole country; that the' 'Federal Government
ought to render Immediate andeflclent ald'ln
Its construction r and that's! preliminary thereto,
a dally overland mail should be) promptly es
tablished. jj- o .tir i Moituil
Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our
distinctive "principles and' views!, we'ln'viU' the
eo-eperatlod of all citizens, hbwevw dlfftrf sgoa
other questions, who sn.bitaatlaHy agrM with ,
I. their amrtUncoMdPotfc,
Whereas experience b.as demonstrated that
platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions
of the country have had' the effect ' to1 mislead
odd deceive the people,' 'and 'it tbesame time
to widen the political divisions "of the codntry,
by the creation and encouragement of geograph
ical and sectional parties : therefore,
Resolved, That it Is both the' part of patriot
ism and of duty to recognise no political prin
ciple other than tho Constitution of tho country,
the union of the States, and the enforcement
of the laws and that as representatives of the
Constitutional Union men of the country, 'in
National Convention 'assembled, we hereby
pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de
fend, separately and unitedly, these great prin
ciples of public liberty and national safety
against all enemies, at come and abroad, be
lieving thereby peace may once more bore
stored to the country, the just rights of the
people and of the States re-established,1 and the
Uoverment again placed In that condition of
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under
me example ana uonstitution oi our tamers,
has solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a more perfect union, estab
lish justice, Insure domestic tranquillity, pro
vide for the common defence, promote the gen
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and our posterity.
Retolted, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Conveptlon assembled, hereby de
clare onr affirmance of the resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
matter : and we recommend as the only further
resolutions the following :
Resolved, That it is the duty of the United
States td afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, and postal
point of view, is speedy communication be
tween the 'Atlantic and Pacific States; and
the Democratic party pledge soch constitution
al government aid as will insure the construc
tion of a raijroad to the Pacific coast at the
earliest practicable period.
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,
on such terms as shall be honorable to our
selves and just to Spain. .
Rcsoltca, That the enactment of State Leg
islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Resolved, That in accordance with the -interpretation
of the Cincinnati platform, that,
during the existence of the Territorial Govern
ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it
may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution
on the power of the Territorial Legislature
over tbe subject of the domestic relations, as
the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally
determined by the Supreme Court of the Uni
ted States, should be respected by' all good
citizens, and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by .every branch of the General Gov
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed,
with the following explanatory resolutions :
First. That the Government of a Territory
organized by an act of Congress It provisional
and temporary, and during its existence all cit
izens of the United States have an equal right
to settle with their property in the Territories,
without their rights, either of person or prop
erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres
sional or Territorial legislation. J
Secoud. That it is the duty of'the Federal
Government, in all its departments, to protect,
when necessary, the rights of persons and prop
erty in the Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends. '
Third. That when the settlers of a Territory,
having an adequate population, form a State
-Constitution, tho right of sovereignty com
mences, and, being consummated by admission
into the Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the people of other States; and the State
thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro
hibits or recognises the institution of slavery..
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of tbe island of Cuba
on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable
Resolved, That the enactment 6r State Legis
latures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their efiect.
Resolved, That the Democracy of the United
States recognise it as tho Imperative daty of this
Government to protect the naturalized citizen
in all his rights, whether at home or In foreign
lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit
izens, j v
Whereas one of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercialosUil, and
military point of view, is a speedy1 communica
tion botween the Pacido and Atlantic coasts j
therefore be it
fiower to secure the nassaire
bill, to the extent of the constitutional1 author
ity of Congress", .for the construction" of 'a Fa.
cifio railroad fWmthe Mlssis'sirpl"riverto the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

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