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TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. Tho National RwroDLlfAV la published every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, and ia delivered to city subscribers at six cents per week, mail subscribers at threo dol lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Advertisements inserted at liberal rates. t& All communications, whether on busi ness or for publication, should bo addressed to LEWIS CLEPHANEAVCo., Washington, D. C. PUIJIilBHpRS' IfpEJQBr I Subscriptions, advertisement), and comma I nications, intended for this paper, inny Deleft at : Adamson't periodical store, on Seventh street, (opposite (he General Post Office, where copret of tho paper may , alto bo hod immediately alt its issue. . .- i o Advertisement1 should be' sent . in bfforfc twelve o'clock, M, otherwise thermay have to Hoover a day. v'' '' ' Communications npon all subjects, particu larly, with reference to pur cily affairs, wilt re ceive respectful attention. Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1860. No. 11. r jyjgl I I ' M PRICE ONE CENT. MY NAME. nr rtontsct riser. In the land where t sm going1, When my earthly life is o'er, When the tired hands cease their striving, And the tlrtd hearts ache no more; In that land of llghtand beauty, Where no sbadow'ever came, To o'ercloud the perfect glory ' What shall be my angel name 7 When tbe spirits who Await me Meet me at the euteeten; In, With what name of Jove and music r , , , Will their welcome.words begin ? Not the one so dimmed with earth-stain.!, Linked with thoughts of grief and abame; No, the name that mortals gave me Will not be my angel name. I have heard it all too often Utteredby unloving lips J E'en they dare, In sin and sorrow, Dim It with tbelr deep, eclipse. I shall change It like a garment, When I leave this mortal frame, And, at life's Immortal .baptism, I shall have another name I For ths angels will not call me By the name I have on earth ; Thty will speak a holler language, Where I have a holler birth ; Syllabled in heavenly music, Sweeter far than earth may claim ; Very gentle, pure, and tender Such shall be my angel name I It has thrilled ray spirit often, In the holiest of my dreams j But Its beauty liogers with me, Only like the morning beams ; Weary of the Jarring discord Which the lips qf mortals frame, When shall I, with joy and rapture, Answer to my angel name? Doino Good. Daughters cannot be too early shown, by mothers, what the great busi ness of human life is to do good and to get goodj and that they are to get good for the most part in doing good.. One of tho strongest and yet most common mistakes in the world, especially in the world of tbo young, is the be lief that doing good is a dead loss to tho dOers ; and that the loss is to bo measured by the amount of the charity. Another fundamental mistake of modern education consists in a neglect, both by parents and teachers, to show to the young, of both sexes, what they ought to aim at Half of our young people, even in the families of Christian parents, have no aim at all; and a much larger proportion still have no aim which is at all worthy of a rational and immortal being. And how very few indeed can be found who feel themselves to be nnder daily and hourly obligation to perfect in the highest possible degree theirwhole nature, physical; intellectual, and moral. How easy would it be for a mother, provided he were bat a mother indeed, to tell her daughters, from time to time, that they are under the most solemn obligations to God and to the world, to obey all those laws which relate to the body, not only because it is an implied command that they should do so, because by so doing they can constantly improve their ' health, add to their present means of useful ness, and prolong their lives. Th..t it is not enough to escape sickness merely, but that they ought, in all he circumstances of life, to as- lire after the highest possible amount of bodi y health and vigor provided, always, that their efforts for this purpose do not interfere with known and obvious duties to their friends and neighbors. Wiut is he Worth ? John Doe is a man of large possessions. He has houses, lands, stocks, and all the appurtenances of a man of wealth. He is industrious, shrewd, and success ful. His neigbors and the money changers say he is worth a great deal, and so he is, if a man's worth must be measured by the length of his purse. But a real man is something else, and more than tho gold and silver he happens to own, and, therefore, tho gospel of Mammon, and its credulous dupes, err iu opinion, nnd lie against the truth, when they pronounce Johu Doe worth a great deal, merely because he is rich. For worth and wealth are not synony mous or convertible terms; and a rich man may bo a very worthless one. None are really worth any more or less than the characters they possess, and their fitness for doing good to others. If one be ignorant, selfish, and miserly, ho may sport a carriage in Broadway, yawn at the opera, lodge in the Fifth avenue and create a great sensation in Wall street. But if it be asked to what purpose does this man live ? What is he worth to his fellow men ? What good does he do in the world? Echo nnswers, what? Like sponge, he grows dis tended and dropsical with borrowed matter ; nnd if he be thoroughly squeezed, and made to fiart with his fictitious weight, be becomes as ight and'worthless as a gossamer, for he has no internal solidity of character. He has trans muted himself into gold, and when that is gone, the man is gone too. There are some everywhere, in our prosper ous country, of crcat Dossessions. who resem ble nothing so much as a receiving vault of a cciuuiucy, wuiuu iucks up in aarancss nnu death all that comes within its dreary precincts. No appeal of sorrow, no cry for aid, no glo rious promiso of future good, no prophetic voice or angel whisner of Ion., enn nnnntrntn or dispel the putrid composure that reigns wunin. And thus Mr. John Doe mar fill un his cof fers and increase his personal resources, but if bis neart do pitiless, upvom or generous sym pathies and human desires ; if riches are with him the end of existence ; if be can find .no other use for his money than to employ it in purchasing baso indulgence, or laying it by for uncertain and profligate heirs ; if be finds not pleasuro in the charities of life, or institutions devoted to human weal if lie is always a greedy receiver, and never a liberal dispenser; alas I then, for the so-called rich, but actually poor Johu Doo. His penury is worse than that of Lazarus. He is more worthless than the beggar child, who shares her crust with others, remembering and feeling that "it is more blessed to give than to receive." "What is a man worth?" Ho is worth precisely just as much as' he has capacity and inclination to be useful. He is to be estimated by the good he attempts or accomplishes. Not the tax-gatherer, but the Word of God, can de cide his truevalue. Neither polished marble nor lying epitnph can ever preserve the mem ory or ennoble the life of .bim who, dying, leaves. behind no monument of mercy, and no remembrances of generous and benevolent worthiness. . GERMAN1A HOTEL. JOSEPH GEmiABD'S, Germanla Hotel and Restaurant, No. 340 0 street, between Four-and-a-half and Sixth streets. -.Refreshment! of all llndu Also, the finest Oysters, la every style; French, Hungarian, Rhein, and Moselle Wines, Champagne, Bol linger, Mumm, and Htldaick; with the best of other Liquors. nov 30 GAS FIXTURES!. Tnp BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. TnOSE who desire to select from new patterns, with the advantage of a reduction In prices, will call early1 and examine. . We would also call the attention of persons about introducing gas into their dwellings to our Increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this branch of our trade. Inviting all who desire their work done promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at 2G9 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON & CO. Greatest Inducements ever offered to the Public, At the New Itat and Cap Establishment. Hats and Caps almost given away at GLADMON'S, deo 5 3t 236 Pa. av., opposite Star Office. THE ROYAL TURKISn TOWELS. Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath Gloves. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubln's Soaps and Extracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Baztn's Soaps and Extracts. Phalon's Soaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. Hair Tonics, 4c. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, Ac Just received at OILMAN'S New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av. Congress, Empire, Saratoga,, Bedford, Bine Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on band, as above. dec 3 3t LEONARD SCOTT & CO.'S BErllKT OP THE BRITISH REVIEWS AND BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. LEONARD SCOTT & CO., New York, con tlnne to publish the following leading Brit ish Periodicals, viz : 1. The London Quarterly, (Conservative.) 2. The Edinburgh Review, (Whig.) 3. The North British Review, ( Free Church.) 4. The Westminster Review, (Liberal.) 5. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, (Tory.) These Periodicals ably represent the three great political parties of Great Britain Whig, Tory, and Radical but politics forms only one feature of their character. As Organs of the most profound writers on Science, Literature, Morality, and Religion, they stand, as they ever hare s,tpoil. unrivalled in the world of letters, being considered Indispensable to the scholar and the professional man, while to the intelli gent reader of every class they furnish a -more correct and satisfactory record of tho current literature of the day, throughout tho world, than can be possibly obtained from any other source. EARLY COPIES. The receipt of ADVANCE SHEETS from the British publishers gives additional value to these Reprints, inasmuch as they can now be placed in the bands of subscribers about as soon as the original editions. TERMS. For any one of the four Reviews, per una. $3 For any two of the four Reviews, " - 5 For any three of the four Reviews, " -7 For all four of the Reviews, " - 8 For Blackwood's Magazine, " - 3 For Blackwood and one Review, " -6 For Blackwood and two Reviews, " -7 For Blackwood and three Ravlews, " - 0 For Blackwood and the four Reviews," 10 Payments to be made in all cases In advance. Money current in tho State where Issued will be received at par. CLUBBING. A discount of twenty-five per cent, from the above price will bo allowed to Clubs ordering four or more copies of any one or more of the above works. Thus : Four copies of Blackwood, or of one Review, will be sent to one address for $9 ; four copies of the four Reviews and Blackwood for $30 ; and so on. POSTAGE. In all the principal cities and towns, these works will be delivered, FREE OF POSTAGE. When sent by mail, the Postage to any part of the United States will be but tmnty-four cents a year for " Blackwood," and but fourteen ctnli a year for each of the Reviews. N. B. The price in Great Britain of the fire Periodicals above named Is $31 per annum. Remittances for any of the above publications should always be addressed, post paid, to the publishers, LEONARD SCOTT & CO., nov 20 No. 61 Goldstroet, New York. Prospectus of the. National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the gret Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented In the dally press of the National Metropolis, we have embarked In the enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District of Columbia with a dally publication, under the title of the '' National Republican." In its political department, this journal will advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind of groundless prejudices which have been engendered against It, by the false accusations of ty enemies. Having the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit oar approbation, we expect to yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great issue that Is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and the District of Columbia have more at stake than the peopl of any other portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the In tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend It asunder. No one can doubt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will be found, when they come to realize that it Is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense mijority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It is not our design, however, to make the Rational Republican a mere political paper. We Intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal published in this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral and material wtlfare of its inhabitants. We deem It unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will Immediately make Its appearance, nnd will then speak for Itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad vance. The publication office Is at the corner of Indi ana avenne and Second street. LEWIS CLEPHANE 4 CO. Some Opinions of Mr. Lincoln. SELI8TED VERBATIM FROM II IS SPEECHES, AND rEUTINEXT TO TIIE NtESEXT OCCASION. "I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in tho States where it ex ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare docs not require us to do so. We must'not'withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because tho Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the out-spreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constilntion nor the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and tho enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent ejtch of these things being done by cither Congress or courts. The peoplo of tho United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion I " Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1859. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the people in nil the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they please ; nnd I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say ajjaiu, that I am placed improperly altogether improperly, in spile of nil that I can say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III., Sept. 1G, 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its Btate of progress as it is now driving, and as it has driven for the last five years, I havo ventured the opinion, and say to day, that wo will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes ono turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good time, I havo no doubt." Speech at Charleston, III, Sept. 18. 18S8. I' Mr. Donglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this -. If ono man chooses to make a slave of another, neither that man nor anybody else has a right to object." Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. " I have intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. We might, by arresting the fur ther spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it. put it where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus tho agitation may cease. It may bo pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction ; and when I desire to seo the further spread of it arrested, I only say that I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, mado this Government part slavo and part free. Un derstand tho sense in which he puts it ho as sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself was introduced by the fraraers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as thoy found it. Hut iu making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of the difficulty the absoluta- impossibility of its immediate re moval." Sjxcch at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. ' Let me say I havo no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would bo in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they wonld not introduce it If it did now exist among us, we should not in stantly give it up. This I believo of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are Indi vid nals on both sides who would not hold slaves nnder any circumstances; and others who wonld gladly introduce slavery anew if it wore now oni oi existence, we Know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-lopntholitionists; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave masters. " When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for tho origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge tho fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blame them for not do ing what I shonld not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to free all tho slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the lone run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they wonld perish in the next ten days ; and thore are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings 7 Is it quite certain that this-betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, wo well know that thoso of the great mass ot white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is nuy part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We sannot, then, make them equals. . It does seem to mo that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " V. hen they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for tho reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, ia its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Oitowa. Ill- Aug. 01 1QSQ " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery 7 What is it that we hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty ana prosperity, Bave ana except tnis institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do vou propose to improve tho condition of things hy enlarging slavery by Bpreading it ont, and making it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer on your person, ana not do able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall be granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why. then, do I yield sun- port to a fugitivo slave law ? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guar anties that right, can be supported without it." Sjieech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. " The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every minu is the sentiment on tho part of ono class that looks upon tho insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class mat uoes not iook upon it as a wrong. Tho sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of tho Republican party, Iheylook upon it as being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have duo regard for its'actual existence among us, and the difficulties of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any moro danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; aud ono of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. If there be a man among us who docs not tbiuk that tho institution of slavery is wrong in nny of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to bo with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong us to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way. and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced If ho is on our platform." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WOHD3 TO TIIE SOOTH. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to bo patient and firm, aud in the long run to beat you. When wo do beat vou, you perhaps want to know what wo will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to speak for tho opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, nnd Madison, treated you. Wo mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution ; to nbido by every com promise of the Constitution : ami, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of thoso noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, nnd Madison. We mean to remember that you oro as good as we are ; that there is no dif ference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. Wo mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that you havo as good hearU in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accord ingly, Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. . Jtesolvid, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of the United States, In Convention assembled. In discharge of the dnty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite In the following declarations : First. That the history of the nation during the last four yean has fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organization and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called It Into existence are perma nent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenanco of the principles promulgated In the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, deriving thelrjustpowers from thecon sent of the governed," Is essential to the preservation of our republican Institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights or the Slates, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes Its unprecedented Increase In popu lation ; its surprising development of material resources ; its rapid augmentation of wealth ; its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a fret Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative dnty of an Indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do mestic Institutions, according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest or crimes. Ffth. That the present Democratic Adminis tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in Its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced In its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to Involve an unqualified property In persons In Its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and tea, through the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal Interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power Intrusted to it by a confidingpeople. Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability Is in dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration Is Imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tution of its own force carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, Is a dangerous politital heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; Is revolutionary In its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony of the country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the territory of the Uuited States is that of Freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery In all our national territory, ordained that " no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," It becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any Individuals, to give legal existence to sla very in any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national Sag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for tbo total and final suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That in the recent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery In those Territories, we find a practical Illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-in-terventiou and popular sovereignty embodied In t tin L'AnDAa-VfillpAoba ItfH ueif A A Avnnn m t A ah .uu ...UBUa-,i. ?. uwi, Miu n uuuiuuguauuu of tho deception and fraud involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these Imposts as to encourage the de velopment or the industrial interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanic and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the stttlert as paupers or supplicants for publlo bounty ; and we demand tin passage by Congress of the com plete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party Is op nosed to anv chanffB in our n&turiitlcAttnn Iawa. or any State legislation by which the rights ef citizenship hitherto accorded to Immigrants from loreign lanas snail tit abridged a Impalrea i ana in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes ot citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. lyteentn. That appropriations ny uongress for river and harbor Improvement of a nation al character, required for the accommodation; and security of an existing commerce, are author ized by the Constitution and Justified by an ob- ligation of the Government to protect the Uvea and property of )U citizens. Sixteenth. That railroad to the Pacific Oeeaa Is Imperatively demanded by the Interests of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render Immediate and efficient aid In. its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto,' a daily overland mall should be promptly es tablished. - ' Seventeenth. Finally, having thai set ferth our distinctive principles and views,' we' livvte : lb co-eperation of all citizens, however differing c other questions, who substantially agree with fj In tbelr affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFORM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions' of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties i therefore, Resolved, That it is both the part of patriot ism and of duty to recognise no political prin ciple other than the Constitution of the country, tho union of the States, and the enforcement of tho laws; and that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedly, these great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against all enemies, at home and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more bo re stored to tho country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Govermenl again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under tne example ana uonstitution ot our lathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro vide lor the common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber, ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter: and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following : Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge tuch constitution al government aid ns will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, Thatthe Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cubaj on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. Resolved, That the enactment'of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execntion of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sul versivo of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of tbo Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati bo affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions : First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an aet.o Congress is provisional and temporary, and daring its existence all cit izens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it ia the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States ; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether Its Constitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery. Resolved, That tho Democratic party are ia favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment Resolved, That tho enactment of State Legis latures to defeat tho faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to tho same extent as its nativo-born cit izens. , Whereas ono of tho greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communica tion botwesn tho Pacido and Atlantic coasts ; therefore be it Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the paasago of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional author ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. '