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The National REronLtcAH la published every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) nt the corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, and ia delivered to city subscribers at six cents per week, mail subscribers at three, dol lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Advertisements inserted at liberal rates. t&" All communications, whether on busi ness or for publication, should be addressed to LEWIS CLEPHANE & Co., Washington, D. C. QSaBaiFal PUBLISHER' N,OTigES; Subscriptions, advertisements, and commu nications, intended for this paper, may be left at Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street, opposite the General Post .Office, whore copies of the paper may also be had immediately on its issue. Advertisements should be sent in before twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may have to lie over a day. Communications upon all subjects, particu larly with reference to our city affairs, will re ceive respectful attention. mmsat Vol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, MONDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1860. No. 12. J. Ki PRICE ONE CENT. We find Inthe Buffalo Courier the following little poem, remarkable In Its melody and con traction. It would do no discredit to Edgar A. Foe In bis best days. I SIT ALONE." BY AOHXS B. KUIRSON. Rainy is the sky I And tbe winds are blowing cool Over the splashing pool, The clayey ooze and the drowned grass, And lashing the lengths of rain, as tbey pass, Like scourges, against my window-glass, With many a sough and sigh, And here I sit alone, Though tbe world Is a full, and a broad, and a deep, With nothing but winds, to help me moan, And nothing but ratn, to help me weep. My heart, like that straDge, Druldlcal stone, That Is poised on a desolate cliff of Wales, In its native, midnight, unseen, and unknown, Is rocked by passionate gales, But, of all my sorrows, it is most sad, To keep sighing still, in this dreary tone : 11 1 once had friends- -I had- -I had I " Ah, heart I to think that this dark old bouse Once echoed with voice and steps more glad Than those of tbe cricket and the mouse I My eyes are ter-blinded, but full are my ears Of a melancholy sound of rain Of rin upon the roof; Till I dream that all moments which filled the train Of many and many departed years, Are hurried back at my eoul's behoof On airy bridges I hear them crqs ', Those numberless little trampling feet Above me they go with a rapid beat, And my heart ii o'erflowed with a sudden sweet; Now now to recover all its loss I Now now- -and I almost think to meet The old-time glances of laughing eyes, Till the loud wind wakes, with lti startling sighs, That here I Bit alone, Though the world is a full, and a broad, and a deep, With nothing but winds, to help me moan, And nothing but rains, to help me weep. communicated. To Senator : You say the "North hales the South " and the " South hates the North." I doubt it j yei, I deny it. But if it is true, then that is the great reason why they should keep together! if they loved each other tbey could afford to separate, hating they can not. True love grows upon the separation of its objects, and hait broods, feeds, and fires upon it. JTs this not true? too true! Look at that wonderful " happy family " for an example. You see there, united in peace, natures of in born mutual dread and hostility. Apparent good will and plenty marks their data, so lojig as they are members of the family. Think you if two of that family, imtinet with hale, should escape from the common group, or that all should separate, their forbearance would still continue? No I nature answers no I reason answers no I Experience and judgment take up the echo and ring out the solemn warning, " UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL." The animosities of the few, the aspirations of the ambitious, the chagrin of the disappointed, the feelings of the injured, and the instincts of the powerful, all now held in salutary check under the common bond of this "happy fam ily," will, as true as nature is to herself, when separation comes, break forth to contend and to devour. But it is not so. All is not love, but all is not " hale," as the distinguished Sen ator tells us. If the earth should at this mo ment engulph all the politicians and madcaps of the country, there would still be left to us nearly our thirty millions of loving people. c. o. p. A Morning Call on a Mooress. The visits of a European lady to a Mooress are looked on by the latter as a kind of amusement, and wel comed with as much zest as children welcome the squeak of a Punch and-Judy man. The Moorish ladies soon get tired of the com parative insipidity of trving to understand and make themselves understood in turn, and pro ceed to action. They first pull you about and examine everything you have on. Next they divest you of your walking habiliments, and dress you up, if you will permit them, after their own fashion. A French lady, anxious to see to what lengths they would carry their investi gations, determined to give herself up entirely to the caprices of a Moorish family on whom she was making a short morning call. They commenced by cutting her front hair short in a twinkling, and then, while one painted her eye brows with cohol, a second djed her finger nails with henna, and a third stuck littlo gold span gles over her face. To attempt to envelope her in Moorish habiliments was tbe next step, which, however, she resisted vigorously, anxious to save herself the trouble of that mysterious and itlimitable " minute " during which ladies ask you so ruthlessly to wait while they are "putting their things on." And then they clapped their bands with tho greatest glee at the droll appearance she cut. I need not say that sho scarcely recognises her own faco in the glass, nor I think would her nearest relative have known her at that moment. Cohol takes at least a week before it can be removed, while henna can ouly be eradicated as the nail grows out and is cut. The lady perceived at once, as she dolefully endeaored to put her docked hair in shape, that a thick veil would be neces sary until the effect of the masquerading had worn away with time. The Corsair and his Conqueror. Chinese Mode or 1'nEstuviNQ Womev. A letter from China sayss "When tho French troops entered the'fortificd village of l'ohtang ho they found that its inhabitants and defend ers had evacuated it. In several houses wore found large earthenware jars, nearly five feet high, placed in out-of-the way corners, and filled with water. But on tho surface of the water in one was seen a human foot, and on the jars being broken, the dead body of a woman was found in each. From the appearauce of the bodies, tbe women could only hao been dead a short time, and death must have been caused by being plunged headforemost into tho water. It was afterwards ascertained that tho inhabitants of the twon had killed in this strange way such of their women as were not strong enough to support a long rnarcu, uuu inisht in conseaueiae havo fallen into the hands of the conquerors. Altogether, about ouo hundred dead bodies were lound." HENRY JANNEY, No. 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and Seventh ttreeU, Washington, D. C, MANUFACTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES, HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most experienced hands to make promptly to or der every variety of work in his line. He has on bis shelves a very good supply of work of bli own make. Alio, a general supply of Northern work, direct from the Manufacturers, as well as from Auction, and assures the public that no house In this or eny other city can supply, WHOLE SALE or RETAIL, at lower rates. nov '26 PHILADELPHIA CONFECTIONERY. IOE OREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes, Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of nice things in the Confectionery line, at FUS 8 ELL'S, corner of Twelfth afid F streets, at the lowest prices. nov 30 lm GAS FIXTURES! THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. THOSE who desire to select from new patterns, wltb the advantage of a redaction In prices, will call early and examine. We would also call the attention of persons about Introducing gas Into their dwellings to our increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this branch of our trade. Inviting all who desire their work done promptly, and freo from gas leakages, to call at 269 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON & CO. THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS. Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath Glove. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubin's Soaps and Eztracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sties, wick ers and plain bottles. Bazln's Soaps and Extracts. Pbalon's Soaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. Hair Tonics, &c. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, &c Just received at OILMAN'S New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av. Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue Lltk, and White Sulphur Waters, always on hand, as above. dec 3 3t I N O T I C EI ,, J WISH all gentlemen to bear' K H I In mind that tbe plaa which 1 LsfkW adopted, six years ago, of selling HATS and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for casb, Is In successful operation. Just received, a full supply of the latest New York styles of DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3.50 ; a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am constantly supplied with a very large stock of those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I have been selling for many years as well as the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT ERS, at $3 50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters, from $2 to $2.50. Terms cash. No extra charge in order to off set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for the Manu facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. M0. nov 26 LE.ONARD SCOTT & CO.'S KETRINT or THE BRITISH REVIEWS AND BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. LEONARD SCOTT & CO., New York, con tinue to publish the following leading Brit ish Periodicals, viz : 1. The London Quarterly, (Conservative.) 2. The Edinburgh Review, (Whig.) 3. The North British Review, (Free Church.) 4. The Westminster Review, (Liberal.) 5. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, (Tory.) These Periodicals ably represent the three great political parties of Great Britain Whig, Tory, and Radicab but politics forms only ono feature of their character. As Organs of tbe most profound writers on science, Literature, Morality, and Religion, they stand, as they ever have stood, unrivalled la the world of letters, being considered indispensable to the scholar and the professional man, while to the intelli gent reader of every class they furnish a more correct and satisfactory record of the current literature of the day, throughout tho world, than can be possibly obtained from any other source. EARLY COPIES. The receipt of ADVANCE SHEETS from tho British publishers gives additional value to these Reprints, inasmuch as tbey can now be placed In the hands of subscribers about as soon as the original editions. TERMS. 1'or any one of the four Reviews, per ann. $3 For any two of the four Reviews, " - 5 For any three of tbe four Reviews, " - 7 Fcr all four of the Reviews, " - 8 For Blackwood's Magazine, " - 3 For Blackwood and one Review, " - B For Blackwood and two Reviews, " - 1 For Blackwood and three Reviews, " - 0 For Blackwood and the fourTleviews," - .10 Payments to be made In all cases In advance. Money current In the State where Issued will be received at par. CLUBBING. A discount of tweniy-five per cent, from the above price will be allowed to Clubs ordering four or more copies of any one or moro of the above works. Thus : Tour copies of Blackwood, or of one Review, will be sent to ono address for $0 ; four copies of the four Reviews and Blackwood for $30 ; and so on. POSTAGE. In all the principal cities and towns, these works will be delivered, FREE OF POSTAGE. When sent by mall, tbe Postage to any part of the United States will be but twenty-four eenli a year for " Blackwood," and but fourteen cents a year for each of the Reviews. N. B. The price In Great Britain of the five Periodicals above named ia $31 per annum. Remittances for any of the above publication should always be addressed, post paid, to the publishers, LEONARD SCOTT A, CO., nov 26 No. 54 Gold street, New York. Prospectus of the National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the great Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented In the dally press of the National Metropolis, we have embarked In the enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District of Colombia with a dally publication, under the title of the " National Republican." In Its political department, this Journal will advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the publio mind of groundless prejudices which have been engendered against It, by the false accusations of Its enemies. Having the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit our approbation, we expect to yield it a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great issue that is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of tbe Republican party, the people of Washington an-1 the District of Columbia have more at stake than tbe peopl of any other portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the In tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend it asunder. No one can doubt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will be found; when tbey come to realize that It is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to tho administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense majority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It Is not our design, however, to make the National Republican a mere political paper. We intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal published In this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to tbe prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral and material welfare of Its inhabitants. , We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will Immediately make Its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six rents per week. Mail subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad vance. The publication office is at the corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS CLEPHANE k CO. Some Opinions of Mr. Lincoln. SELI8TED VEH1IATIM FROM HIS Sl'EECnES, AMD PERTINENT TO THE PnESEVT OCCASION. "I say that we must not interfere with the institution of .slavery in the States where it ex ists, because, the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because tho Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the out spreading of tho in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congress or courts. The people of the United States ore the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert tho Constitu tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1859. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow tho people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do oxact ly as they pleaso; and I deny that I have nny inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only sayngain, that 1 am placed improperly altogether improperly, in spite of all that I can say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Joiicsborough, III., Sept. 10, 1858. " wnilo it (slavery) drives on in its state ot progress as it h now driving, and as it has driven for tho last five years, I have ventured tho opinion, and say to day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the mostpcacd lul way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's on good time, I havo no doubl."-r-Speech at Chailcston, III, Sept. 18. 1858. " Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply tins : If ono man chooses to make a slave of another, neither that man nor anybody else has a right to object." Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. " I have intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. Wo might, by arresting the fur ther spread of it, and placing it whero tho fathers originally placed it. put it where tbe public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, Nortli as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sutlicient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution whero the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction ; and when I desire to see the further sprend of it arrested, I ouly say that I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, mado this Government part slave and part free. Un derstand tho sense in which be puts it he as sumes that slaery is n rightful thing within itself was introduced by the framers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among' us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of tho difficulty tho absolute impossibility ol Its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. ' Let mo say I have no prejudice against the Southernpeople. They are Just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did, not exist among them they would not introduce it. If it did now exist amonc us. we should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are indi viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existent?. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top abolitionists ; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave masters. ""When, Southern people tell us they are no mora responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it ia very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blame them for not do ing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they wero all landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them oil, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet the point is not clear enough to de nounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justico and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be sately disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt cd; but for that tardiness in this respect, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " w hen tbey remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Ottawa, IIU Aug. 21, 1858. " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery? What is it that wo hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger ? " You may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not bo ablo to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what vou regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) beliete that the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall bo granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do uot understand that the Constitution, which guar anties that right, can be supported without it." SjKech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. "The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on tbe part of one class that looks upon the insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that docs not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it as being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence umong us, and the difficulties of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any moro danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of tbe methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it snail grow no larger. If there bo a man among us who docs not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I havo spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way, and to disregard tho constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. a itw nouns to the sodtii. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of the country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When we do beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to speak for the opposition, what wo mean to do with you. Wo mean to treat you, as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution ; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution : and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated! may, according to the examples of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as wo are ; that thero is no dif ference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear in mind, always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat jou accord ingly. SKcch at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of the United States, In Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declaration! : First. That the history of the nation during the last four years baa fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organization and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it Into existence are perma nent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand Its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, deriving their justpowers from the consentof the governed," is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of tbe States this nation owes its unprecedented Increase in popu lation ; Its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; Its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a free Government,' and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the Imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That tbe maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control Its own do mestic Institutions, according to Its own Judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which tho perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest or crimes. Ffth. That the present Democratic Adminis tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions In its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced in Its desperate exertions to torce the Infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons In Its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the Intervention of Congress and of tbe Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal Interest, and In Its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to It by a confiding people. Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is lu dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent Btartllng developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is Imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tutes of Its own force carries slavery Into any or all of tbe Territories of the United States, Is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony ot tho country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all tbe territory of the United States is that of Freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that " no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," It becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate It; and we deny tbe authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any Individuals, to give legal existence to sla very In any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand tbe recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acta of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery In those Territories, we find a practical Illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these Imposts as to encourage the de velopment of the industrial interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands beld by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and we demand tho passage by Congress of the com plete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed tbe House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party Is op posed to any change In our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor Improvements of a nation al character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are author ized by tbe Constitution and Justified by an ob ligation of tbe Government to protect tbe lives and property of Its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is Imperatively demanded by the Interests of the whole country; that the- Federal Government ought to render Immediate and efficient aid in Its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a dally overland mail should be promptly es tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, wesinvlte the co-operation of all citizens, bowevtr differing on other questions, who substantially agree with ns, in their affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFORM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the countrv have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at tbe same time to widen the political divisions of the countrv, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties : therefore, Resolved, That it is both the part of patriot ism and of duty to recognise no political prin ciple other than tbe Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and tho enforcement of the laws ; and that as representatives of tbe Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedl, these great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against alt enemies, at homo and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more be re stored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re established, and the Goverment again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example and Constitution ot our lathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro vido lor tho common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 185G, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter; and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following : Resolved, That it is the duty of the United Statcsto afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. . Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in. a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. Resolved, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of tho fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of tho Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be. finally determined by the Supreme Court of trie Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of tho General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions: First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, nnd during its existence all cit izens of the United Stated have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand ou an equal footing with the people of other States ; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of tho island of Cuba on such terras as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable rnonlent. Resolved, That the enactment of State Legis latures to defeat tbe faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born cit izens. Whereas one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communica tion between the Pacitic and Atlantic coasts j therefore be it Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use overy means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional author ity of Congress, for the construction of a Pa cific railroad from tho Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.