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The National HsrcnucAK is published orery afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, and is delivered to city subscribers at six cents per week, mail subscribers at threo dol lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. Advertisement inserted at liberal rates. 6jr All communications, whether on busi ness or Tor publication, should bo addressed to LEWIS CLEPHANE & Co., Washington, D. C. ' PUBttSHEKSrNOTlCEg: , .7 T,!Bffr rrt ounscnpltons, advertisements, and comma' nications, intended for.this paper, maybe left at Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street, Opposite (he General Post Office, when copies of the paper may also be had immediately on; its issue. Advertisements should be sent In befors) twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may have to lie over a day. Communications upon all subjects, particu larly with reference to our city affairs, will re ceive respectful attention. attimal Yol. I. WASHINGTON, D. 0., TUESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1860. No. 13. Silllilll ( L; -I I PRICE ONE CENT. THE VOICELESS. BY OLIVIBtWINOILL IIOLUIS. We count the broken lyres that rest Where the sweet walling singers slumber, But o'er their silent sister's breast The wild llowers who will stop to number? A few can touch the rnaglo string, And noisy Fame It proud to win them ; Alas I for those that never sing, But die with all their music in them I Nay, grieve not for the dead alone, Whose song has told their heart's sad story Weep for the voiceless, who have known The cross without the crown of glory I Mot where Ltucadlan breezes sweep O'er Sappho's memory-haunted billow, But where the glistening night dews weep O'er nameless sorrow's church-yard pillow. 0, hearts that break, and give no sign, Save whitening lip and failing tresses, Till Death pours out his cordial wine, .Slow-dropped from Misery's crushing presses If singing breath or echoing chord To every hidden pang were given, What endless melodies were poured, As sad as earth, as sweet as heaven I Anecdote of Oiiatsch, the Hippopotamus or the Zoological Gardens. Ilamet, whose services bad been engaged nt Cairo, from his experienco and skill in the management of an imals, had some amusing incidents to relate as toTiis extraordinary charge. It was clear for instance that he had attracted to himself, and that most deservedly, the warm affections of Obaysch. Thus, Ilamet slept side by side with him at Cairo, and in the same way he slumbered during the first week of the voyage. But as the weather grew warmer and warmer, and Obaysch larger and larger, though " pov erty makes ns (proverbially) acquainted with strange bedfellows," the charge of a hippopbt nraus did not necessarily, it was thought, ren der such an inconvenience imperative. Ham et had, therefore, a hammock strung from tho beams immediately over the place where he used to sleep just over, in tact, the sido of the bed, his position being raised some two or three feet. Assuring Obaysch,, not only by words, but by extending one arm over the side, so as to touch him, Ilamet got into his ham mock and fell asleep, when he was suddenly awakened by a jerk and a hoist, only to find himself close by the side of his compagnon tlu voyage. Another attempt at separate sleeping was attended by the same successful move ments on the part of Obaysch, and, till they arrived at Southampton) Ilamet desisted from any further trial, as he avoided, in all ways, any irritation of the Animal. CatieVi Popular Natural History. An Incidentop the California Election Senator Qwin's Vote Challenged. The Hon., William M. Gwin, United States Senator from California, offered his vote in the seventh district. On his approach to the polls, Mr. Owen Curran, a neat little Irishman, a Doug las Democrat, challenged the Senator's vote, on the ground that he was not a resident of Cali fornia, but belonged to Mississippi. Various exclamations were heard, derogatory of the pub lic character of tho distinguished gentleman ; among others, one that he had lost his right to voto by defeating the Pacific railroad ; another, that he lived in Texas. The doctor declared that he was a Senator from California ; that his name was William M. Gwin, that he came here in 1849; and that he was a United States Sen ator. All did not satisfy Mr. Curran, who persisted in his challenge, insisting upon each individual reason urged in the objections above cited to G win's competency. There remained no alter native nndertbe law but to administer the oath to Dr. Gwin, and he took it accordingly. His vote was then admitted. This, we submit, was harsh and disrespectful to a well-known digni tary of our land. Though absent in the flesh, Gwin has been with us in spirit continually, during the last ten years. As soon as elected for one term, he has commenced his labors for re-election for another. His affection for Cali fornia was shown in a touching manner, when lie proposed to secede from tho Union and join n Southern negro Confederacy ; for he thcro an nounced that ho would take our good State with him. San Francisco Times. Tho grape crop has been very large in Amer ica this season, and the fruit of fine quality. Nntive wine, therefore, should be plenty and cheap. Tho culture of the grapo will, one day, be a source of immense value in this country, and we shall produce wine equal to any in the world. Mr. Van Burcn, it is said, in occupied in pre paring a History of his Times, beginning with the great struggle between John Adams and 1 nomas Jeuerson, in the close ol tne last cen tury, and to end with the present extraordiuary year. Visit of a New York Military Company to London. It is announced that Company E, Dtli Regiment New York City Guard, will visit London in August next, taking a steamship from New York for Southampton. Garibaldi bad issued an important address relative to his Venetian cam paign i and rumors wore current in Paris concerning negotiations lor me purcuase oi venetia. During an examination, a medical student was asked the question, " When does mortifi cation ensue ? " He replied " When you pop the qustiou, and are nnswered no." A brother lawyer once told John G. Saxo that a beard was unprofessional. " Right," said Saxe, " a lawyer cannot be too barefaced." Tho thirty-three Governors of the United States comprise sixteen Democrats, sixteen Republicans, and one American Hicks, of Maryland. No man can whistlo " Yankee Doodle," or hum the air of the " Star Spangled linnnor," in the cotton States, without danger of being mobbed. A telepranhic cable was fiuccossfullv laid across tho Mississippi river, at Vicksburg,Iast v riaay. HENRY JANNEY, A'o. 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and Seventh streets, Washington, V. 0., MANUFACTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES, HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most experienced hands to make promptly to or der every variety of work In bis line. He has on his shelves a very good supply of work of bis own make. Also, a general supply of Northern work, direct from the Manufacturers, as well as from Auction, and assures the public that no bouse In this oi liny other city can supply, WHOLE SALE or RETAIL, at luwer rates. nov 26 PHILADELPHIA CONFECTIONERY. IOE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes, Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crnsts for Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of nice things in the Confectionery line, at FUS SELL'S, corner of Twelfth and F streets, at the lowest prices. . nov 30 lm GAS FIXTURES! THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. THOSE who desire to select from new patterns, with the advantage of a reduction in prices, will call early and examine. We would alio call the attention of persons about Introducing gas into their dwellings to our Increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this branch of our trade. Inviting all who desire their work done promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at 209 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON & CO. THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS. Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bafti Gloves. Brown Windsor 8oap, Honey Soaps. Latin's Soaps and Eitracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Basin's Soaps and Extracts. Pbalon's Spaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. Hair Tonics, &c. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. " Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, Ac. Just received at OILMAN'S New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av. Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on hand, as above. dec 3 3t N 0 T I C E I f ft I WISH all gentlemen to bear' Hi in mind that the plan which I lkisSkV adopted, six years ago, of selling HTtf and BUUTB at greatly reduced prices, lor cam, is in successiui operation, just receirea, a full supply of the latest New York styles of DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3. SO ; a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable Hat, $2.60. All of the latest styles of soft II ATS and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am constantly supplied with a very large stock of those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I have been selling for many years as well as the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT ERS, at $3 50. Flue French Calfskin Gaiters, from $2 to $2.50. Terms cash. No extra charge In order to off set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for the Manu facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 540. nov 26 LEONARD SCOTT & CO.'S RETniNTOF THE BRITISH REVIEWS AND BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE, LEONARD SCOTT & CO., New York, con tinue to publish the following leading Brit ish Periodicals, viz : 1. The London Quarterly, (Conservative.) 2. The Edinburgh Revlew,(WhIg.) 3. The North British Review, (Free Church.) 4. The Westminster Review, (Liberal.) 5. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, (Torj.) These Periodicals ably represent the three great political parties of Great Britain Whig, Tory, and Radical but politics forms only one feature of their character. As Organs of the most profound writers on Science, Literature, Morality, and Religion, they stand, as they ever have stood, unrivalled in the world of letters, being considered indispensable to the scholar and the professional man, while to the Intelli gent reader of every class they furnish a more correct and satisfactory record of the current literature of the day, throughout the world, than can be possibly obtained from any other source. EARLY COPIES. Tho receipt of ADVANCE SHEETS from the British publishers gives additional value to these Reprints, inasmuch as they can now be placed in the hands of subscribers about as soon as the original editions. TERMS. For any one of the four Reviews, per ann. $3 For any two of the four Reviews, " - 6 For any three of the four Reviews, " - 7 For all four of the Reviews, " - 8 For Blackwood's Magazine, " - 3 For Blackwood and one Review, " -5 For Blackwood and two Reviews, " - 7 For Blackwood and three Reviews, " - 9 For Blackwood and the four Reviews," - 10 Payments to be made in all cases In advance. Money current In the State where Issued will be received at par. CLUHBING. A discount of twenty-five per cent, from the above price n ill be allowed to Clubs ordering four or more copies of any one or more of the above works. Thus : Four copies of Ulackwood, or of one Review, will be sent to one address for $9 ; fuur copies of the four Reviews and Blackwood for $30; and so on. POSTAGE. In all the principal cities and towns, these works will be delivered, FREE OF POSTAGE. When sent by mall, the Postage to any part of the United States will bo but twenty-four centt a year for " Blackwood," nd but fourteen eenti a year for each of the Reviews. N. B. The price in Great Britain of the five Periodicals above named is $31 per annum. Remittances for any of the above publications should always be addressed, post paid, to tho publishers, runwAiin anrTV e. nt I nov 20 No. 54 Gold street, Now York. Prospectus of the National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the great Republican party of the United States ought to be fairly represented in the daily press of the National Metropolis, we have embarked in the enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District of Columbia with a daily publication, nnder the title of the "-National Republican." In its political department, this journal will advocate and defend the principles of the Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind of groundless prejudices which have been engendered against it, by the false accusations of Its enemies. Having, the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit our approbation, we expect to yield It a cordial, but not a servile support. In the great issue that Is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and the District of Columbia have more at stake than the peopl of any other portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend It asunder. No one can doubt upon'whtch side of this issue the people of Washington will le" found, when they come to realize that It Is fairly forced upon them. We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense majority of the people of this District and vicin ity. It is not our design, however, to make the National Republican a mere political paper. We intend, that as a medium of general and local news, It shall not be inferior to any other journal published In this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral aud material welfare of its Inhabitants. We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will immediately make Its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad vance. The publication office is at the corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS OLEPHANE k CO. Some Opinions of Mr. Lincoln. seleotid verbatim from his. speeches, and tertixent to the present occasion. " I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it ex ists, because tho Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare docs not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the Constitution requires ua, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the out spreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor .the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by cither Cougiess or courts. The people of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1839. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they pleaso ; and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say again, that I am placed improperly altogether improperly, in spite of all that I can Bay when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III., Sept. 16", 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of progress as it ii now driving, and as it has driven for tho last five years, t have entued the opinion, and say to day, that we will have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes ono turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least ; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good timo, I have no doubt." Speech at Vhaileston, III., Sept. 18, 1858. " Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this : If one man chooses to make a slave of another, neither that roan nor anybody else has a right to object." Sptech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. " I have intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. We might, by arresting the fur ther spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it, put it where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the onitation mav cease. It mav bo pushed for ward until it shall becomo alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the public mind aid rest iu the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction; and when I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I only Bay that I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made this Government part slave and part free. Un derstand tho sense in which he puts it he as sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself was introduced by the framers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But iu making the Government, they led this institution with manv clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of tho difficulty tho absolute impossibility of its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. " Let me say I have no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would bo in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not introduce it. If it did now exist amonz us. we should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless thcro are indi viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top abolitionists; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave masters. " When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blame them for not do ing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, ahd send them to Liberia to their own native land. But a moment's-reflcction would convince mo, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there maybe in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then ? Free them all, and keep them among ns as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not iold one in slavery at any rate ; yet the point is not clear enough to de nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of tho great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be salely disregarded. We cannot, then, mako them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of tho South. " V hen they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." Speech at Oltowa, III., Aug. 21, 1858. " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger ? " You may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what vou regard ns a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that tho people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall bo granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guar anties that right, can be supported without it." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. " The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is tho sentiment of the Republican party. They look upon it as being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of get-, ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, bo treated as a wrong ; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make provision that it snail grow no larger. If there be a man among us who docs not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory wny( and to disregard the constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform," Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of tho country, intend to ' stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When we do beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au thorized to speak for the opposition, what wo mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, us nearly as wo possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean to leave you alone, aud in no way interfere with your institution ; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution ; and, in a word, coining back to tho original proposition, to treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) way, according to tho examples of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we are ; that there is no dif ference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognise and bear ju mind, always, that you hao ns good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accord ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1850. REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, In discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our conntry, unite In the following declarations s First. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the pro priety and necessity of the organization and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are perma nent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among men, deriving their justpowers from theconsentofthegoverned," is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented Increase in popu lation ; its surprising development of material resources ; its rapid augmentation of wealth ; its happiness at home and Its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has utter.ed or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, In case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de nying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which It is the Imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do mestic institutions, according to its own judg ment exclusively, Is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. Ifth. That the present Democratic Adminis tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to involve an unqualified property In persons in Its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal Interest, and in Its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people. Sath. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability Is In dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is impcrathely demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tution of Its own force carries slavery Into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that Instrument itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony of the country. Eighth. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of Freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to sla very in any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent rtopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. Eleventh, That Kansas should of right be Im mediately admitted as a State under the Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for thi support of the General Government by dutiei upon imports, sound policy requires such an ad justment of these imposts as to encourage the de velopment of the industrial interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of nation ai exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of the com plete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Republican party is op posed to any change In our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or Impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor Improvements of a nation al character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are author ized by the Constitution and justified by an ob ligation of the Government to protect the lives and property of Its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Paclfi Ocean is Imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country I that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid In Its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mall should be promptly es tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth onr distinctive principles and views, we' Invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing' on other questions, who substantially agree with ns, in their affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFORM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by tho creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties : therefore, Hesohed, That it is both the part of patriot ism and of duly to recognise no political prin ciple other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws ; and that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedly, tnese great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against all enemies, at home and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more bo re stored to the country, the just rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Govcrment again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under the example' and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro vide for the common defence, promote the gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Resolved, That wef tho Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when applied to the same subject matter: and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following: Resolved, That it is tho dutv of the United StatcB to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign. Hesolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our selves and just to Spain. Resolved That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of tho Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of tho Territorial, Legislature oer the subject of the domestic relations, as tho same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme'Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutious: First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all cit izens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person" or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when tho settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a Stnto Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro hibits or recognises the institution of slavery. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. Resolved, That the enactment of State Legis latures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United Slates recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its nativo-born cit izens. . Whereas one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communica tion between the Pacido and Atlantic coasts therefore bo it Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to seoure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional author ity of Congress, for tho construction of a Pa cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. :il