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The national Republican. (Washington, D.C.) 1860-1862, December 11, 1860, Image 1

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The National HsrcnucAK is published
orery afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the
corner of Indiana avenue and Second street,
and is delivered to city subscribers at six
cents per week, mail subscribers at threo dol
lars and fifty cents per annum, in advance.
Advertisement inserted at liberal rates.
6jr All communications, whether on busi
ness or Tor publication, should bo addressed to
Washington, D. C.
, .7 T,!Bffr rrt
ounscnpltons, advertisements, and comma'
nications, intended for.this paper, maybe left at
Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street,
Opposite (he General Post Office, when copies
of the paper may also be had immediately on;
its issue.
Advertisements should be sent In befors)
twelve o'clock, M., otherwise they may have to
lie over a day.
Communications upon all subjects, particu
larly with reference to our city affairs, will re
ceive respectful attention.
Yol. I.
No. 13.
( L;
We count the broken lyres that rest
Where the sweet walling singers slumber,
But o'er their silent sister's breast
The wild llowers who will stop to number?
A few can touch the rnaglo string,
And noisy Fame It proud to win them ;
Alas I for those that never sing,
But die with all their music in them I
Nay, grieve not for the dead alone,
Whose song has told their heart's sad story
Weep for the voiceless, who have known
The cross without the crown of glory I
Mot where Ltucadlan breezes sweep
O'er Sappho's memory-haunted billow,
But where the glistening night dews weep
O'er nameless sorrow's church-yard pillow.
0, hearts that break, and give no sign,
Save whitening lip and failing tresses,
Till Death pours out his cordial wine,
.Slow-dropped from Misery's crushing presses
If singing breath or echoing chord
To every hidden pang were given,
What endless melodies were poured,
As sad as earth, as sweet as heaven I
Anecdote of Oiiatsch, the Hippopotamus
or the Zoological Gardens. Ilamet, whose
services bad been engaged nt Cairo, from his
experienco and skill in the management of an
imals, had some amusing incidents to relate as
toTiis extraordinary charge. It was clear for
instance that he had attracted to himself, and
that most deservedly, the warm affections of
Obaysch. Thus, Ilamet slept side by side
with him at Cairo, and in the same way he
slumbered during the first week of the voyage.
But as the weather grew warmer and warmer,
and Obaysch larger and larger, though " pov
erty makes ns (proverbially) acquainted with
strange bedfellows," the charge of a hippopbt
nraus did not necessarily, it was thought, ren
der such an inconvenience imperative. Ham
et had, therefore, a hammock strung from tho
beams immediately over the place where he
used to sleep just over, in tact, the sido of
the bed, his position being raised some two or
three feet. Assuring Obaysch,, not only by
words, but by extending one arm over the side,
so as to touch him, Ilamet got into his ham
mock and fell asleep, when he was suddenly
awakened by a jerk and a hoist, only to find
himself close by the side of his compagnon tlu
voyage. Another attempt at separate sleeping
was attended by the same successful move
ments on the part of Obaysch, and, till they
arrived at Southampton) Ilamet desisted from
any further trial, as he avoided, in all ways,
any irritation of the Animal. CatieVi Popular
Natural History.
An Incidentop the California Election
Senator Qwin's Vote Challenged. The
Hon., William M. Gwin, United States Senator
from California, offered his vote in the seventh
district. On his approach to the polls, Mr.
Owen Curran, a neat little Irishman, a Doug
las Democrat, challenged the Senator's vote, on
the ground that he was not a resident of Cali
fornia, but belonged to Mississippi. Various
exclamations were heard, derogatory of the pub
lic character of tho distinguished gentleman ;
among others, one that he had lost his right to
voto by defeating the Pacific railroad ; another,
that he lived in Texas. The doctor declared
that he was a Senator from California ; that his
name was William M. Gwin, that he came here
in 1849; and that he was a United States Sen
ator. All did not satisfy Mr. Curran, who persisted
in his challenge, insisting upon each individual
reason urged in the objections above cited to
G win's competency. There remained no alter
native nndertbe law but to administer the oath
to Dr. Gwin, and he took it accordingly. His
vote was then admitted. This, we submit, was
harsh and disrespectful to a well-known digni
tary of our land. Though absent in the flesh,
Gwin has been with us in spirit continually,
during the last ten years. As soon as elected
for one term, he has commenced his labors for
re-election for another. His affection for Cali
fornia was shown in a touching manner, when
lie proposed to secede from tho Union and join
n Southern negro Confederacy ; for he thcro an
nounced that ho would take our good State with
him. San Francisco Times.
Tho grape crop has been very large in Amer
ica this season, and the fruit of fine quality.
Nntive wine, therefore, should be plenty and
cheap. Tho culture of the grapo will, one day,
be a source of immense value in this country,
and we shall produce wine equal to any in the
Mr. Van Burcn, it is said, in occupied in pre
paring a History of his Times, beginning with
the great struggle between John Adams and
1 nomas Jeuerson, in the close ol tne last cen
tury, and to end with the present extraordiuary
Visit of a New York Military Company
to London. It is announced that Company E,
Dtli Regiment New York City Guard, will visit
London in August next, taking a steamship
from New York for Southampton.
Garibaldi bad issued an important address
relative to his Venetian cam
paign i
and rumors
wore current in Paris concerning negotiations
lor me purcuase oi venetia.
During an examination, a medical student
was asked the question, " When does mortifi
cation ensue ? " He replied " When you pop
the qustiou, and are nnswered no."
A brother lawyer once told John G. Saxo
that a beard was unprofessional. " Right," said
Saxe, " a lawyer cannot be too barefaced."
Tho thirty-three Governors of the United
States comprise sixteen Democrats, sixteen
Republicans, and one American Hicks, of
No man can whistlo " Yankee Doodle," or
hum the air of the " Star Spangled linnnor,"
in the cotton States, without danger of being
A telepranhic cable was fiuccossfullv laid
across tho Mississippi river, at Vicksburg,Iast
v riaay.
A'o. 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and
Seventh streets, Washington, V. 0.,
HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most
experienced hands to make promptly to or
der every variety of work In bis line. He has on
his shelves a very good supply of work of bis own
make. Also, a general supply of Northern work,
direct from the Manufacturers, as well as from
Auction, and assures the public that no bouse
In this oi liny other city can supply, WHOLE
SALE or RETAIL, at luwer rates. nov 26
IOE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes,
Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crnsts for
Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of
nice things in the Confectionery line, at FUS
SELL'S, corner of Twelfth and F streets, at the
lowest prices. . nov 30 lm
THOSE who desire to select from new patterns,
with the advantage of a reduction in prices,
will call early and examine.
We would alio call the attention of persons
about Introducing gas into their dwellings to our
Increased facilities, and consequent low prices,
for this branch of our trade.
Inviting all who desire their work done
promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at
209 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and
Eleventh streets, south side.
nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON & CO.
Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bafti
Brown Windsor 8oap, Honey Soaps.
Latin's Soaps and Eitracts.
Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick
ers and plain bottles.
Basin's Soaps and Extracts.
Pbalon's Spaps and Extracts.
Pomades of all kinds.
Hair Tonics, &c.
With a full assortment of new Perfumery.
Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. "
Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, Ac.
Just received at OILMAN'S
New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av.
Congress, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue
Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on
hand, as above. dec 3 3t
N 0 T I C E I f ft
I WISH all gentlemen to bear' Hi
in mind that the plan which I
lkisSkV adopted, six years ago, of selling
HTtf and BUUTB at greatly reduced prices, lor
cam, is in successiui operation, just receirea,
a full supply of the latest New York styles of
DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3. SO ;
a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable
Hat, $2.60. All of the latest styles of soft II ATS
and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am
constantly supplied with a very large stock of
those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I
have been selling for many years as well as
the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT
ERS, at $3 50. Flue French Calfskin Gaiters,
from $2 to $2.50.
Terms cash. No extra charge In order to off
set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for the Manu
facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from
the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 540.
nov 26
LEONARD SCOTT & CO., New York, con
tinue to publish the following leading Brit
ish Periodicals, viz :
1. The London Quarterly, (Conservative.)
2. The Edinburgh Revlew,(WhIg.)
3. The North British Review, (Free Church.)
4. The Westminster Review, (Liberal.)
5. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, (Torj.)
These Periodicals ably represent the three
great political parties of Great Britain Whig,
Tory, and Radical but politics forms only one
feature of their character. As Organs of the
most profound writers on Science, Literature,
Morality, and Religion, they stand, as they ever
have stood, unrivalled in the world of letters,
being considered indispensable to the scholar
and the professional man, while to the Intelli
gent reader of every class they furnish a more
correct and satisfactory record of the current
literature of the day, throughout the world, than
can be possibly obtained from any other source.
Tho receipt of ADVANCE SHEETS from the
British publishers gives additional value to these
Reprints, inasmuch as they can now be placed
in the hands of subscribers about as soon as the
original editions.
For any one of the four Reviews, per ann. $3
For any two of the four Reviews, " - 6
For any three of the four Reviews, " - 7
For all four of the Reviews, " - 8
For Blackwood's Magazine, " - 3
For Blackwood and one Review, " -5
For Blackwood and two Reviews, " - 7
For Blackwood and three Reviews, " - 9
For Blackwood and the four Reviews," - 10
Payments to be made in all cases In advance.
Money current In the State where Issued will be
received at par.
A discount of twenty-five per cent, from the
above price n ill be allowed to Clubs ordering four
or more copies of any one or more of the above
works. Thus : Four copies of Ulackwood, or of
one Review, will be sent to one address for $9 ;
fuur copies of the four Reviews and Blackwood
for $30; and so on.
In all the principal cities and towns, these
works will be delivered, FREE OF POSTAGE.
When sent by mall, the Postage to any part of
the United States will bo but twenty-four centt a
year for " Blackwood," nd but fourteen eenti a
year for each of the Reviews.
N. B. The price in Great Britain of the five
Periodicals above named is $31 per annum.
Remittances for any of the above publications
should always be addressed, post paid, to tho
runwAiin anrTV e. nt
I nov 20 No. 54 Gold street, Now York.
Prospectus of the National Republican.
Believing that the time has arrived when the
great Republican party of the United States ought
to be fairly represented in the daily press of the
National Metropolis, we have embarked in the
enterprise of supplying the citizens of the District
of Columbia with a daily publication, nnder the
title of the "-National Republican."
In its political department, this journal will
advocate and defend the principles of the Repub
lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public
mind of groundless prejudices which have been
engendered against it, by the false accusations
of Its enemies. Having, the utmost confidence
that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be
such as to merit our approbation, we expect to
yield It a cordial, but not a servile support. In
the great issue that Is likely to be made with his
administration, by the enemies of the Republican
party, the people of Washington and the District
of Columbia have more at stake than the peopl
of any other portion of our common country. We
believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra
tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in
tegrity of the Federal Union, against the machin
ations of those who would rend It asunder. No
one can doubt upon'whtch side of this issue the
people of Washington will le" found, when they
come to realize that It Is fairly forced upon them.
We feel confident, therefore, that In yielding to
the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup
port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense
majority of the people of this District and vicin
ity. It is not our design, however, to make the
National Republican a mere political paper. We
intend, that as a medium of general and local
news, It shall not be inferior to any other journal
published In this city. We shall pay particular
attention to questions of local policy, and advo
cate such reforms as we may deem essential to
the prosperity of the city, and to the advance
ment of the moral aud material welfare of its
We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi
ply promises, as the paper will immediately make
Its appearance, and will then speak for itself.
It will be published every afternoon, and de
livered to city subscribers at six cents per week.
Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable In ad
vance. The publication office is at the corner of Indi
ana avenue and Second street.
Some Opinions of Mr. Lincoln.
seleotid verbatim from his. speeches, and
tertixent to the present occasion.
" I say that we must not interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it ex
ists, because tho Constitution forbids it, and the
general welfare docs not require us to do so.
We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave
law, because the Constitution requires ua, as I
understand it, not to withhold such a law. But
we must prevent the out spreading of the in
stitution, because neither the Constitution nor
.the general welfare requires us to extend it.
We must prevent the revival of the African
slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a
Territorial slave code. We must prevent each
of these things being done by cither Cougiess
or courts. The people of the United States are
the rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but
overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu
tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, September 18,
" I hold myself under constitutional obliga
tions to allow the people in all the States, with
out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact
ly as they pleaso ; and I deny that I have any
inclination to interfere with them, even if there
were no such constitutional obligation. I can
only say again, that I am placed improperly
altogether improperly, in spite of all that I can
Bay when it is insisted that I entertain any
other views or purposes in regard to that mat
ter (slavery.)" Speech at Jonesborough, III.,
Sept. 16", 1858.
" While it (slavery) drives on in its state of
progress as it ii now driving, and as it has
driven for tho last five years, t have entued
the opinion, and say to day, that we will have
no end to the slavery agitation until it takes
ono turn or the other. I do not mean that when
it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it
will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two
years. I do not suppose that in the most peace
ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less
than a hundred years at least ; but that it will
occur in the best way for both races, in God's
own good timo, I have no doubt." Speech at
Vhaileston, III., Sept. 18, 1858.
" Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a
principle, is simply this : If one man chooses
to make a slave of another, neither that roan
nor anybody else has a right to object."
Sptech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859.
" I have intimated that I thought the agita
tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis
should be reached and passed. I have stated
in what way I have thought it would be reached
and passed. We might, by arresting the fur
ther spread of it, and placing it where the
fathers originally placed it, put it where the
public mind should rest in the belief that it was
in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the
onitation mav cease. It mav bo pushed for
ward until it shall becomo alike lawful in all
the States, old as well as new, North as well as
South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence
sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this
Government placed that institution where the
public mind aid rest iu the belief that it was in
the course of ultimate extinction; and when I
desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I
only Bay that I desire to see that done which
the fathers have first done. It is not true that
our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made
this Government part slave and part free. Un
derstand tho sense in which he puts it he as
sumes that slavery is a rightful thing within
itself was introduced by the framers of the
Constitution. The exact truth is, that they
found the institution existing among us, and
they left it as they found it. But iu making
the Government, they led this institution with
manv clear marks of disapprobation upon it.
They found slavery among them, and they left
it among them because of tho difficulty tho
absolute impossibility of its immediate re
moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858.
" Let me say I have no prejudice against the
Southern people. They are just what we would
bo in their situation. If slavery did not exist
among them they would not introduce it. If
it did now exist amonz us. we should not in
stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses,
North and South. Doubtless thcro are indi
viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves
under any circumstances; and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were
now out of existence. We know that some
Southern men do free their slaves, go North,
and become tip-top abolitionists; while some
Northern ones go South, and become most cruel
slave masters.
" When Southern people tell us they are no
more responsible for the origin of slavery than
we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is
said that the institution exists, and that it is
very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory
way, I can understand and appreciate the say
ing. I surely will not blame them for not do
ing what I should not know how to do myself.
If all earthly power were given me, I should
not know what to do, as to the existing institu
tion. My first impulse would be to free all the
slaves, ahd send them to Liberia to their own
native land. But a moment's-reflcction would
convince mo, that whatever of high hope (as I
think there is) there maybe in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they were all landed there in a day, they would
perish in the next ten days ; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then ? Free them all, and
keep them among ns as underlings ? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? I
think I would not iold one in slavery at any
rate ; yet the point is not clear enough to de
nounce peoplo upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit of
this; and if mine would, we well know that
those of tho great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be
salely disregarded. We cannot, then, mako
them equals. It does seem to me that sys
tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed; but for that tardiness in this respect, I
will not undertake to judge our brethren of tho
" V hen they remind us of their constitutional
rights, I acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and I would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry a free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one." Speech at Oltowa, III., Aug.
21, 1858.
" Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu
tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery by spreading it out, and making it
bigger ?
" You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
vou regard ns a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct.
15, 1858.
" I suppose most of us (I know it of myself)
believe that tho people of the Southern States
are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, I agree
that the legislation shall bo granted to it, and
that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup
port to a fugitive slave law? Because I do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
anties that right, can be supported without
it." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858.
" The real issue in this controversy the one
pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on
the part of one class that looks upon the insti
tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong, is tho
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being a moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among us, and the difficulties of get-,
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having a due regard for these, they desire
a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, bo treated as a wrong ;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it snail grow
no larger. If there be a man among us who
docs not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which I have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be a man amongst us
who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ns, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory wny( and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform," Speech at
Alton, Oct. 15, 1858.
" We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of tho country, intend to ' stand
by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. I will tell you, so far as I am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what wo
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
us nearly as wo possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, aud in no way interfere
with your institution ; to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution ; and, in a word,
coining back to tho original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have
degenerated) way, according to tho examples
of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are ; that there is no dif
ference between us, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear ju mind, always, that you hao ns good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have, and to treat you accord
ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1850.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representa
tives of the Republican Electors of the United
States, in Convention assembled, In discharge
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our
conntry, unite In the following declarations s
First. That the history of the nation during
the last four years has fully established the pro
priety and necessity of the organization and per
petuation of the Republican party, and that the
causes which called it into existence are perma
nent in their nature, and now, more than ever
before, demand its peaceful and constitutional
Second. That the maintenance of the principles
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence,
and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that
all men are created equal ; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness that to secure these rights,
Governments are instituted among men, deriving
their justpowers from theconsentofthegoverned,"
is essential to the preservation of our republican
institutions; and that the Federal Constitution,
the rights of the States, and the Union of the
States, must and shall be preserved.
Third. That to the Union of the States this
nation owes its unprecedented Increase in popu
lation ; its surprising development of material
resources ; its rapid augmentation of wealth ;
its happiness at home and Its honor abroad; and
we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion,
come from whatever source they may ; and we
congratulate the country that no Republican
member of Congress has utter.ed or countenanced
a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo
cratic members without rebuke and with ap
plause from their political associates ; and we
denounce those threats of disunion, In case of
a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de
nying the vital principles of a free Government,
and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
It is the Imperative duty of an indignant people
sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially the right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic institutions, according to its own judg
ment exclusively, Is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabric depends; and we denounce
the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under what
pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Ifth. That the present Democratic Adminis
tration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions
in its measureless subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional Interest, as especially evidenced
in its desperate exertions to force the infamous
Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo
ple of Kansas in construing the personal rela
tion between master and servant to involve an
unqualified property In persons in Its attempted
enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through
the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal
courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo
cal Interest, and in Its general and unvarying abuse
of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sath. That the people justly view with alarm
the reckless extravagance which pervades every
department of the Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability Is In
dispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the
public Treasury by favored partisans; while the
recent startling developments of frauds and cor
ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an
entire change of Administration is impcrathely
Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti
tution of Its own force carries slavery Into any
or all of the Territories of the United States, is a
dangerous political heresy, at variance with the
explicit provisions of that Instrument itself, with
cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its
tendency, and subversive of the peace and har
mony of the country.
Eighth. That the normal condition of all the
territory of the United States is that of Freedom ;
that as our republican fathers, when they had
abolished slavery in all our national territory,
ordained that "no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when
ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain
this provision of the Constitution against all at
tempts to violate it; and we deny the authority
of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of
any individuals, to give legal existence to sla
very in any Territory of the United States.
Ninth. That we brand the recent rtopening of
the African slave trade, under the cover of our
national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning
shame to our country and age ; and we call upon
Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
for the total and final suppression of that exe
crable traffic.
Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed
eral Governors of the acts of the Legislatures
of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in
those Territories, we find a practical illustration
of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention
and popular sovereignty embodied in
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of the deception and fraud involved therein.
Eleventh, That Kansas should of right be Im
mediately admitted as a State under the Consti
tution recently formed and adopted by her people,
and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth. That while providing revenue for thi
support of the General Government by dutiei
upon imports, sound policy requires such an ad
justment of these imposts as to encourage the de
velopment of the industrial interests of the whole
country ; and we commend that policy of nation
ai exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate
reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and
to the nation commercial prosperity and inde
pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
or alienation to others of the public lands held
by actual settlers, and against any view of the
free homestead policy which regards the settlers
as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and
we demand the passage by Congress of the com
plete and satisfactory homestead measure which
has already passed the House.
Fourteenth. That the Republican party is op
posed to any change In our naturalization laws,
or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from
foreign lands shall be abridged or Impaired ; and
in favor of giving a full and efficient protection
to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether
native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress
for river and harbor Improvements of a nation
al character, required for the accommodation
and security of an existing commerce, are author
ized by the Constitution and justified by an ob
ligation of the Government to protect the lives
and property of Its citizens.
Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Paclfi Ocean
is Imperatively demanded by the interest of the
whole country I that the Federal Government
ought to render immediate and efficient aid In
Its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto,
a daily overland mall should be promptly es
tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth onr
distinctive principles and views, we' Invite the
co-operation of all citizens, however differing' on
other questions, who substantially agree with ns,
in their affirmance and support.
Whereas experience has demonstrated that
platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions
of the country have had the effect to mislead
and deceive the people, and at the same time
to widen the political divisions of the country,
by tho creation and encouragement of geograph
ical and sectional parties : therefore,
Hesohed, That it is both the part of patriot
ism and of duly to recognise no political prin
ciple other than the Constitution of the country,
the union of the States, and the enforcement
of the laws ; and that as representatives of the
Constitutional Union men of the country, in
National Convention assembled, we hereby
pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de
fend, separately and unitedly, tnese great prin
ciples of public liberty and national safety
against all enemies, at home and abroad, be
lieving thereby peace may once more bo re
stored to the country, the just rights of the
people and of the States re-established, and the
Govcrment again placed in that condition of
justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under
the example' and Constitution of our fathers,
has solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a more perfect union, estab
lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro
vide for the common defence, promote the gen
eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and our posterity.
Resolved, That wef tho Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de
clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani
mously adopted and declared as a platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
matter: and we recommend as the only further
resolutions the following:
Resolved, That it is tho dutv of the United
StatcB to afford ample and complete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.
Hesolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in a military, commercial, and postal
point of view, is speedy communication be
tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and
the Democratic party pledge such constitution
al government aid as will insure the construc
tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the
earliest practicable period.
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba,
on such terms as shall be honorable to our
selves and just to Spain.
Resolved That the enactment of State Leg
islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Resolved, That in accordance with the in
terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that,
during the existence of tho Territorial Govern
ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it
may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution
on the power of tho Territorial, Legislature
oer the subject of the domestic relations, as
tho same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally
determined by the Supreme'Court of the Uni
ted States, should be respected by all good
citizens, and enforced with promptness and
fidelity by every branch of the General Gov
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the
Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed,
with the following explanatory resolutious:
First. That the Government of a Territory
organized by an act of Congress is provisional
and temporary, and during its existence all cit
izens of the United States have an equal right
to settle with their property in the Territories,
without their rights, either of person" or prop
erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres
sional or Territorial legislation.
Second. That it is the duty of the Federal
Government, in all its departments, to protect,
when necessary, the rights of persons and prop
erty in the Territories, and wherever else its
constitutional authority extends.
Third. That when tho settlers of a Territory,
having an adequate population, form a Stnto
Constitution, the right of sovereignty com
mences, and, being consummated by admission
into the Union, they stand on an equal footing
with the people of other States; and the State
thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro
hibits or recognises the institution of slavery.
Resolved, That the Democratic party are in
favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba
on such terms as will be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable
Resolved, That the enactment of State Legis
latures to defeat the faithful execution of the
fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
Resolved, That the Democracy of the United
Slates recognise it as the imperative duty of this
Government to protect the naturalized citizen
in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign
lands, to the same extent as its nativo-born cit
izens. .
Whereas one of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and
military point of view, is a speedy communica
tion between the Pacido and Atlantic coasts
therefore bo it
Resolved, That the National Democratic party
do hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power to seoure the passage of some
bill, to the extent of the constitutional author
ity of Congress, for tho construction of a Pa
cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

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