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TEEMS' r0P SUBSCRIPTION. The National TisrcnucAN lj published every afternoon, (Sundays excepted,) at the corner of Indiana avenue and Second street, and it delivered to city subscribers at aiz cent per week, mail subscribers at three dol lar! and fifty cent per annum, in advance. Advertisements Inserted at liberal rates. Ji- All communications, whether on busi ness or for publication, should be addressed to LEWIS CLEPHANE & Co, Wtuing(on, D. O. 'Gl PUBLISHERS' NOTICES. Subscriptions, advertisements, and commu nications, intended Tor this paper, maybe left at Adamson's periodical store, on Seventh street, opposite Ihe General Post Office, where copies of the paper may also be had Immediately on its issue. Advertisements should be sent in before twelve o'clock, M-, otherwise they may have to lie over a day. Communications upon all subjects, particu larly with reference to our cily affairs, will re ceive respectful attention. afiociral rcmcait Yol. I. WASHINGTON, D. C, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1860. No. 14. OS il PRICE ONE CENT. Messrs. Editors : Will too be kind enough to publish the following poetical effusion, which was published tome years since 1 It was hand ed me by a patriotic young lady, with the request that I would have it published. Believing it to be eminently suited to the times, I respectfully ask that you will allow it a place in your col umns. Union. OUR UNION. BT W. 0. tl. The blood that flowed at Lexington, and crim soned bright ChampUIn, Streams still along the Southern Qulf, and by the lakes of Maine ; - It flows in veins that swell above Pacific's golden sand, And throbs in hearts that love and grieve by dark Atlantic's strand. It binds In one vast brotherhood the trapper of the West, With men whose cities glad themselves in Erie's clasalo breast ; And those to whom September brings the fire side's social hours, With those who see December's brow enwreathed with gorgeous flowers. From where Columbia laughs, to greet the smi ling western wave, To where Potomac sighs beside the patriot He ro's grave ; And from the streaming everglades to Huron's lordly flood, The glory of the nation's past thrills through a kindred blood. Wherever Arnold's tale Is told, It dyes Jhe cheek with shame, That glows with pride o'er Bunker Hill, or Moultrie's wilder fame ; And whiresoe'er above the fray the stars of em pire gleam, Upon' the deck, or o'er the dust, it pours a com mon stream. It Is a sacred legacy ye never can divide, Nor take from village urchin, nor the son of city pride ; Nor the bnnter's white-haired children, who find a fruitful home, Where nameless lakes are sparkling, and where lonely rivers roam. Greene drew his sword at Eutaw, and bleeding Southern feet Trod the march across the Delaware, amid the snow and sleet; And lol upon the parchment, where the natal record shines, The burning page of Jefferson bears Franklin's calmer lines. Could ye divide that record bright, and tear the names apart, That erst were written boldly there, with flight of hand and heart Conld ye erase a Hancock's name, e'en with the sabre's edge, Or wash out, In fraternal blood, a Carroll's double pledgo? Say, can the South sell out her share In Bunker's hoary height, Or can the North give up her boast la Yorktown's closing fight? Can ye divide, with equal hand, a heritage of graves, Or rend In twain the starry flag that o'er them proudly wares 7 Can ye east lots for Vernon's soil, or chaffer 'mid the gloom That hangs its solemn folds about your common father's tomb? Or could ye meet around his grave as fratricidal foes, And wake your burning curses o'er his pure and calm repose? "Ye dare not I" is the Alleghaniau thunder toned decree.; 'Tis echoed where Nevada guards the blue and tranquil sea ; Where tropic waves, delighted, clasp our flowery Southern shore, And where, through frowning mountain gates, Nebraska's waters roar. Delawarb Law Case, Some years ago, in Newcastle county, Delaware, an Irishman was knocked down and robbed. lie accused a man of having committed the robbery, and in due time the case camo to trial. The Irishman, being upon the stand, was cross examined after hav ing sworn positively to the guilt of the prisoner, by one of the keenost lawyers, and something like tho following was the result : " You say the prisoner at the bar is the man who assaulted and robbed you ? " ' Yes." " Was it moonlight when the occurrence took place J " " Divil a bit iv it." "Was it starlight?" "Not a whit ; it was so dark that you could not have Been yonx hand before you." " Was there any light shining-from any house nearby?" " Divil a bit iv a house was there anywhere about." " Well, then, if there was no moon, stars, nor light from any bouse, and so dark that you could not see your hand before you, how are you nble to swear that the prisoner was the man ? How could you see him ? " " Why, yer honor, when the spalpeen struck me, the Are flew out ov me eyes so bright you might have Been to pick up a pin, you might." The court, jury, counsel, and spectators, ex ploded with shouts at this quaint idea, and the prisoner was directly after declared not guilty. PROSPECTUS OF THE WEEKLY NATIONAL REPUBLICAN. WAsmHOTON, D. 0., December, 18C0. The undersigned hare commenced the publica tion, In this city, of a weekly newspaper, called the National Republican. It Is printed on a large sheet, 27 by 42 inches, and Is furnished at the low prices stated below. It will contain all the original matter of the dally National Republican, with the exception of local news not Interesting to country subscribers. It will give full reports of the proceedings of Congress, and of the other departments of the National Government. It will contain all the news of the day, foreign and domestic, markets, &c, Ac, as well as an original correspondence from all parts of the country. The miscellaneous department will re ceive special attention, and, in all respects, the effort will be made toestabllsh the character of the National Republican as a rAHiirr XEwarArin. In politics, the paper will be Republican, sus taining the incoming Administration of Mr. Lin coln, but disclaiming, however, any pretension to be the organ or the: President elect. There Is no othor Republican paper in the District of Columbia, or In the vicinity of It, and It is believed that recent events have opened to such a paper au Important sphere of useful ef fort. The time has come, when the actual ad ministration of the Government upon Republican principles will explode the misrepresentations which have made those principles so distasteful to tbe South. But it is not only here, and in this vicinity, that the projectors of the National Republican hope to mako it useful. To the whole country they offer a journal which will discuss national politics from a national standpoint, and which will never be swerved from patriotic duty by any overpowering pressure of local interest. TERMS. One copy, one year .... $2.00 Three copies, one year ... 5,00 Five copies, one year .... 7,00 Ten copies, one year - - . . 12 00 Tweny copies, one year ... 20.00 One copy, six months .... 1.00 Five copies, six months ... 3.50 Ten copies, six months ... 0.00 Twenty copies, six months ... 10.00 Payments always in advance. When a Club of subscribers has been forward ed, additions may be made to it on the same terms. It is not necessary that the subscribers to a Club should receive their papers at the same post office. Money may be forwarded by mail, at our risk. Largo amounts can be remitted in drafts on Bos ton, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore; smaller amounts in gold, or in notes of solvent banks. Address L. CLEPHANE & CO., National Republican, Washington, D. C. Those of our exchanges publishing the above conspicuously three .times In tbe Inside form of their paper, and forwarding a marked copy to this office, will receive our daily in exchange until the end of the ensuing session of Congress. HENBT JANNEY, No, 348 Pennsylvania avenue, between Sixth and Seventh ttreeti, Washington, D. C, MANUFACTURER OF GENTLEMEN'S FASHIONABLE BOOTS & SHOES, HAS at all times a sufficient force of the most experienced bands to make promptly to or der every variety of work in bis line. He has on his shelves a very good supply of work of his own make. Also, a general supply of Northern work, direct from the Manufacturers, as well as from Auction, and assures the public that no house in this or any other city can supply, WHOLE SALE. or RETAIL, at lower rates. nor 26 PHILADELPHIA CONFECTIONERY. ICE CREAM, Water Ices, Wedding Cakes, Jl Pound Cakes, Mince Pies, Pastry, Crusts for Oyster Pies, Jellies, and a general assortment of nice things in the Confectionery line, at FUS SELL'S, corner of Twelfth afid F streets, at tbe lowest prices. nov30 lm GAS FIXTURES! THE BEST ASSORTMENT EVER OFFERED IN THIS CITY. THOSE who desire to select from new patterns, with the advantage of a reduction in priced, will call early and examine. We would also call the attention of persons about Introducing gas into their dwellings to our Increased facilities, and consequent low prices, for this brand ofour trade. Inviting all who desire their work dore promptly, and free from gas leakages, to call at 263 Pennsylvania avenue, between Tenth and Eleventh streets, south side. nov 26 J. W. THOMPSON CO. THE ROYAL TURKISH TOWELS. Bathing Sponges, Velvet Sponges, Bath Gloves. Brown Windsor Soap, Honey Soaps. Lubln's Soaps and Extracts. Genuine German Cologne, all sizes, wick ers and plain bottles. Bazln's Soaps and Ei'tracts. Phalon's Soaps and Extracts. Pomades of all kinds. ' Hair Tonics, 4c. With a full assortment of new Perfumery. Hair Brushes, Combs, Tooth Brushes. Fresh Medicines, Pure Chemicals, i'C. Just received at OILMAN'S New Drug Store, 350 Penn. Av. CongresB, Empire, Saratoga, Bedford, Blue Lick, and White Sulphur Waters, always on hand, as above. dec 3 3t HTp N O T I O E I ci HI T WISH all gentlemen to bear' fcl IHI I in mind that the plan which I -HBtv adopted, six years ago, of selling HATd and BOOTS at greatly reduced prices, for cash, Is In successful operation.. Just received, a full supply of the latest New York styles of DRESS HATS. The very finest Hat at $3.50 ; a first-rate Hat, $3 ; and very good, fashionable Hat, $2.50. All of the latest styles of soft HATS and CAPS, at the very lowest prices. I am constantly supplied with a very large stock of those fine DRESS BOOTS, at $3.75 which I have been selling for many years as well as the very best quality of Patent Leather GAIT ERS, at $3 50. Fine French Calfskin Gaiters, lrom $2 to $2.50. Terms cash. No extra charge in order to off set bad debts. ANTHONY, Agent for tbe Manu facturers, Seventh street, second Hat Store from the corner, opposite Avenue House, No. 540. nov 26 Prospectus of the National Republican. Believing that the time has arrived when the great Republican party of the United States onght to be 'fairly represented in the dally press of the National Metropolis, weiave embarked In the enterprise of supplying the citizens of tbe District of Columbia with a daily publication, under the title of the " National Republican." In Its political department, this journal will advocate and defend the principles of tbe Repub lican party, and endeavor to disabuse the public mind ol groundless prejudices which have been engendered against It, by the false accusations of fts enemies. Having the utmost confidence that the administration of Mr. Lincoln will be such as to merit our approbation, we expect to yield It a cordial, but not a servile snpport. In the great issue that Is likely to be made with his administration, by the enemies of the Republican party, the people of Washington and tbe District of Columbia have more at stake tUan the peopl of any 'other portion of our common country. We believe that to support Mr. Lincoln's administra tion will be synonymous with maintaining the in tegrltyof the Federal Union, against the machin ations of those who would rend It asunder. No one can doubt upon which side of this issue the people of Washington will te found, when they come to realize that it is fairly forced npon them. We feel confident, therefore, that in yielding to the administration of Mr. Lincoln a cordial sup port, we shall have the sympathy of an immense majority of tbe people of this District and vicin ity. It is not our design, however, to make the National Republican a mere political paper. We intend, that as a medium of general and local news, it shall not be inferior to any other journal published in this city. We shall pay particular attention to questions of local policy, and advo cate such reforms as we may deem essential to the prosperity of the city, and to the advance ment of the moral and material welfare of its inhabitants. We deem it unnecessary, however, to multi ply promises, as the paper will immediately make Its appearance, and will then speak for itself. It will be published every afternoon, and de livered to city subscribers at six cents per week. Mall subscribers, $3.50 a year, payable in ad vance. Tbe publication office is at tbe corner of Indi ana avenue and Second street. LEWIS CLEPHAHE k CO. Borne Opinions of Mr. Lincoln. SELECTED VERBATIM FROM 1113 SPEECHES, AND PERTINENT TO TUB PRESENT OCCASION. " I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it ex ists, because the Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the out-spreading of the in stitution, because neither the Constitution nor the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the-African slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congress or courts. The people of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and courts not to overthrow the Constitution, but overthrow the men who pervert the Constitu tion!" Speech at Cincinnati, September 18, 1859. " I hold myself under constitutional obliga tions to allow the people in all the States, with out interference, direct or indirect, to do exact ly as they please; and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I can only say nain, that I am placed improperly altogether improperly, in spitoof all that I can say when it is insisted that I entertain any other views or purposes in regard to that mat ter (slavery.)" bpexclt at Jontsborovyh, III., Sept. 1G, 1858. " While it (slavery) drives on in its state of Srogress as it it now driving, and as it has riven for the last five years, I have ventured the opinion, and say to day, that we wilt have no end to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other. I do not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will be in a day, nor in a year, nor in two years. I do not suppose that in the most peace ful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than a hundred years at least ; but that it will occur in the best way for both races, in God's own good time, I havo no doubt." Speech at Charleston, III., Sept. 18. 1858. "Mr. Douglas's popular sovereignty, as a principle, is simply this: If one man chooses to make a slave of another, neither that man nor anybody else has A right to object." Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. " I havo intimated that I thought the agita tion (of slavery) would not cease until a crisis should be reached and passed. I have stated in what way I have thought it would be reached and passed. We might, by arresting the fur ther spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it. put it where the fiublic mind should rest in the belief that it was n the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may bo pushed for ward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence sufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that institution where the public mind did rest in tbe belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction; and when 1 desire to seo the further spread of it arrested, I only say that I desire to see that done which tho fathers have first done. It is not true that our fathers, as Judge Douglas assumes, made this Government part slave and part free. Un derstand the sense in which he nuts it he as Bumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself was introduced by tho framers of the Constitution. The exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government, they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of the difficulty the absolute impossibility of its immediate re moval." Speech at Alton, Oct. 18, 1858. ' Lei me say I havo no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not exist among them they would not introduce it. If it aia now exst among us, we should not in stantly give it up. This I believe of the masses, North and South. Doubtless there are indi viduals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances; and others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were now out of existence. We know that some Sonthesjn men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top abolitionists ; while some Northern ones go South, and become most cruel slave misters. " When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the say ing. I surely will not blame them for not do ing what I should not know how to do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing institu tion.. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to Liberia to their own native laud. But a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope (as I think there is) there maybe in this, in tho long run, its sudden execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would perish in the next ten days ; and there are not surplus shipping and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times ten days. What then 7 Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings ? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not hold one in slavery at any rate ; yet tho point is not clear enough to de nounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of tbe great mass of white people will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make them equals. It does seem to me that sys tems of gradual emancipation might be adopt ed ; but for that tardiness in this respect, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. " W hen they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge. them, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly ; and I would give them any legislation for tho reclaiming of their fugi tives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent ono." Speech at Oltowa, III., Aug. 21,1858. " Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union, save and except this very institu tion of slavery ? What is it that we hold most dear amongst us ? Ourownliberty and pros perity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery by spreading it out, and making it bigger ? " You may have a wen or cancer on your person, and not bo able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way of treating what you regard as a wrong." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. " I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that tho people of tho Southern States nro entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave law. As the right is constitutional, I agree that the legislation shall be granted to it, and that not that we like the ins'itution of slavery. We profess to have no tasto for running and catching negroes ; at least, I profess no taste for that job at all. Why, then, do I yield sup port to a fugitive slave law ? Because I do not understand tbat tbe Constitution, wbtch guar anties that right, can be supported without it," Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 858. " The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is tho sentiment on the part ot one class that looks upon the insti tution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates tbe institution of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the sentiment of the Republican party. Tney look upon it as being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contoinplata it ns such, they nevertheless have duo regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of get ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre ating any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of tho methods of treating it as a wrong is to mako provision that it shall grow no larger. If there be a man among us who docs not thiuk that the institution of slavery is wrong in any of the aspects of which I havo spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to dis regard its actual presence among ns, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat isfactory way, and to disregard tho constitu tional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if ho is on our platform." Speech at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858. A FEW WORDS TO TU"E SOUTH. " We the Republicans, and others, forming the opposition of tho country, intend to 'stand by our guns,' to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat you. When wo do beat you, you perhaps want to know what wo will do with you. I will tell jou, so far as I am au thorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. Wo mean to treat you, ns nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, treated jou. Wo mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institution ; to abide by every com promise of the Constitution : and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you as far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noblo fathers Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we are ; that there is no dif ference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recogniso and bear in mind, always, that you havo as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you 'accord ingly. Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. 17, 1859. UEPUBL1CAN PLATFORM. Resolved, Tbat we, the delegated representa tives of the Republican Electors of tbe United Stales, in Convtntlon assembled, In discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : First. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established tho pro priety and necessity of tbe organization and per petuation of the Republican party, and that the canses which called It Into existence are perma nent In their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. Second. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated In the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowad by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness that to secure these rights, Governments are Instituted among men, deriving theirjnst powers from tbe consentofthegoverned," is essential to the preservation ofour republican Institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the Slates, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in popu lation ; its surprising development of material resources ; Its rapid augmentation of wealth ; Its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and we bold In abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Demo cratic members without rebuke and with ap plause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of tbeir ascendency, as de nying tbe vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which It Is the Imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own do mestic institutions, according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless Invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. tflU. Tbat tbe present Democratic Adminis tration has for exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evidenced in Its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting peo ple of Kansas In construing the personal rela tion between master and servant to Involve an unqualified property in persons In its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the Intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely lo cal Interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people. Sixth. That tbe people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of tbe Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is in dispensable to arrest tbe systematic plunder of tbe public Treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor ruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma that the Consti tution of Its own force carries slavery Into any or all of tbe Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that Instrument Itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary In its tendency, and subversive of the peace and har mony of the country. Eighth. Tbat the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is tbat of Freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery In all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation Is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all at tempts to violate it; and we deny tbe authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to sla very in any Territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of tbe African slave trade, under tbe cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age ; and We call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for tbe total and final suppression of that exe crable traffic. Tenth. That In the recent vetoes by their Fed eral Governors of tbe acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in tbe Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of tbe deception and fraud involved therein. Eleventh. That Kansas should of right be im mediately admitted as a State under tbe Consti tution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by tbe House of Representatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for tbi. support of the General Government by dutlij upon imports, sound policy requires such an ao justment'of these Imposts as te encourage tbe de velopment of tbe Industrial Interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of nation al exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to tbe nation commercial prosperity and inde pendence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy which regards tbe settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of tbe com plete and satisfactory homestead measuro which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That tbe Republican party is op posed to any change lu our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to Immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fitaith. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor Improvements of a nation al character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are author. Ized by the Constitution and justified by so ob ligation of the Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean Is Imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole couqtry; that the Federal Government ought to render Immediate and efficient aid in Its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, a dally overland mall should be promptly es tablished. Seventeenth. Finally, having tbns set forth oar distinctive principles and views, we Invito tho co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with as, in their affirmance and support. BELL AND EVERETT PLATFPRM. Whereas experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geograph ical and sectional parties : therefore, Unsolved, That it is both the part of patriot ism and of duty to recognise no political prin ciple other than the Constitution of tho country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws ; and that as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and de fend, separately and unitedly, theso great prin ciples of public liberty and national safety against ail enemies, at home and abroad, be lieving thereby peace may once more be re stored to the country, the just rights of the people and of tho States re-established, and the Govcrment again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality, which, under tho example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a moro perfect union, estab lish justice, insuro domestic tranquillity, pro vide lor the common defence, promote tho gen eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liber ty to ourselves and our posterity. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM. Resolved, That we, tho Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de clare our affirmance of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in tho year 1856, believing that Democratic principles aro unchangeable in their nature, when applied to tbo same subject matter: and wc recommend as tbe only further resolutions the following : Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to nil its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether nativo or foreign. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication be tween the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledgee such constitution al government aid as will insure the construc tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, That tho Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall bo honorable to our selves and just to Spain. Resolved, That the enactment of State Leg islatures to defeat tho faithful execution of tho fugitive- slave law are hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect, Haohed, That in accordance with the in terpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existeuce of the Territorial Govern ments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature oer tho subject of tho domestic relations, as the samo has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the Uni ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of tho General Gov ernment. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE PLATFORM. Ilesohed, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions: First. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all cit izens of tho United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights, either of person or prop erty, being destroyed or impaired by Congres sional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when nocessary, the rights of persons and prop erty in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when tbe settlers of a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty com mences, and, being consummated by admission into tho Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and tho State thus organized ought to bo admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution pro- , mints or recognises the institution ol slavery. . ltesolced, That the Democratic party are in ' r..n. nT ll.n .....!!!.. f 1.n tulnnit A Pill.. on such terras as will be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliost practicable moment. ltesolced, That the enactment of State Legis latures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law aro hostile in character, sub versive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. ltesolced, That the Democracy of the United States recognise it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in nil his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the samo extent as its native-born cit izens. JVhercas one of tho greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communica tion between the Pacidc and Atlantic coasts ; therefore be it Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledgo themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional author ity of Congress, for tho construction of a Pa cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.